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Mississippi Today

Should lawmakers more carefully vet economic development deals before approving them?

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mississippitoday.org – Taylor Vance – 2024-01-24 10:59:59

Last 's legislative approval of at least $350 million for a green energy plant in north Mississippi was such an orchestrated affair that Gov. Tate Reeves had his celebratory press conference podium set up before the final legislative votes were cast.

Reeves, who runs the state's economic development agency, walked into the Capitol last week and asked lawmakers to quickly write him a $350 million check to bring a green energy plant to north Mississippi. He told lawmakers that the plant, which would be built and operated by four unnamed companies, would employ 2,000 people by 2031.

Lawmakers engaged in virtually no debate about the merits of the project, asked few questions about the project's details, were not given adequate time to read the 213-page bill, and still nearly unanimously voted to spend the money on the plant. One proposal to mandate that 70% of the plant's jobs be given to Mississippians was quickly rejected by the House.

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READ MORE: Lawmakers pass $350 million deal to lure major green energy plant to north Mississippi

Reeves flexed his statutory special power and forced lawmakers to consider his proposal, and in a few easy hours, he'd gotten exactly what he asked for. Effectively, the legislative branch tasked with appropriating and providing oversight of state funds merely rubber-stamped an expensive executive branch proposal with little deliberation.

That didn't sit well with every lawmaker.

“If the governor can vet it and look at it, if the agency can vet it and look at it, it's our responsibility to do the same,” House Minority Leader Robert Johnson III told Mississippi about the nature of the session.

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During the House committee meeting in which the package was introduced, Johnson, a Democrat from Natchez, asked Rep. Trey Lamar, chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, if the House was required to pass the deal in a single day or if they could have more time to scrutinize it.

“I wouldn't say it's required, gentleman, but I do tell you and I think you know this, the plan is to pass this plan today,” Lamar responded.

Before the committee, including Johnson, unanimously voted to approve the 213-page bill, only two paper copies of the bill were made available for the 33-member committee to . The digital version was only made available online roughly an hour earlier.

When the bills moved to the entire House chamber for consideration, House pages worked to distribute a printed summary of the legislation while members were debating the proposal. It did not appear possible for any member of the to have read the full 213-page bill before being asked to vote on it. Still, only two senators and one representative voted against the project.

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The rushed proceedings marked a 180-degree turn from the initial vow House Speaker Jason White made on the first day of the 2024 session. That day, he promised to give House members more time to review spending bills before they're required to cast an up-or-down vote.

White admitted in an interview with that last week's special session was quick, but he believed House members had sufficient time to review the specifics before casting a vote. He also said that he trusted the governor and Reeves' agency leaders to vet the economic deal.

“Is it fair to say it's fast and rushed? Yes, that is fair,” White told Mississippi Today. “I would just say that is the nature of special sessions and the way these deals are because of the sensitivity surrounding the companies that are in play in this deal versus their competitors.”

READ MORE: In 2023, Reeves limited state business with China. Last week, he requested state funds for a Chinese company.

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In fairness to White, hurried special sessions over economic development are nothing new at the Capitol, but poring over the fine details could be a crucial counterweight to a governor who has pledged to push similar business deals through the Legislature.

The special session clearly illustrated the single-party GOP domination of state . And it proved that the governor can now snap his fingers, say the words “economic development,” and expect legislative leaders to fall in line behind him.

Capitol leaders in the past have fiercely guarded their legislative powers and fought with governors in the public sphere and in the courts to protect their money-spending authority. Now, it appears the legislative branch is willing, at a bare minimum, to acquiesce its oversight authority during a special session.

“I worry that we're setting a dangerous precedent,” Johnson said. “That's what I worry about. The governor is in the executive branch, and we're in the legislative branch. By doing it this way, while we're in session, we're essentially ceding our legislative authority to the governor.”

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On Wednesday, Reeves announced he would call lawmakers into a Thursday special session for yet another economic development project. This time, he's asking lawmakers for about $44 million in state funds, significant tax breaks, and a $215 million loan for two data collection centers in County that he says will create a total of 1,000 jobs.

White, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann and several key legislative leaders stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Reeves at the governor's office for the announcement.

READ MORE: Reeves calls another special session, this time to lure $10 billion project to Madison County

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with Mississippi 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating for vouchers.

But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new law, to the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the for – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal government or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational funding away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in , sewer or broadband infrastructure.”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the , pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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