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Are US Prescription Drug Prices 10 Times Those of Other Nations? Only Sometimes

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by Michelle Andrews
Fri, 19 May 2023 13:55:00 +0000

“We pay by far the highest prices in the world for prescription , in some cases 10 times more than the people of any other country.”

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), in an April 30, 2023, interview on CNN's “State of the Union”

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), whether in or as a presidential candidate, has always taken strong positions against the high cost of prescription drugs. Since becoming the chair of the influential Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee this year, he's made lowering drug costs a top priority.

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It's therefore not surprising that the senator would, during a recent Sunday morning TV interview, rail against high drug prices in the United States and compare what Americans pay with what people in other countries must fork over.

“We pay by far the highest prices in the world for prescription drugs, in some cases 10 times more than the people of any other country,” Sanders said on CNN's “State of the Union” last month.

After all, it is a popular political talking point. But 10 times as much? That was a bit of a head-snapper. We decided to check it out.

A Complicated Market

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We first asked the senator's office for the documents to support Sanders' claims. But our repeated requests went unacknowledged.

So, we started digging around on our own. What we found was that, as expected, Sanders was right in asserting that drug prices in the United States generally exceed those in other countries. The magnitude of the difference, however, varies depending on the drugs and the countries included in the comparison, among other factors.

And no matter how the studies we examined sliced the data, the drug price difference almost never reached Sanders' stated level. Still, experts told us his point has merit. “I think the quote is on target, if a bit vague in scope,” said Andrew Mulcahy, a senior economist at the Rand Corp., a global policy think tank.

Take, for example, the oft-cited 2021 study by Rand that found, based on 2018 figures, drug prices in the U.S. were on average 2.56 times the drug prices in 32 other Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. These are mostly high-income, developed nations. For brand-name drugs, the gap was even bigger: Americans paid 3.44 times the prices for those drugs, on average. But the opposite was true for generic drugs, for which Americans paid just 84% of what people in other countries studied paid. One exception: Turkey. U.S. drug prices were nearly eight times those in Turkey overall, and 10.5 times those for brand-name drugs.

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Mulcahy, a co-author of the report, said that although the ratio across all drugs typically doesn't reach Sanders' “10 times” mark, “for some drugs it gets close, if you look at the manufacturer's list price.”

The manufacturer price, though, is not necessarily the best measure — especially if the idea is to capture what consumers are paying.

That's because it doesn't reflect the rebates and other discounts negotiated by insurers and pharmacy benefit managers that can lower a drug's retail price. Most people with health insurance are paying prices that include these discounts. The Rand researchers used the manufacturer price, though, because the discounts are confidential and it's hard to quantify how they affect net prices, the noted.

Other studies have found smaller — though still significant — gaps than Sanders cited. In 2021, the Government Accountability Office released a comparative analysis of the prices of 20 brand-name drugs in the United States, Canada, Australia, and France. The study, commissioned by Sanders himself, found that retail prices were more than 2 to 4 times what they were in the U.S.

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Another analysis, this one by the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker, compared the prices of seven brand-name drugs in the U.S., Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, and likewise found that some U.S. prices were roughly 2 to 4 times as high as those in other countries. But for other drugs the gap was smaller.

The drugs tracked in this analysis “tend to be specialty drugs and expensive no matter where you buy them,” said Cynthia Cox, director of the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker, who co-authored the analysis.

Because the United States doesn't directly regulate drug prices as many other countries do, some prices here are more expensive. In 2019, the United States spent $1,126 per person on prescription drugs, $963 by health plans and $164 that people spent out-of-pocket, according to a KFF analysis of OECD data. Spending by comparable countries was $552 per capita, including $466 by health plans and $88 in out-of-pocket spending by individuals.

Experts added, though, that price is only one element that affects overall prescription drug spending.

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“If we're spending more, part of that might be because we're paying higher prices, but it also might be because we're using more medication,” said Cox.

And Then There Is Insulin

Where Sanders could find support for his statement, according to Mulcahy, is in insulin prices. A Rand study done in 2020 for the Health and Human Services' Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation compared 2018 insulin prices in the United States with those in 32 other OECD countries. Their findings: The average U.S. manufacturer price for a standard unit of insulin sold domestically was more than 10 times the international price, $98.70 in the U.S. versus $8.81 in the OECD sample.

Such statistics have triggered a somewhat partisan rallying cry to address drug costs. The price of insulin has been the subject of congressional hearings, including one this month convened by Sanders.

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Meanwhile, capping insulin costs at $35 a month for Medicare recipients was a signature win for President Joe Biden in the Reduction Act. Members of Congress, Sanders among them, want to slash insulin prices further. In a press release announcing a bill he introduced with Rep. Cori Bush (D-Mo.) that would prohibit manufacturers from charging more than $20 per vial of insulin, Sanders said, “There is no reason why Americans should pay the highest prices in the world for insulin — in some cases, ten times as much as people in other countries.”

Our Ruling

When Sanders said that Americans “pay by far the highest prices in the world for prescription drugs,” he was on target. But his “10 times more” figure is off. Though that comparison may be accurate for some individual drugs or classes of drugs — and he did temper his comment by saying “in some cases” — it exaggerates overall differences in prices, which are generally higher here but not 10 times those in the rest of the world.

A well-known exception is insulin: The price in the U.S. has been shown to be 10 times as high as in other countries.

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But even this determination is complicated. Studies that showed a tenfold spread in prices for insulin drugs referred to manufacturer prices, which don't take discounts into account. But that's a misleading comparison because most people don't actually pay manufacturer prices.

Sanders' statement certainly contains elements of truth but also doesn't provide all the necessary information or context. We rate it Half True.

sources:

Friends of Bernie Sanders, Bernie Sanders on the Issues, accessed May 8, 2023

Sen. Bernie Sanders, “Bernie Sanders In Line to Chair Influential Senate Committee on Health, Education and Labor,” Nov. 17, 2022

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Rand Corp., “Prescription Drug Prices in the United States Are 2.56 Times Those in Other Countries,” Jan. 28, 2021

Rand Corp., “Comparing Insulin Prices in the U.S. to Other Countries,” September 2020

JAMA, “Estimated Savings From International Reference Pricing for Prescription Drugs,” Sept. 10, 2021

Government Accountability Office, “Prescription Drugs: U.S. Prices for Selected Brand Drugs Were Higher on Average Than Prices in Australia, Canada, and France,” March 29, 2021

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Sen. Bernie Sanders, “News: New GAO Study Finds U.S. Pays Two to Four Times More for Prescription Drugs Than Other Nations,” April 28, 2021

Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker, “How Do Prescription Drug Costs in the United States Compare to Other Countries?” Feb. 8, 2022

Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, “News: Sanders and Cassidy Announce Bipartisan Deal to Lower Prescription Drug Prices,” April 25, 2023

Sen. Bernie Sanders, “News: Following Successful Public Pressure Campaign to Lower the Cost of Eli Lilly's Insulin, Sanders and Bush Introduce Bill to Finish the Job and Cap the Price at $20 per Vial,” March 9, 2023

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Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, “Full Committee Hearing: The Need to Make Insulin Affordable for All Americans,” accessed May 8, 2023

Stat, “Disagreements and Digs Upend an Otherwise Bipartisan Hearing on PBM Reform,” May 2, 2023

Cost Institute, International Health Cost Comparison Report, July 2022

Interviews with Andrew Mulcahy, senior policy researcher at the Rand Corp., May 5 and 10, 2023

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Interviews with Cynthia Cox, vice president and director of the Program on the ACA at KFF and director of the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker , May 5 and 9, 2023

Interview with Lovisa Gustafsson, vice president at the Commonwealth Fund, May 5, 2023

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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By: Michelle Andrews
Title: Are US Prescription Drug Prices 10 Times Those of Other Nations? Only Sometimes
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/are-us-prescription-drug-prices-10-times-those-of-other-nations-only-sometimes/
Published Date: Fri, 19 May 2023 13:55:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’: Abortion — Again — At the Supreme Court

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Wed, 24 Apr 2024 20:30:00 +0000

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF News


@jrovner


Read Julie's stories.

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Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News' weekly health policy news podcast, “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

Some justices suggested the Supreme Court had said its piece on when it overturned in 2022. This term, however, the court has agreed to review another abortion case. At issue is whether a federal law requiring emergency care in hospitals overrides Idaho's near-total abortion ban. A decision is expected by summer.

Meanwhile, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid finalized the first-ever minimum staffing requirements for nursing homes participating in the programs. But the industry argues that there are not enough workers to hire to meet the standards.

This 's panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Joanne Kenen of the Johns Hopkins 's nursing and public health schools and Politico Magazine, Tami Luhby of CNN, and Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

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Panelists

Joanne Kenen
Johns Hopkins University and Politico


@JoanneKenen


Read Joanne's articles.

Tami Luhby
CNN

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@Luhby


Read Tami's stories.

Alice Miranda Ollstein
Politico


@AliceOllstein

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Read Alice's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week's episode:

  • This week's Supreme Court hearing on emergency abortion care in Idaho was the first challenge to a 's abortion ban since the overturn of the constitutional right to an abortion. Unlike previous abortion cases, this one focused on the everyday impacts of bans on abortion care — cases in which pregnant patients experienced medical emergencies.
  • Establishment medical groups and doctors themselves are getting more vocal and active as states set laws on abortion access. In a departure from earlier political moments, some major medical groups are campaigning on state ballot measures.
  • Medicaid officials this week finalized new rules intended to more closely regulate managed-care plans that enroll Medicaid patients. The rules are intended to ensure, among other things, that patients have prompt access to needed primary care doctors and specialists.
  • Also this week, the Federal Trade Commission voted to ban most “noncompete” clauses in employment contracts. Such language has become common in health care and prevents not just doctors but other health workers from changing jobs — often forcing those workers to move or commute to leave a position. Business interests are already suing to block the new rules, claiming they would be too expensive and risk the loss of proprietary information to competitors.
  • The fallout from the cyberattack of Change continues, as yet another group is demanding ransom from UnitedHealth Group, Change's owner. UnitedHealth said in a statement this week that the records of “a substantial portion of America” may be involved in the breach.

Plus for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: NBC News' “Women Are Less Likely To Die When Treated by Female Doctors, Study Suggests,” by Liz Szabo.  

Alice Miranda Ollstein: States Newsroom's “Loss of Federal Protection in Idaho Spurs Pregnant Patients To Plan for Emergency Air Transport,” by Kelcie Moseley-Morris.  

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Tami Luhby: The Associated Press' “Mississippi Lawmakers Haggle Over Possible Medicaid Expansion as Their Legislative Session Nears End,” by Emily Wagster Pettus.  

Joanne Kenen: States Newsroom's “Missouri Prison Agency To Pay $60K for Sunshine Law Violations Over Inmate Death Records,” by Rudi Keller.  

Also mentioned on this week's podcast:

Credits

Francis Ying
Audio producer

Emmarie Huetteman
Editor

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To hear all our , click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News' “What the Health?” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

——————————
Title: KFF Health News' ‘What the Health?': Abortion — Again — At the Supreme Court
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/what-the-health-344-abortion-supreme-court-april-25-2024/
Published Date: Wed, 24 Apr 2024 20:30:00 +0000

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Mandatory Reporting Laws Meant To Protect Children Get Another Look

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Kristin Jones
Thu, 25 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

More than 60 years ago, policymakers in Colorado embraced the idea that early intervention could prevent child abuse and save lives. The state's requirement that certain professionals tell when they a child has been abused or neglected was among the first mandatory laws in the nation.

Since then, mandatory reporting laws have expanded nationally to include more types of maltreatment — including neglect, which now accounts for most reports — and have increased the number of professions required to . In some states, all adults are required to report what they suspect may be abuse or neglect.

But now there are efforts in Colorado and other states to roll back these laws, saying the result has been too many unfounded reports, and that they disproportionately harm families that are poor, Black, or Indigenous, or have members with disabilities.

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“There's a long, depressing history based on the approach that our primary response to a struggling family is reporting,” said Mical Raz, a physician and historian at the University of Rochester in New York. “There's now a wealth of evidence that demonstrates that more reporting is not associated with better outcomes for children.”

Stephanie Villafuerte, Colorado's child protection ombudsman, oversees a task force to reexamine the state's mandatory reporting laws. She said the group is seeking to balance a need to report legitimate cases of abuse and neglect with a desire to weed out inappropriate reports.

“This is designed to help individuals who are disproportionately impacted,” Villafuerte said. “I'm hoping it's the combination of these efforts that could make a difference.”

Some critics worry that changes to the could result in missed cases of abuse. Medical and child care workers on the task force have expressed concern about legal liability. While it's rare for people to be criminally charged for failure to report, they can also face civil liability or professional repercussions, including threats to their licenses.

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Being reported to child protective services is becoming increasingly common. More than 1 in 3 children in the United States will be the subject of a child abuse and neglect investigation by the time they turn 18, according to the most frequently cited estimate, a 2017 study funded by the Department of Health and Human Services' Children's Bureau.

Black and Native American families, poor families, and parents or children with disabilities experience even more oversight. Research has found that, among these groups, parents are more likely to lose parental rights and children are more likely to wind up in foster care.

In an overwhelming majority of investigations, no abuse or neglect is substantiated. Nonetheless, researchers who study how these investigations affect families describe them as terrifying and isolating.

In Colorado, the number of child abuse and neglect reports has increased 42% in the past decade and reached a record 117,762 last year, according to state data. Roughly 100,000 other calls to the hotline weren't counted as reports because they were requests for information or were about matters like child support or adult protection, said officials from the Colorado Department of Human Services.

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The increase in reports can be traced to a policy of encouraging a broad array of professionals — including school and medical staff, therapists, coaches, clergy members, firefighters, veterinarians, dentists, and social workers — to call a hotline whenever they have a concern.

These calls don't reflect a surge in mistreatment. More than two-thirds of the reports received by agencies in Colorado don't meet the threshold for investigation. Of the children whose cases are assessed, 21% are found to have experienced abuse or neglect. The actual number of substantiated cases has not risen over the past decade.

While studies do not demonstrate that mandatory reporting laws keep children safe, the Colorado task force reported in January, there is evidence of harm. “Mandatory reporting disproportionately impacts families of color” — initiating contact between child protection services and families who routinely do not present concerns of abuse or neglect, the task force said.

The task force said it is analyzing whether better screening might mitigate “the disproportionate impact of mandatory reporting on under-resourced communities, communities of color and persons with disabilities.”

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The task force pointed out that the only way to report concerns about a child is with a formal report to a hotline. Yet many of those calls are not to report abuse at all but rather attempts to connect children and families with resources like food or housing assistance.

Hotline callers may mean to help, but the families who are the subjects of mistaken reports of abuse and neglect rarely see it that way.

That includes Meighen Lovelace, a rural Colorado who asked KFF Health News not to disclose their hometown for fear of attracting unwanted attention from local officials. For Lovelace's daughter, who is neurodivergent and has physical disabilities, the reports started when she entered preschool at age 4 in 2015. The teachers and medical providers making the reports frequently suggested that the county human services agency could assist Lovelace's family. But the investigations that followed were invasive and traumatic.

“Our biggest looming fear is, ‘Are you going to take our children away?'” said Lovelace, who is an advocate for the Colorado Cross-Disability Coalition, an organization that lobbies for the civil rights of people with disabilities. “We're afraid to ask for help. It's keeping us from entering services because of the fear of child welfare.”

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State and county human services officials said they could not comment on specific cases.

The Colorado task force plans to suggest clarifying the definitions of abuse and neglect under the state's mandatory reporting statute. Mandatory reporters should not “make a report solely due to a family/child's race, class or gender,” nor because of inadequate housing, furnishings, income or clothing. Also, there should not be a report based solely on the “disability status of the minor, parent or guardian,” according to the group's draft recommendation.

The task force plans to recommend additional training for mandatory reporters, help for professionals who are deciding whether to make a call, and an alternative phone number, or “warmline,” for cases in which callers believe a family needs material assistance, rather than surveillance.

Critics say such changes could leave more children vulnerable to unreported abuse.

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“I'm concerned about adding systems such as the warmline, that kids who are in real danger are going to slip through the cracks and not be helped,” said Hollynd Hoskins, an attorney who represents victims of child abuse. Hoskins has sued professionals who fail to report their suspicions.

The Colorado task force includes health and education officials, prosecutors, victim advocates, county child welfare representatives and attorneys, as well as five people who have experience in the child welfare system. It intends to finalize its recommendations by early next year in the hope that state legislators will consider policy changes in 2025. Implementation of any new laws could take several years.

Colorado is one of several states — including New York and California — that have recently considered changes to restrain, rather than expand, reporting of abuse. In New York , teachers are being trained to think twice before making a report, while New York state introduced a warmline to help connect families with resources like housing and child care. In California, a state task force aimed at shifting “mandated reporting to community supporting” is planning recommendations similar to Colorado's.

Among those advocating for change are people with experience in the child welfare system. They include Maleeka Jihad, who the Denver-based MJCF Coalition, which advocates for the abolition of mandatory reporting along with the rest of the child welfare system, citing its damage to Black, Native American, and Latino communities.

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“Mandatory reporting is another form of keeping us policed and surveillanced by whiteness,” said Jihad, who as a child was taken from the care of a loving parent and placed temporarily into the foster system. Reform isn't enough, she said. “We know what we need, and it's usually and resources.”

Some of these resources — like affordable housing and child care — don't exist at a level sufficient for all the Colorado families that need them, Jihad said.

Other services are out there, but it's a matter of finding them. Lovelace said the reports ebbed after the family got the help it needed, in the form of a waiver that paid for specialized care for their daughter's disabilities. Their daughter is now in seventh grade and doing well.

None of the caseworkers who visited the family ever mentioned the waiver, Lovelace said. “I really think they didn't know about it.”

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——————————
By: Kristin Jones
Title: Mandatory Reporting Laws Meant To Protect Children Get Another Look
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/child-abuse-mandatory-reporting-laws-colorado/
Published Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Genetics Studies Have a Diversity Problem That Researchers Struggle To Fix

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Lauren Sausser
Thu, 25 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

CHARLESTON, S.C. — When he recently walked into the dental clinic at the Medical University of South Carolina donning a bright-blue pullover with “In Our DNA SC” embroidered prominently on the front, Lee Moultrie said, two Black women stopped him to ask questions.

“It's a walking billboard,” said Moultrie, a advocate who serves on the community advisory board for In Our DNA SC, a study underway at the university that aims to enroll 100,000 South Carolinians — including a representative percentage of Black people — in genetics research. The goal is to better understand how genes affect health risks such as cancer and heart disease.

Moultrie, who is Black and has participated in the research project himself, used the opportunity at the dental clinic to encourage the women to sign up and contribute their DNA. He keeps brochures about the study in his car and at the barbershop he visits weekly for this reason. It's one way he wants to help solve a problem that has plagued the field of genetics research for decades: The data is based mostly on DNA from white people.

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Project in Charleston told KFF Health News in 2022 that they hoped to enroll participants who reflect the demographic diversity of South Carolina, where just under 27% of residents identify as Black or African American. To date, though, they've failed to hit that mark. Only about 12% of the project's participants who provided sociodemographic data identify as Black, while an additional 5% have identified as belonging to another racial minority group.

“We'd like to be a lot more diverse,” acknowledged Daniel Judge, principal investigator for the study and a cardiovascular genetics specialist at the Medical University of South Carolina.

Lack of diversity in genetics research has real health care implications. Since the completion more than 20 years ago of the Human Genome Project, which mapped most human genes for the first time, close to 90% of genomics studies have been conducted using DNA from participants of European descent, research shows. And while human beings of all races and ancestries are more than 99% genetically identical, even small differences in genes can spell big differences in health outcomes.

“Precision medicine” is a term used to describe how genetics can improve the way diseases are diagnosed and treated by considering a person's DNA, environment, and lifestyle. But if this emerging field of health care is based on research involving mostly white people, “it could lead to mistakes, unknowingly,” said Misa Graff, an associate professor in epidemiology at the University of North Carolina and a genetics researcher.

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In fact, that's already happening. In 2016, for example, research found that some Black had been misdiagnosed with a potentially fatal heart because they'd tested positive for a genetic variant thought to be harmful. That variant is much more common among Black Americans than white Americans, the research found, and is considered likely harmless among Black people. Misclassifications can be avoided if “even modest numbers of people from diverse populations are included in sequence databases,” the authors wrote.

The genetics research project in Charleston requires participants to complete an online consent form and submit a saliva sample, either in person at a designated lab or collection event or by mail. They are not paid to participate, but they do a outlining their DNA results. Those who test positive for a genetic marker linked to cancer or high cholesterol are offered a virtual appointment with a genetics counselor free of charge.

Some research projects require more time from their volunteers, which can skew the pool of participants, Graff said, because not everyone has the luxury of free time. “We need to be even more creative in how we obtain people to help contribute to studies,” she said.

Moultrie said he recently asked project leaders to reach out to African American media outlets throughout the Palmetto State to explain how the genetics research project works and to encourage Black people to participate. He also suggested that when researchers to Black community leaders, such as church pastors, they ought to persuade those leaders to enroll in the study instead of simply passing the message along to their congregations.

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“We have new ideas. We have ways we can do this,” Moultrie said. “We'll get there.”

Other ongoing efforts are already improving diversity in genetics research. At the National Institutes of Health, a program called “All of Us” aims to analyze the DNA of more than 1 million people across the country to build a diverse health database. So far, that program has enrolled more than 790,000 participants. Of these, more than 560,000 have provided DNA samples and about 45% identify as being part of a racial or ethnic minority group.

“Diversity is so important,” said Karriem Watson, chief engagement officer for the All of Us research program. “When you think about groups that carry the greatest burden of disease, we know that those groups are often from minoritized populations.”

Diverse participation in All of Us hasn't come about by accident. NIH researchers strategically partnered with community health centers, faith-based groups, and Black fraternities and sororities to recruit people who have been historically underrepresented in biomedical research.

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In South Carolina, for example, the NIH works with Cooperative Health, a network of federally qualified health centers near the state capital that serve many patients who are uninsured and Black, to recruit patients for All of Us. Eric Schlueter, chief medical officer of Cooperative Health, said the partnership works because their patients trust them.

“We have a strong history of being integrated into the community. Many of our employees grew up and still live in the same communities that we serve,” Schlueter said. “That is what is part of our secret sauce.”

So far, Cooperative Health has enrolled almost 3,000 people in the research program, about 70% of whom are Black.

“Our patients are just like other patients,” Schlueter said. “They want to be able to provide an opportunity for their and their children's children to have better health, and they realize this is an opportunity to do that.”

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Theoretically, researchers at the NIH and the Medical University of South Carolina may be trying to recruit some of the same people for their separate genetics studies, although nothing would prevent a patient from participating in both efforts.

The researchers in Charleston acknowledge they still have work to do. To date, In Our DNA SC has recruited about half of the 100,000 people it hopes for, and of those, about three-quarters have submitted DNA samples.

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Caitlin Allen, a program investigator and a public health researcher at the medical university, acknowledged that some of the program's tactics haven't succeeded in recruiting many Black participants.

For example, some patients to see providers at the Medical University of South Carolina receive an electronic message through their patient portal before an appointment, which includes information about participating in the research project. But studies show that racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to engage with their electronic health than white patients, Allen said.

“We see low uptake” with that strategy, she said, because many of the people researchers are trying to engage likely aren't receiving the message.

The study involves four research coordinators trained to take DNA samples, but there's a limit to how many people they can talk to face-to-face. “We're not necessarily able to go into every single room,” Allen said.

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That said, in-person community events seem to work well for enrolling diverse participants. In March, In Our DNA SC research coordinators collected more than 30 DNA samples at a bicentennial event in Orangeburg, South Carolina, where more than 60% of residents identify as Black. Between the first and second year of the research project, Allen said, In Our DNA SC doubled the number of these community events that research coordinators attended.

“I would love to see it ramp up even more,” she said.

——————————
By: Lauren Sausser
Title: Genetics Studies Have a Diversity Problem That Researchers Struggle To Fix
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/genetics-research-diversity-conundrum-black-participation-south-carolina/
Published Date: Thu, 25 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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