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Q&A: Why Arkansas could be a model for Mississippi Medicaid expansion

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As leaders from the House and Senate will soon begin meeting to find common ground on their dueling expansion proposals, some people have pointed to Arkansas as a model that could prove successful in Mississippi.

Arkansas, a red that shares many demographic similarities with Mississippi, implemented its expansion plan, now called Arkansas Health and Opportunity for Me (ARHOME), in 2014. The program provides health coverage to about 250,000 Arkansans. It has cut the state's uninsured rate in half, and it has helped struggling hospitals stay open.

The expansion program in Arkansas has been so successful that it's been renewed each year since 2014 by a supermajority of the state's Republican-controlled legislature.

READ MORE: ‘A no-brainer': Why former Arkansas Gov. Mike Beebe successfully pushed Medicaid expansion

invited Dr. Joe Thompson, who was Arkansas' surgeon general under Republican Gov. Mike Huckabee and Democratic Gov. Mike Beebe, to explain how Arkansas' expansion program has worked. Thompson now serves as president and of the Arkansas Center for Health Improvement.

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Mississippi : Arkansas implemented a pretty unique Medicaid expansion model. How does your state's program work?

Dr. Joe Thompson: Instead of enrolling uninsured people in the state-run Medicaid program, Arkansas obtained permission from the federal government to use federal Medicaid funds for “premium assistance” — an historically available but rarely used strategy by states. Arkansas purchases private health insurance plans offered on the health insurance marketplace to adult Arkansans earning up to 138% of the federal poverty level insurance coverage — with 90% of the costs coming from the federal government.

Newly covered individuals effectively get private coverage and the healthcare access they need; providers get paid commercial insurance rates far higher than Medicaid rates; and insurers benefit because the state is a large, guaranteed purchaser in an otherwise risky individual insurance market.

Governors and legislators have made changes to the program over the years, including a work requirement that was implemented in 2018 and blocked by a federal judge the year, but the basic structure has remained the same.

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MT: How has the program impacted Arkansas?

Thompson: For starters, it cut our adult uninsured rate, which had been among the highest in the nation, by half. Newly insured Arkansans gained access to treatment for chronic conditions that had gone untreated for years, as well as preventive care that allowed them to avoid other health problems and associated costs.

The newly insured also became able to pay for hospital visits, reducing uncompensated care costs at Arkansas hospitals by more than half. Since 2012, no rural Arkansas hospital has closed without being reopened or replaced, while 59 rural hospitals have closed in the six states surrounding Arkansas, including five hospitals in Mississippi.

MT: Some are concerned about being able to afford the state match to draw down federal dollars. How has that gone in Arkansas?

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Thompson: The federal government pays 90% of expansion costs, but even so, opponents of Medicaid expansion warned that Arkansas' obligation to pay the remaining 10% would break the budget. In 2016, however, a consultant hired by the Republican legislative leadership analyzed the economic impact of Medicaid expansion and found it would have a net positive impact of $757 million on the state budget between 2017 and 2021 through reduced state expenditures and increased tax revenues.

It's important to note that the residents of Mississippi and the other holdout states have not been spared from paying for Medicaid expansion. They have been helping to fund it for over a decade through their federal tax dollars, but the money has been flowing into states like Arkansas and Louisiana instead of benefiting the working poor, hospitals, and economies of their home states.

MT: There's been some concern expressed about how expansion would affect insurers in Mississippi. How has the Arkansas model addressed similar concerns there?

Thompson: Some Arkansas has received from Medicaid expansion are tied to unique aspects of the state's program. Medicaid expansion is a huge decision for states — they can focus on the expansion decision alone or, as Arkansas did, use expansion to shape both the private and public health insurance systems.

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Prior to our expansion, insurance carriers could cherry-pick the counties in which they would offer coverage. Arkansas now requires insurers participating in the exchange to offer coverage statewide, creating competition and consumer choice in all of the state. Arkansas also enrolled people deemed “medically frail” in traditional Medicaid, creating an expansion population that was relatively young, healthy and low-risk for insurers to cover. In 2014, average marketplace premiums in Arkansas were among the highest in the region, but since 2017 they have been lower than in any of the surrounding states, including Mississippi.

Arkansas' decision to provide private health coverage has also been advantageous for enrollees. Private coverage does not carry the stigma of Medicaid, and because payment rates are higher for commercially insured patients than for Medicaid patients, Medicaid expansion enrollees in Arkansas have been less likely to encounter barriers to care than traditional Medicaid enrollees.

MT: How many people are actually enrolled in Arkansas, and should Mississippians worry about costs if more people enroll as time goes on?

Thompson: Some opponents of Medicaid expansion have accused Arkansas' program of out-of-control growth, pointing out that enrollment was projected at the program's inception to be about 250,000 but grew to more than 340,000 in 2022. In fact, enrollment only reached that level because of a now-defunct rule that required states to keep people continuously enrolled in Medicaid programs during the COVID-19 public health emergency. Arkansas resumed eligibility checks for Medicaid programs last April, and by the end of 2023, total enrollment in ARHOME was just under 252,000 — very close to original projections.

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Medicaid expansion's slow journey toward nationwide adoption is reminiscent of the original federal-state Medicaid partnership, which was enacted by Congress in 1965 but not adopted by every state until 1982, when the last holdout, Arizona, came on board. Change can be hard, but polls show that voters, including Mississippi voters, favor Medicaid expansion. It's no wonder that the number of holdout states keeps dwindling.

READ MORE: Negotiations begin: Where do House, Senate, governor stand on Medicaid expansion? Is there room for compromise?

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

On this day in 1937

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May 1, 1937

Liz Montague's Google Doodle honoring pioneering African American cartoonist Jackie Ormes. Credit: Courtesy of Google

Jackie Ormes became the first known Black cartoonist whose work was read coast to coast through the major black publication, the Pittsburgh Courier.

Her cartoon told the story of Torchy Brown, a Mississippi teenager who sang and danced her way from Mississippi to New York , mirroring the Great Migration, when millions of African Americans trekked from the South to the North, Midwest and .

In 1945, her cartoon, “Patty-Jo ‘n' Ginger,” started. The strip proved so popular that department stores sold Patty-Jo as a doll. Five years later, Torchy returned, this time as a confident and courageous woman who dared to tackle such issues as race, sex and the . applauded this strong model of what young Black women could be.

In 2014, she was inducted into the Black Journalists Hall of Fame and was later by Google on its search page.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=354343

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Mississippi Today

Work requirement will likely delay or invalidate Medicaid expansion in Mississippi

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mississippitoday.org – Sophia Paffenroth – 2024-04-30 19:12:46

The final version of Medicaid expansion in the Legislature could tens of thousands of uninsured, working waiting indefinitely for Medicaid coverage – unless the federal makes an unprecedented move.

The compromise lawmakers reached minutes before a legislative deadline on Monday night makes expansion contingent on a work requirement. That means even if both chambers pass the bill, the estimated 200,000 Mississippians who would qualify for coverage would need to wait until the federal government, under either a Biden or Trump administration, approved the waiver necessary to implement a work requirement – which could take years, if ever.

Lawmakers in favor of the work requirement have not been open to allowing expansion to move forward while the work requirement is in flux. The House bill proposed expansion be implemented immediately but included a “trigger law” similar to North Carolina's. The “trigger law” mandated that if the federal government ever changed its policy on allowing states to implement a work requirement, Mississippi would move to implement one immediately.

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Senator Brice Wiggins, R-, one of the Medicaid expansion conferees, posted on social “if CMMS wants people covered then it will approve (the work requirement). Nothing prevents them from approving it other than POTUS/CMMS philosophy.” 

But even in states where a work requirement was approved, litigation ensued, with the courts finding the approval of the work requirement unlawful for a number of reasons, according to a KFF report

Senate Medicaid Chairman Kevin Blackwell, R-Southaven, did not respond to Mississippi by the time the story published. 

Will a Biden – or Trump – administration approve the work requirement?

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The Biden administration has never approved the waiver necessary for a work requirement and has rescinded ones previously granted under the Trump administration. Waivers granted under the Trump administration were not granted under the current circumstances as Mississippi. 

Mississippi Today reached out to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services for comment but did not hear back by the time of publication. 

Joan Alker, Medicaid expert and executive director of Georgetown 's Center for Children and Families, explained that the Trump administration has never approved a work requirement up front for a traditional expansion plan like Mississippi's.  

In states like Kentucky and Arkansas, Alker explained, the Trump administration approved work requirements as a means of limiting already-existing expansion plans. In Georgia, an outlier that remains in litigation with the Biden administration for rescinding the state's work requirement waiver, the Trump administration approved a work requirement for a plan that isn't considered full “expansion” under the Affordable Care Act and doesn't draw down the increased federal match rate.

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“If the Legislature passed a bill with both of those requirements being non-negotiable, (the work requirement and the enhanced match) they need to know that there is no precedent for that kind of approval from either a Biden or a Trump CMS,” she said.

What happens if a work requirement is approved?

In the best case scenario – that a work requirement is approved by some administration in the near future – its implementation could mean an increase in administrative costs and a decrease in eligible enrollees getting the coverage for which they qualify. Georgia's plan, for example, requires people document they're in school, working or participating in other activities. The requirement has cost taxpayers at least $26 million, and more than 90% of that has gone toward administrative and consulting costs, according to KFF Health .    

“Even if CMS does approve (it), actually implementing and administering work requirements is costly and complex,” explained Morgan Henderson, the principal data scientist on a study commissioned by the Center for Mississippi Health Policy and conducted by the Hilltop Institute at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. “This would almost certainly significantly dampen enrollment relative to a scenario with no work requirements, and cost the state millions to implement.”

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Many of the cases where work requirements were approved but then deemed unlawful were due to court rulings that found that the work requirement resulted in lower enrollment, counterproductive to the primary goal of Medicaid. 

In addition to lowering enrollment, the work requirements have not led to increased employment, the primary goal of the work requirement, explained Alice Middleton, deputy director of the Hilltop Institute and a former deputy director of the Division of Eligibility and Enrollment at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. 

“Recent guidance has been clear that work requirements would jeopardize health coverage and access without increasing employment,” Middleton said. “While a future Trump Administration may revisit these decisions and approve work requirements again, legal challenges are likely to follow …”

Senate leaders compromised with the House on a number of fine points regarding the work requirement: reducing the mandatory employment from 120 to 100 hours a month; reducing the number of employment verification renewals from four times to once a year; and removing the clause that would require the state to enter into litigation with the federal government, as Georgia did, if the federal government turns down the work requirement. 

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“It was encouraging to see both sides compromising, but, ultimately, the inclusion of work requirements multiple sets of challenges to successful expansion,” Henderson said.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Why many House Democrats say they’ll vote against a bill that is ‘Medicaid expansion in name only’

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-04-30 18:55:44

For a decade, House Democrats have been beating the drum — often when it seemed no one else was listening — to expand to for working poor .

It looks as though a large majority of those House Democrats as early as Wednesday will vote against and possibly kill a bill that purports to expand Medicaid.

They say the agreement reached late Monday between House and Senate Republicans may be called Medicaid expansion, but it is not written to actually go into effect or the hundreds of thousands of Mississippians who need health care coverage.

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“It is just like an eggshell with no egg in the middle,” said Rep. Timaka James-Jones, a Democratic from Belzoni in her first term. “It does not make sense.”

Republicans, who have have supermajorities in both the House and Senate and do not need a single Democratic vote to pass any bill, have for years relished their power over legislative Democrats. But when a three-fifths vote is needed and Republicans aren't in unanimous agreement like on this current bill, Democrats have real power to flex.

Earlier on Tuesday, after a closed-door luncheon meeting of House Democrats, Rep. Robert Johnson of Natchez, the minority leader, informed Speaker Jason White that 32 of the 41 House Democrats planned to vote no. That sent shockwaves through the Capitol.

With several House Republicans also expected to vote no, that number of dissenting Democrats would likely prevent the legislation from getting the three-fifths majority needed to pass. And no votes by 32 Democrats would surely mean the proposal would fall short of the two-thirds majority that would be needed later to override an expected veto from Gov. Tate Reeves, who is opposed to accepting more than a $1 billion a year in federal funds to provide health care for an estimated 200,000 Mississippians.

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At issue for the House Democrats is a work requirement that Senate Republicans insisted be placed in the bill and that House negotiators agreed to minutes before the Monday night deadline to reach an agreement between the two chambers.

Federal officials have made it clear in the past that they would not approve a work requirement as part of Medicaid expansion. But in the proposal that House and Senate leaders agreed to, Medicaid expansion would not go into effect until federal officials approve a work requirement.

Senate leaders have expressed optimism that the Biden administration would be so pleased with longtime Medicaid expansion holdout Mississippi making an effort that it would approve a work requirement, or that the conservative federal 5th Circuit Court would approve it if litigated.

“It is tough. For the 11 years I have served in the House, I have supported the state expanding Medicaid,” said Rep. John Faulkner, D-Holly Springs. “But the truth is this conference report really doesn't do anything to help poor people who need it.”

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The comments made by Faulkner were echoed by multiple House Democrats at the luncheon meeting, according to numerous sources inside the meeting.

After that meeting, Democratic leader Johnson relayed those sentiments and the Democrats' plans to vote against the proposal to White.

So White called a Tuesday afternoon meeting with Johnson. After the Republican speaker and Democratic leader met behind closed doors, Johnson announced on the House floor that House Democrats would hold another caucus meeting. It did not last long.

After that meeting, several Democrats said their plans to vote against the bill had not changed, though some acknowledged privately that against the bill would be difficult. One member, when asked if the Democrats still planned to vote against the proposal in large numbers, replied, “It is fluid. I don't know. We will see.”

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Many of the Democrats praised White, a first-term speaker, for finally tackling Medicaid expansion. And they praised the original House bill that that allowed Medicaid expansion to go into effect in Mississippi like it had in 40 other states even if a work requirement was struck down by federal officials. They also praised Republican Medicaid Chairwoman Missy McGee for her work to pass “a clean” Medicaid expansion bill.

READ MORE: House agrees to work requirement, Senate concedes covering more people in Medicaid expansion deal

But they expressed disappointment with the final agreement worked out between House and Senate leaders with the non-negotiable work requirement. They said they had informed House leaders all along that they would oppose a compromise that included a work requirement.

“We know all eyes are on us right now because the Republican supermajority couldn't reach an agreement among themselves,” said Rep. Daryl Porter, D-Summit. “Republican infighting on Medicaid expansion becoming our responsibility to referee feels unfair when they're the ones who couldn't get the for their own bill. They're waiting to see if we'll bail them out.”

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Several House Democrats said it would be difficult to go back home and explain to their constituents that they voted against Medicaid expansion.

But Rep. Rickey Thompson, D-, said people should not view them as voting against Medicaid expansion simply because the bill would not expand Medicaid.

“It just puts something on paper, but it does not do anything,” said Thompson.

“It is not Medicaid expansion,” said Zakiya Summers, D-Jackson, who said she campaigned on Medicaid expansion when she first ran and was first elected in 2019. She spoke as a surrogate for Democratic gubernatorial candidate Brandon Presley last year in support of Medicaid expansion.

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Rep. Bryant Clark, D-Pickens, said it would be more difficult to explain to constituents that they could not get health care through Medicaid even after the Legislature approved it than to vote against it and explain the reason for that vote.

Numerous members said Rep. Percy Watson, D-Hattiesburg, made the most salient point at the Democrats' first caucus meeting on Tuesday.

Watson, the longest serving member of the House, told the story of a vote in the 1982 session on a bill that would have allowed local school districts to enact kindergarten and require mandatory school attendance. Watson said he voted for the bill, but later was pleased that it died.

If that bill had passed, there would not have been the landmark special session later that year when statewide kindergarten was created and school attendance was mandated statewide.

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“Sometimes it takes more than one session to pass something important,” Watson said.

Everyone at the Capitol is closely tracking what the House Democrats decide — Senate Republicans, who are reportedly struggling to get a three-fifths vote of their own to pass the bill in that chamber.

After word spread Tuesday of the House Democrats' meeting and potential killing of the expansion bill, Senate Medicaid Chair Kevin Blackwell, R-Southaven, said he would not present the expansion proposal in his chamber until after the House acted.

The bill, which faces a Thursday evening deadline, could be sent back for additional negotiations where the work requirement could be removed. But the Senate has thus far not yielded on the work requirement — something that House Democrats, clearly, believe would result in the bill never going into effect.

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READ MORE: Back-and-forth: House, Senate swap Medicaid expansion proposals, counter offers

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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