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Mississippi Today

Terror, Murder and Jim Crow Laws: Inside Mississippi’s Racial Voter Intimidation History

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mississippitoday.org – Daja E. Henry, The Marshall Project – 2024-04-12 13:00:00

Mississippi has a long history of voter suppression. An 1890 rule that permanently strips people convicted of certain crimes of their right to vote remains in the 's constitution. This practice, called felony disenfranchisement, impacts an estimated 55,000 people today. State lawmakers this year considered, then rejected, lifting the voting ban for some nonviolent offenses.

When Mississippi was admitted to the union in 1817, White reserved -making power for themselves. After the Civil War, they used violence, terror and Jim Crow laws to keep power in their own hands and out of the hands of the formerly enslaved Black people who outnumbered them. Here is a quick look at how voting intimidation and voting rights have evolved through the last 150 years.

READ MORE: How Mississippi's Jim Crow Laws Still Haunt Black Voters Today

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1865

The Civil War ended, freeing enslaved people in Mississippi and starting the period known as Reconstruction. Enslaved Black people accounted for 55% of the state population in 1860.

An illustration from an 1867 issue of Harper's Weekly shows freedmen and U.S. Colored Troops veterans exercising their newly granted right to vote.

CREDIT: A.R. Waud/Harper's Weekly, via Smithsonian of American History

1866

A federal civil rights bill is passed. At the same time, the White-controlled Mississippi government created “Black Codes,” which criminalized behaviors and conditions of newly freed Black people such as being unemployed, required them to get special licenses to preach and own guns, and required Black to work as apprentices to former slave masters.

1867

After federal officials took control of voter registration, more than 79,000 Black men registered to vote by the fall. Mississippi voters elected 94 delegates, 16 Black men, to write a state constitution that would admit Mississippi back to the Union. This 1868 constitution granted citizenship and extended civil liberties to Black men. By this time, nearly 97% of eligible Black men had registered to vote.

1869

Mississippi elected its first Black secretary of state and its first Black legislators in 1869. When they took office in 1870, Black men constituted 14% of the state Senate and 47% of the state House of Representatives. That same year, Mississippi's sent Hiram Rhodes Revels, the first Black U.S. senator in the nation, to fill the state's vacant Senate seat.

An illustration depicts the first Black congressional representatives, including U.S. Sen. Hiram Rhodes Revels of Mississippi.

CREDIT: Currier & Ives, via Library of Congress, LC-DIG-ppmsca-17564

1870-1875

Black political representation increased for . They elected a Black lieutenant governor in 1873 and another Black U.S. senator in 1874, and consistently held the secretary of state position through 1874. The 1874-1875 legislature reflected the height of Black political representation, with 69 Black men across the state House and Senate.

1875

White Democrats devised what is known as the first “Mississippi Plan” that used violence and intimidation to stop Black people from voting. White vigilantes and paramilitary groups including the Ku Klux Klan committed a series of massacres, including the Vicksburg Massacre of 1874, which killed as many as 300 Black people, and the Clinton Massacre of 1875, which killed about 50 Black people.

1877

Federal troops were withdrawn from Mississippi, ending Reconstruction, and ushering in the era of Jim Crow laws that legalized racial segregation.

1890

The state constitution was rewritten, adding felony disenfranchisement crimes and introducing voter suppression methods such as literacy tests and poll taxes. These were all part of a second “Mississippi Plan,” a concerted effort by White leaders to nullify the Black vote. By 1892, less than 6% of eligible Black men were registered to vote.

Crimes that would lead to a lifetime loss of voting rights were bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under false pretenses, perjury, forgery, embezzlement and bigamy.

1910-1930

Many Black Mississippians left the state during the Great Migration. By 1940, they no longer constituted a majority in the state.

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1950

Burglary was removed from the list of disenfranchising crimes in the state's constitution.

1963

Mississippi's racial violence and civil rights activism became national flashpoints. NAACP Field Secretary Medgar Evers was assassinated in Mississippi. President John F. Kennedy called for a civil rights bill in the wake of Evers' murder and was assassinated months later.

1964

President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Council of Federated Organizations, a coalition of civil rights groups, led several large efforts, including the “Freedom Summer” of 1964, to boost statewide voter education and registration.

A after Freedom Summer began, Ku Klux Klan members murdered local activist James Chaney, along with volunteers Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman, both from New York. Later that summer, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party ??sent a delegation to the Democratic National Convention, where Fannie Lou Hamer testified on national television about the abuse she when trying to register to vote.

As Mississippi became a battleground, GOP presidential candidate Barry Goldwater visited the Neshoba County Fair in August, just a week after Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney's bodies were found buried in a dam. Goldwater, who carried the state in the national election, represented a shift in conservatism that equated civil rights activism with lawlessness and laid the foundation for “tough on crime” rhetoric that would lead to mass incarceration.

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1965

The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights held hearings in Jackson and found Mississippi's voting practices discriminatory. Months later, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 passed, prohibiting racial discrimination in voting. The following year, a federal court ruled Mississippi's poll tax unconstitutional. Black political participation began to rise again and in 1967, the state elected Robert G. Clark Jr., its first Black representative since Reconstruction.

1968

Murder and rape were added to the list of disenfranchising crimes in the state's Constitution.

1970 and beyond

Mass incarceration began to take hold in Mississippi and across the nation. Since 1983, prison populations in the state increased more than 200%, according to the Vera Institute. National “tough on crime” rhetoric contributed to the increase in convictions. Though people not convicted of disenfranchising crimes were allowed to vote from Mississippi's prisons and jails, many faced challenges in accessing ballots.

1998

In Cotton v. Fordice, the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the felony disenfranchisement clause in the state constitution, stating that its amendments to remove burglary in 1950 and add murder and rape in 1968 took away its “discriminatory taint.”

2008

The Mississippi House passed a bill to restore voting rights to those convicted of felonies, excluding murder and rape. The bill died in the state Senate.

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2023

A three-judge U.S. Fifth Circuit Court panel ruled that Mississippi's lifetime voting ban violated the Eighth Amendment's “cruel and unusual punishment” prohibition. The full appeals court is reconsidering the case, leaving the disenfranchisement laws unchanged.

March 2024

The Mississippi House of Representatives advanced legislation to restore the right to vote for people convicted of some nonviolent offenses. The bill died in the state Senate in April. 

SourcesMississippi Department of Archives and History; Mississippi Encyclopedia; SNCC Digital Gateway; A Bicentennial History of Mississippi 1817-2017 by Mississippi Secretary of State; National Park Service; Against All Odds: The First Black Legislators in Mississippi by DeeDee Baldwin; Zinn Education Project; Library of Congress; Vera Institute; The New Jim Crow by Michelle Alexander; Voting in Mississippi: A Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights 1965.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1954

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-17 07:00:00

MAY 17, 1954

Ella J. Rice talks to one of her pupils, all of them white, in a third grade classroom of Draper Elementary School in Washington, D.C., on September 13, 1954. This was the first day of non-segregated schools for teachers and . Rice was the only Black teacher in the school. Credit: AP

In Brown v. Board of Education and Bolling v. Sharpe, the unanimously ruled that the “separate but equal” doctrine in Plessy v. Ferguson was unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment, which guaranteed equal treatment under the

The historic brought an end to federal tolerance of racial segregation, ruling in the case of student Linda Brown, who was denied admission to her local elementary school in Topeka, Kansas, because of the color of her skin. 

In Mississippi, segregationist called the day “Black Monday” and took up the charge of the just-created white Citizens' Council to preserve racial segregation at all costs.

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Every university but Delta State to increase tuition this year

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mississippitoday.org – Molly Minta – 2024-05-17 06:30:00

Every in Mississippi is increasing tuition in the fall except for Delta University.

The new rates were approved by the governing board of the eight universities, the Institutions of Higher Learning Board of Trustees, at its regular meeting Thursday. 

The average cost of tuition in Mississippi is now $8,833 a year, a roughly 3% increase from last year. can expect to pay tuition ranging from $7,942 a year at Mississippi Valley State University to $10,052 a year at Mississippi State University. 

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In recent years, universities have cited and rising insurance costs as reasons for the tuition increases. At Thursday's meeting, the board heard a presentation on how property insurance is becoming more expensive for the eight universities as Mississippi sees more tornadoes and storms with severe wind and hail.  

READ MORE: Tuition increases yet again at most public universities

But it's an ongoing trend. Mississippi's public universities have steadily increased tuition since 2000, putting the cost of college increasingly out of reach for the average Mississippi . More than half of Mississippi college students graduated with an average of $29,714 in student debt in 2020, according to the Institution for College Access and .

At Delta State University, the president, Daniel Ennis, announced that he will attempt to avoid tuition increases as the regional college in the Mississippi Delta undergoes drastic budget cuts in an effort to become more financially sustainable. 

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“We will resist tuition increases so that our most economically vulnerable students can continue to have access to the opportunities that a college degree can ,” he wrote in a memo to faculty and staff on Monday. “We will move beyond basic survival and into a place where we have the capacity to take better advantage of our undeniable strengths.” 

Delta State didn't increase tuition last year, either. have been concerned the university is becoming too pricey for the students it serves. 

Tuition for the 2024-25 academic year, by school:

  • Alcorn State University: $8,105
  • Delta State University: $8,435
  • State University: $8,690
  • Mississippi State University: $10,052
  • Mississippi University for Women: $8,392
  • Mississippi Valley State University: $7,492
  • University of Mississippi: $9,612
  • University of Southern Mississippi: $9,888

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Federal panel prescribes new mental health strategy to curb maternal deaths

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For help, call or text the National Maternal Mental Health Hotline at 1-833-TLC-MAMA (1-833-852-6262) or contact the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline by dialing or texting “988.” Spanish-language services are also available.

BRIDGEPORT, Conn. — Milagros Aquino was trying to find a new place to live and had been struggling to get used to new foods after she moved to Bridgeport from Peru with her husband and young son in 2023.

When Aquino, now 31, got pregnant in May 2023, “instantly everything got so much worse than before,” she said. “I was so sad and lying in bed all day. I was really lost and just surviving.”

Aquino has lots of company.

Perinatal depression affects as many as 20% of women in the United States during pregnancy, the postpartum period, or both, according to studies. In some states, anxiety or depression afflicts nearly a quarter of new mothers or pregnant women.

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Many women in the U.S. go untreated because there is no widely deployed system to screen for mental illness in mothers, despite widespread recommendations to do so. Experts say the lack of screening has driven higher rates of mental illness, suicide, and drug overdoses that are now the leading causes of death in the first year after a woman gives birth.

“This is a systemic issue, a medical issue, and a human rights issue,” said Lindsay R. Standeven, a perinatal psychiatrist and the clinical and education director of the Johns Hopkins Reproductive Mental Health Center.

Standeven said the root causes of the problem include racial and socioeconomic disparities in maternal care and a lack of support for new mothers. She also pointed a finger at a shortage of mental health professionals, insufficient maternal mental health training for providers, and insufficient reimbursement for mental health services. Finally, Standeven said, the problem is exacerbated by the absence of national maternity leave policies, and the access to weapons.

Those factors helped 105% increase in postpartum depression from 2010 to 2021, according to the American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology.

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For Aquino, it wasn't until the last weeks of her pregnancy, when she signed up for acupuncture to relieve her stress, that a social worker helped her get care through the Emme Coalition, which connects girls and women with financial help, mental health counseling services, and other resources.

Mothers diagnosed with perinatal depression or anxiety during or after pregnancy are at about three times the risk of suicidal behavior and six times the risk of suicide compared with mothers without a mood disorder, according to recent U.S. and international studies in JAMA Network Open and The BMJ.

The toll of the maternal mental health crisis is particularly acute in rural communities that have become maternity care deserts, as small hospitals close their labor and delivery units because of plummeting birth rates, or because of financial or staffing issues.

This week, the Maternal Mental Health Task Force — co-led by the Office on Women's Health and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration and formed in September to respond to the problem — recommended creating maternity care centers that could serve as hubs of integrated care and birthing facilities by building upon the services and personnel already in communities.

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The task force will soon determine what portions of the plan will require congressional action and funding to implement and what will be “low-hanging fruit,” said Joy Burkhard, a member of the task force and the executive director of the nonprofit Policy Center for Maternal Mental Health.

Burkhard said equitable access to care is essential. The task force recommended that federal officials identify where maternity centers should be placed based on data identifying the underserved. “Rural America,” she said, “is first and foremost.”

There are shortages of care in “unlikely areas,” including Los Angeles County, where some maternity wards have recently closed, said Burkhard. Urban areas that are underserved would also be eligible to get the new centers.

“All that mothers are asking for is maternity care that makes sense. Right now, none of that exists,” she said.

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Several pilot programs are designed to help struggling mothers by training and equipping midwives and doulas, people who provide guidance and support to the mothers of newborns.

In Montana, rates of maternal depression before, during, and after pregnancy are higher than the national average. From 2017 to 2020, approximately 15% of mothers experienced postpartum depression and 27% experienced perinatal depression, according to the Montana Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System. The state had the sixth-highest maternal mortality rate in the country in 2019, when it received a federal grant to begin training doulas.

To date, the program has trained 108 doulas, many of whom are Native American. Native Americans make up 6.6% of Montana's population. Indigenous people, particularly those in rural areas, have twice the national rate of severe maternal morbidity and mortality compared with white women, according to a study in Obstetrics and Gynecology.

Stephanie Fitch, grant manager at Montana Obstetrics & Maternal Support at Billings Clinic, said training doulas “has the potential to counter systemic barriers that disproportionately impact our tribal communities and improve overall community health.”

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Twelve states and Washington, D.C., have coverage for doula care, according to the National Health Law Program. They are California, Florida, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Virginia. Medicaid pays for about 41% of births in the U.S., according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Jacqueline Carrizo, a doula assigned to Aquino through the Emme Coalition, played an important role in Aquino's recovery. Aquino said she couldn't have imagined going through such a “dark time alone.” With Carrizo's support, “I could make it,” she said.

Genetic and environmental factors, or a past mental health disorder, can increase the risk of depression or anxiety during pregnancy. But mood disorders can happen to anyone.

Teresa Martinez, 30, of Price, Utah, had struggled with anxiety and infertility for years before she conceived her first child. The joy and relief of giving birth to her son in 2012 were short-lived.

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Without warning, “a dark cloud came over me,” she said.

Martinez was afraid to tell her husband. “As a woman, you feel so much pressure and you don't want that stigma of not being a good mom,” she said.

In recent years, programs around the country have started to help recognize mothers' mood disorders and learn how to help them before any harm is done.

One of the most successful is the Massachusetts Child Psychiatry Access Program for Moms, which began a decade ago and has since spread to 29 states. The program, supported by federal and state funding, provides tools and training for physicians and other providers to screen and identify disorders, triage , and offer treatment options.

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But the expansion of maternal mental health programs is taking place amid sparse resources in much of rural America. Many programs across the country have out of money.

The federal task force proposed that Congress fund and create consultation programs similar to the one in Massachusetts, but not to replace the ones already in place, said Burkhard.

In April, Missouri became the latest state to adopt the Massachusetts model. Women on Medicaid in Missouri are 10 times as likely to die within one year of pregnancy as those with private insurance. From 2018 through 2020, an average of 70 Missouri women died each year while pregnant or within one year of giving birth, according to state government statistics.

Wendy Ell, executive director of the Maternal Health Access in Missouri, called her service a “lifesaving resource” that is free and easy to access for any health care provider in the state who sees patients in the perinatal period.

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About 50 health care providers have signed up for Ell's program since it began. Within 30 minutes of a request, the providers can consult over the phone with one of three perinatal psychiatrists. But while the doctors can get help from the psychiatrists, mental health resources for patients are not as readily available.

The task force called for federal funding to train more mental health providers and place them in high-need areas like Missouri. The task force also recommended training and certifying a more diverse workforce of community mental health workers, patient navigators, doulas, and peer support specialists in areas where they are most needed.

A new voluntary curriculum in reproductive psychiatry is designed to help psychiatry residents, fellows, and mental health practitioners who may have little or no training or education about the management of psychiatric illness in the perinatal period. A small study found that the curriculum significantly improved psychiatrists' ability to treat perinatal women with mental illness, said Standeven, who contributed to the training program and is one of the study's authors.

Nancy Byatt, a perinatal psychiatrist at the of Massachusetts Chan School of Medicine who led the launch of the Massachusetts Child Psychiatry Access Program for Moms in 2014, said there is still a lot of work to do.

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“I think that the most important thing is that we have made a lot of progress and, in that sense, I am kind of hopeful,” Byatt said.

Cheryl Platzman Weinstock's is supported by a grant from the National Institute for Health Care Management Foundation. KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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