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California Takes Up White House Call to Toughen Gun Storage Rules

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Samantha Young
Thu, 29 Feb 2024 10:00:00 +0000

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — California lawmakers are weighing a pitch from the White House for states to toughen gun storage rules as legislation languishes in .

Even though many states, including California, have laws in place for safely storing guns when children are present, the Biden administration wants them to go further by requiring gun owners to secure firearms most of the time.

California's Senate passed a sweeping bill in January that would adopt the White House recommendation. State Sen. Anthony Portantino, the author of SB 53, said the idea is to make it harder for anybody, not just children, to find and use a gun to commit or kill or accidentally harm themselves. Portantino spoke about his bill for a White House event in January.

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But critics argue the proposal would violate the constitutional right to bear arms by making firearms difficult to access in potentially life-threatening situations, such as home break-ins. The measure is likely to face legal challenges should it clear the remaining legislative hurdles.

“This is a recognition that guns kill people, and the readily available unlocked guns kill more people,” the Democrat from Burbank told his colleagues during debate on the Senate floor. “The best way to make it safer for our children to go to school, and for people in households where there's trauma, is to make sure the weapons don't fall into the wrong hands. And the way to do that is to lock them up.”

In 2021, about 30 million American children lived in homes with firearms, including 4.6 million in households with loaded and unlocked firearms, according to a national firearms survey.

The Department of Justice in December unveiled model gun storage legislation for states to consider. “It's a simple step that can save lives,” said Stefanie Feldman, director of the White House Office of Gun Violence Prevention.

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Since then, lawmakers in Arizona, Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, New Jersey, and Utah have also introduced similar measures, but none of the bills have yet received a committee hearing. In South Dakota, the Republican-controlled legislature killed similar legislation in February, for the second time in two years. Oregon and Massachusetts already have implemented comparable regulations.

The model legislation is part of a multipronged strategy by Democratic 's administration to encourage states to take the on gun safety as legislation has stalled in Congress, including bills to enact universal background checks and ban the sale and possession of assault weapons.

Legislation that would create the first federal gun storage mandate, which was introduced in January 2023, has yet to get a hearing in the GOP-controlled House of Representatives.

Gun-related legislation has increasingly become victim to partisan politics as Republicans have embraced a gun rights agenda to shore up political , said Robert Spitzer, a professor emeritus of political science at the State of New York-Cortland who has written books on American gun policy.

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“The states have always been referred to as the laboratories of democracy,” Spitzer said. “It's a place where laws are often enacted when you can't get things done at the national level.”

California's existing gun storage law requires guns, whether they're loaded or unloaded, be secured using a method such as a gun safe or trigger lock in places where they could get into the hands of a minor, a felon, or anyone prohibited from possessing a firearm. Portantino, who introduced the existing in 2019, is also a candidate in a hotly contested congressional race.

The bill moving through the state's Democratic-controlled legislature would extend gun storage rules to all residences, a mandate similar to the Biden administration's proposal, and require owners to secure firearms in a lockbox or safe. The White House proposal gives gun owners the option of using a trigger lock — a lock that fits over a gun's trigger mechanism that prevents the gun from being fired — instead of a lockbox or safe.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat who has signed a number of gun control laws, declined, through a spokesperson, to comment on the measure.

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But keeping a gun in a locked box or making it unusable with a trigger lock, which requires a key or combination, could be problematic, critics say. In communities struggling with violent crime, a disabled gun would be useless for self-defense, said California state Sen. Seyarto, a Republican from Murrieta.

“You don't have time when somebody breaks into your house to fiddle with the lock and the storage and get your gun out,” Seyarto said on the Senate floor. “Because by then you will be dead.”

Seyarto and the National Rifle Association say the California bill is excessive and that, because gun owners might be unable to defend themselves, it would infringe on Second Amendment rights.

“This bill's one-size-fits-all approach fails to consider individual circumstances and imposes undue burdens,” said Daniel Reid, managing director of state and local affairs for the NRA's Institute for Legislative Action. “We support empowering individuals to make responsible choices, rather than eroding their freedoms with typical California-style gun control.”

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Firearms were the leading cause of death for children ages 1-17 in 2020, 2021, and 2022, according to analyses of CDC data by KFF. In 2022, an average of seven children a day died from getting shot.

The number of children “lost to gun violence, to shooting, is unfathomable,” said first lady Jill Biden at a White House event in January. She called on school principals to communicate with parents about safe gun storage. The Department of Education also crafted a letter schools can send to parents explaining that safely storing firearms “can prevent them from getting into the hands of children and teens, who may use them to, intentionally or unintentionally, harm themselves or others.”

Roughly three-quarters of school shooters in 25 incidents from 2008 to 2017 acquired their firearms from the home of a parent or close relative, according to the Secret Service.

On Feb. 6, a jury in Michigan convicted Jennifer Crumbley of involuntary manslaughter in the killings of four high school students in 2021 because her son, the shooter, used a gun and ammunition she had failed to secure in their home. In December, Deja Taylor, the mom of a 6-year-old boy who shot his first grade teacher in a Virginia classroom with her gun, was sentenced to two years in prison after pleading guilty to child neglect.

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At least 82 bills before state legislatures address gun storage, with varying requirements, said Lindsay Nichols, a policy director at Giffords, which advocates for stricter gun laws and was founded by former U.S. Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-Ariz.), who was shot in the head at a constituent event in Tucson in 2011. Six people died in the shooting. The bills' prospects often depend on which party controls the state legislature. That's what happened in South Dakota in mid-February, said Democratic state Rep. Linda Duba, whose measure died in committee.

“If you're from a red state, it's almost virtually impossible to get anything passed,” said Duba, who attended a White House meeting on gun safety in December.

If California's bill becomes law, legal experts say, it will be challenged in court. Two years ago, the struck down a long-standing concealed carry law in New York, issuing a landmark ruling that firearm laws must be consistent with the nation's “historical tradition” of firearm regulation.

Since then, federal district judges have struck down California laws that ban people from carrying concealed guns in many public places and require a background check for ammunition purchases. Appeals court judges later overturned those rulings, allowing the laws to take effect while the legal wrangling proceeds.

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“Second Amendment law is profoundly unsettled right now,” said Adam Winkler, a UCLA law professor who specializes in constitutional law. “And courts can't seem to agree on which gun laws are constitutional and which aren't.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

——————————
By: Samantha Young
Title: California Takes Up White House Call to Toughen Gun Storage Rules
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/california-states-legislation-gun-storage-lockbox-child-safety/
Published Date: Thu, 29 Feb 2024 10:00:00 +0000

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Newsom Boosted California’s Public Health Budget During Covid. Now He Wants To Cut It.

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Angela Hart
Mon, 20 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

When a doctor in Pasadena, California, reported in October that a hospital patient was exhibiting classic symptoms of dengue fever, such as vomiting, a rash, and bone and joint pain, local disease investigators snapped into action.

The mosquito-borne virus is common in places like Southeast Asia, East Africa, and Latin America, and when Americans contract the disease it is usually while traveling. But in this case, the patient hadn't left California.

Epidemiologists and public health nurses 175 households to conduct blood draws and local pest control workers began fumigating the patient's neighborhood. In the , they discovered a second infected person who hadn't traveled.

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Both patients recovered, and in that neighborhood nearly 65% of the carrier mosquitoes, part of a genus called Aedes, were eradicated within seven days, said Matthew Feaster, an epidemiologist with the Pasadena Public Health Department.

The swift and intensive response was funded largely by a new bucket of money in the budget for public health and preparedness across California, said Manuel Carmona, Pasadena's deputy director of public health.

In the midst of the pandemic, and facing pleas from public health who said they didn't have enough resources to track and contain the disease, California Gov. Gavin Newsom had agreed to allocate $300 million each year for the state's chronically underfunded public health system.

Two years after the money started to flow, and facing a $45 billion deficit, the second-term Democratic governor proposes to slash the funding entirely.

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“This is a huge step backwards,” said Kat DeBurgh, executive director of the Health Officers Association of California. “We can't go back to where we were before the pandemic. That future looks very scary.”

Michelle Gibbons, executive director of the County Health Executives Association of California, said about 900 public health workers have already been hired with the new funding — including some of Pasadena's disease investigators — positions that are at risk should Newsom prevail.

The governor unveiled his updated budget plan for the 2024-25 fiscal year on May 10, saying it pained him to push such deep cuts to health and human services but that the state needed to make “difficult decisions” to balance its budget. Unlike the federal government, it cannot operate on a deficit.

Tense budget negotiations are underway between Newsom and the leaders of the state Senate and Assembly, who must reach an agreement on the state's estimated $288 billion budget by June 15.

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“We have a shortfall. We have to be sober about the reality, what our priorities are,” Newsom said after unveiling his suggested cuts. “This is a program that we wish we could continue to absorb and afford.”

Public health officials lobbied Newsom hard in 2020 and 2021 to get more resources, and secured additional annual funding of $100 million for the state Department of Public Health and $200 million for the 61 local health departments that form the backbone of California's public health system.

Now they are fighting to preserve their funding — just as and counties had begun using it to bolster California's public health defenses.

Some of the workers hired with the money are battling homelessness, fighting climate change, or surveying farmworkers to identify their health and social needs, but most are communicable disease specialists such as epidemiologists and public health nurses charged with investigating threats and outbreaks.

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Measles infections are breaking out in Davis, San Diego, Humboldt County, and elsewhere. declared a public health emergency early this month over an outbreak of tuberculosis, which spreads through the air when an infected person coughs, speaks, or sneezes. Los Angeles public health authorities are investigating a spate of hepatitis A infections among homeless people.

And around the United States, the spread of bird flu from animals to humans is causing widespread concern.

“The more time this virus is out there transferring between cows and birds, the more chance it has to evolve and spread human to human,” DeBurgh said. She argues that public health agencies must have enough funding to hire workers who can halt threats as they emerge — like they did in Pasadena.

“That dengue outbreak was stopped because we had more ability to hire, and that was a huge public health ,” she said.

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Pasadena public health authorities teamed up with the local mosquito control agency to spray pesticides and deployed 29 staffers to test for dengue.

“We put our best people on that case,” Carmona said, adding that four of the disease investigators were funded with about $1 million in new state money the department receives each year. “Without it, we wouldn't have a timely response and we probably would have identified dengue as Nile or some other type of viral virus.”

Rob Oldham, the interim public health officer and director of Health and Human Services for Placer County, said he's weighing the “devastating” cuts he'd have to make if Newsom's proposal passes. The county has hired 11 full-time and six part-time workers using about $1.8 million in new annual state funding, he said.

“This money was just starting to take hold,” he said. “Honestly, we're scrambling, just as we're responding to another measles case.”

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Legislative leaders were reluctant to say whether they would try to safeguard the funding, as they face deep cuts in nearly every sector of state government, including early childhood education, public safety, energy, and transportation.

“We're knee-deep in budget negotiations but we're working like hell to protect the progress we've made,” said state Senate leader Mike McGuire, a Northern California Democrat.

Public health officials warned the state would be vulnerable to health and economic disasters should they lose the hard-won funding.

“It's tempting to go back to what we had before, because when we do our jobs, we are invisible. Crises are averted,” Gibbons said. “But it's devastating to think of going back to this boom-and-bust cycle of public health funding that goes neglect, panic, repeat.”

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This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

——————————
By: Angela Hart
Title: Newsom Boosted California's Public Health Budget During Covid. Now He Wants To Cut It.
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/gavin-newsom-california-public-health-budget-cuts/
Published Date: Mon, 20 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Medicaid Unwinding Deals Blow to Tenuous System of Care for Native Americans

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Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez
Mon, 20 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

About a year into the of redetermining Medicaid eligibility after the public health emergency, more than 20 million people have been kicked off the joint federal- program for low-income families.

A chorus of stories recount the ways the unwinding has upended people's lives, but Native Americans are proving particularly vulnerable to losing coverage and face greater obstacles to reenrolling in Medicaid or finding other coverage.

“From my perspective, it did not work how it should,” said Kristin Melli, a pediatric nurse practitioner in rural Kalispell, Montana, who also provides telehealth services to tribal members on the Fort Peck Reservation.

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The redetermination process has compounded long-existing problems people on the reservation face when seeking care, she said. She saw several patients who were still eligible for benefits disenrolled. And a rise in uninsured tribal members undercuts their health systems, threatening the already tenuous access to care in Native communities.

One teenager, Melli recalled, lost coverage while seeking lifesaving care. Routine lab work raised flags, and in follow-ups Melli discovered the girl had a condition that could have killed her if untreated. Melli did not disclose details, to protect the patient's privacy.

Melli said she spent weeks working with tribal nurses to coordinate lab monitoring and consultations with specialists for her patient. It wasn't until the teen went to a specialist that Melli received a call saying she had been dropped from Medicaid coverage.

The girl's parents told Melli they had reapplied to Medicaid a month earlier but hadn't heard back. Melli's patient eventually got the medication she needed with help from a pharmacist. The unwinding presented an unnecessary and burdensome obstacle to care.

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Pat Flowers, Montana Democratic Senate minority leader, said during a political event in early April that 13,000 tribal members had been disenrolled in the state.

Native American and Alaska Native adults are enrolled in Medicaid at higher rates than their white counterparts, yet some tribal still didn't know exactly how many of their members had been disenrolled as of a survey conducted in February and March. The Tribal Self-Governance Advisory Committee of the Indian Health Service conducted and published the survey. Respondents included tribal leaders from Alaska, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, and New Mexico, among other states.

Tribal leaders reported many challenges related to the redetermination, including a lack of timely information provided to tribal members, patients unaware of the process or their disenrollment, long processing times, lack of staffing at the tribal level, lack of communication from their states, concerns with obtaining accurate tribal data, and in cases in which states have shared data, difficulties interpreting it.

Research and policy experts initially feared that vulnerable populations, including rural Indigenous communities and families of color, would experience greater and unique obstacles to renewing their health coverage and would be disproportionately harmed.

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“They have a lot at stake and a lot to lose in this process,” said Joan Alker, executive director of the Georgetown University Center for and Families and a research professor at the McCourt School of Public Policy. “I fear that that prediction is coming true.”

Cammie DuPuis-Pablo, tribal health communications director for the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes in Montana, said the tribes don't have an exact number of their members disenrolled since the redetermination began, but know some who lost coverage as far back as July still haven't been reenrolled.

The tribes hosted their first outreach event in late April as part of their effort to help members through the process. The health care resource division is meeting people at home, making calls, and planning more .

The tribes receive a list of members' Medicaid status each month, DuPuis-Pablo said, but a list of those no longer insured by Medicaid would be more helpful.

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Because of those data deficits, it's unclear how many tribal members have been disenrolled.

“We are at the mercy of state Medicaid agencies on what they're willing to share,” said Yvonne Myers, consultant on the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid for Citizen Potawatomi Nation Health Services in Oklahoma.

In Alaska, tribal health leaders struck a data-sharing agreement with the state in July but didn't begin receiving information about their members' coverage for about a month — at which point more than 9,500 Alaskans had already been disenrolled for procedural reasons.

“We already lost those people,” said Gennifer Moreau-Johnson, senior policy adviser in the Department of Intergovernmental Affairs at the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium, a nonprofit organization. “That's a real impact.”

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Because federal regulations don't require states to track or report race and ethnicity data for people they disenroll, fewer than 10 states collect such information. While the data from these states does not show a higher rate of loss of coverage by race, a KFF report states that the data is limited and that a more accurate picture would require more demographic reporting from more states.

Tribal health leaders are concerned that a high number of disenrollments among their members is financially undercutting their health systems and ability to care.

“Just because they've fallen off Medicaid doesn't mean we stop serving them,” said Jim Roberts, senior executive liaison in the Department of Intergovernmental Affairs of the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium. “It means we're more reliant on other sources of to provide that care that are already underresourced.”

Three in 10 Native American and Alaska Native people younger than 65 rely on Medicaid, compared with 15% of their white counterparts. The Indian Health Service is responsible for providing care to approximately 2.6 million of the 9.7 million Native Americans and Alaska Natives in the U.S., but services vary across regions, clinics, and health centers. The agency itself has been chronically underfunded and unable to meet the needs of the population. For fiscal year 2024, Congress approved $6.96 for IHS, far less than the $51.4 billion tribal leaders called for.

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Because of that historical deficit, tribal health systems lean on Medicaid reimbursement and other third-party payers, like Medicare, the Department of Veterans Affairs, and private insurance, to help fill the gap. Medicaid accounted for two-thirds of third-party IHS revenues as of 2021.

Some tribal health systems receive more federal funding through Medicaid than from IHS, Roberts said.

Tribal health leaders fear diminishing Medicaid dollars will exacerbate the long-standing health disparities — such as lower life expectancy, higher rates of chronic disease, and inferior access to care — that plague Native Americans.

The unwinding has become “all-consuming,” said Monique Martin, vice president of intergovernmental affairs for the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium.

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“The state's really having that focus be right into the minutiae of administrative tasks, like: How do we send text messages to 7,000 people?” Martin said. “We would much rather be talking about: How do we address social determinants of health?”

Melli said she has stopped hearing of tribal members on the Fort Peck Reservation losing their Medicaid coverage, but she wonders if that means disenrolled people didn't seek help.

“Those are the ones that we really worry about,” she said, “all of these silent cases. … We only know about the ones we actually see.”

——————————
By: Jazmin Orozco Rodriguez
Title: Medicaid Unwinding Deals Blow to Tenuous System of Care for Native Americans
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/medicaid-unwinding-endangers-native-american-health-care/
Published Date: Mon, 20 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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The Lure of Specialty Medicine Pulls Nurse Practitioners From Primary Care

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Michelle Andrews
Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

For many patients, seeing a nurse practitioner has become a routine part of primary care, in which these “NPs” often perform the same tasks that patients have relied on doctors for.

But NPs in specialty care? That's not routine, at least not yet. Increasingly, though, nurse practitioners and physician assistants are joining cardiology, dermatology, and other specialty practices, broadening their skills and increasing their income.

This worries some people who track the workforce, because current trends suggest primary care, which has counted on nurse practitioners to backstop physician shortages, soon might not be able to rely on them to the same extent.

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“They're succumbing to the same challenges that we have with physicians,” said Atul Grover, executive director of the Research and Action Institute at the Association of American Medical Colleges. The rates NPs can command in a specialty practice “are quite a bit higher” than practice salaries in primary care, he said.

When nurse practitioner programs began to proliferate in the 1970s, “at first it looked great, producing all these nurse practitioners that go to work with primary care physicians,” said Yalda Jabbarpour, director of the American Academy of Physicians' Robert Graham Center for Policy Studies. “But now only 30% are going into primary care.”

Jabbarpour was referring to the 2024 primary care scorecard by the Milbank Memorial Fund, which found that from 2016 to 2021 the proportion of nurse practitioners who worked in primary care practices hovered between 32% and 34%, even though their numbers grew rapidly. The proportion of physician assistants, also known as physician associates, in primary care ranged from 27% to 30%, the study found.

Both nurse practitioners and physician assistants are advanced practice clinicians who, in addition to graduate degrees, must complete distinct education, , and certification steps. NPs can practice without a doctor's supervision in more than two dozen states, while PAs have similar independence in only a handful of states.

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About 88% of nurse practitioners are certified in an area of primary care, according to the American Association of Nurse Practitioners. But it is difficult to track exactly how many work in primary care or in specialty practices. Unlike physicians, they're generally not required to be endorsed by a national standard-setting body to practice in specialties like oncology or cardiology, for example. The AANP declined to answer questions about its annual workforce survey or the extent to which primary care NPs are moving toward specialties.

Though data tracking the change is sparse, specialty practices are adding these advanced practice clinicians at almost the same rate as primary care practices, according to frequently cited research published in 2018.

The clearest evidence of the shift: From 2008 to 2016, there was a 22% increase in the number of specialty practices that employed nurse practitioners and physician assistants, according to that study. The increase in the number of primary care practices that employed these professionals was 24%.

Once more, the most recent projections by the Association of American Medical Colleges predict a dearth of at least 20,200 primary care physicians by 2036. There will also be a shortfall of non-primary care specialists, a deficiency of at least 10,100 surgical physicians and up to 25,000 physicians in other specialties.

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When it to the actual work performed, the lines between primary and specialty care are often blurred, said Candice Chen, associate professor of health policy and management at George Washington .

“You might be a nurse practitioner working in a gastroenterology clinic or cardiology clinic, but the scope of what you do is starting to overlap with primary care,” she said.

Nurse practitioners' salaries vary widely by location, type of facility, and experience. Still, according to data from health care recruiter AMN Healthcare Physician Solutions, formerly known as Merritt Hawkins, the total annual average starting compensation, including signing bonus, for nurse practitioners and physician assistants in specialty practice was $172,544 in the year that ended March 31, slightly higher than the $166,544 for those in primary care.

According to forecasts from the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, nurse practitioner will increase faster than jobs in almost any other occupation in the decade leading up to 2032, growing by 123,600 jobs or 45%. (Wind turbine service technician is the only other occupation projected to grow as fast.) The growth rate for physician assistants is also much faster than average, at 27%. There are more than twice as many nurse practitioners as physician assistants, however: 323,900 versus 148,000, in 2022.

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To Grover, of the AAMC, numbers like this signal that there will probably be enough NPs, PAs, and physicians to meet primary care needs. At the same time, “expect more NPs and PAs to also flow out into other specialties,” he said.

When Pamela Ograbisz started working as a registered nurse 27 years ago, she worked in a cardiothoracic intensive care unit. After she became a family nurse practitioner a few years later, she found a job with a similar specialty practice, which trained her to take on a bigger role, first running their outpatient clinic, then working on the floor, and later in the intensive care unit.

If nurse practitioners want to specialize, often “the doctors mentor them just like they would with a physician residency,” said Ograbisz, now vice president of clinical operations at temporary placement recruiter LocumTenens.com.

If physician assistants want to specialize, they also can do so through mentoring, or they can receive “certificates of added qualifications” in 10 specialties to demonstrate their expertise. Most employers don't “encourage or require” these certificates, however, said Jennifer Orozco, chief medical officer at the American Academy of Physician Associates.

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There are a number of training programs for family nurse practitioners who want to develop skills in other .

Raina Hoebelheinrich, 40, a family nurse practitioner at a regional medical center in Yankton, South Dakota, recently enrolled in a three-semester post-master's endocrinology training program at Mount Marty University. She lives on a farm in nearby northeastern Nebraska with her husband and five sons.

Hoebelheinrich's new skills could be helpful in her current hospital job, in which she sees a lot of patients with acute diabetes, or in a clinic setting like the one in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, where she is doing her clinical endocrinology training.

Lack of access to endocrinology care in rural areas is a real problem, and many people may travel hundreds of miles to see a specialist.

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“There aren't a lot of options,” she said.

——————————
By: Michelle Andrews
Title: The Lure of Specialty Medicine Pulls Nurse Practitioners From Primary Care
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/nurse-practitioners-trend-primary-care-specialties/
Published Date: Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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