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Lawmakers advance bills to restrict jailing people awaiting mental health treatment

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Two bills imposing strict limits on when people can be jailed without criminal charges while they await mental health treatment are headed to the House and Senate floors.

Both measures would allow counties to jail people during civil commitment proceedings only if alternatives such as local hospitals and crisis stabilization units are unavailable, and would restrict such jail detentions to no more than 24 hours. They would also require a mental health screening to take place before a person can be taken into custody– a proposal intended to reduce the number of commitments by connecting people with outpatient treatment options instead whenever possible.

“We need to get the mentally ill out of our jails,” said Sen. Nicole Boyd, R-Oxford, as she introduced SB 2744 to the Judiciary A Committee on Tuesday afternoon.

Her bill cleared the committee with no opposition. Last week, HB 1640, with similar language, passed out of the House Public Health Committee, also with no opposition.

The legislation follows reporting by Mississippi and ProPublica that hundreds of Mississippians are jailed every year without criminal charges while they await mental health evaluations and treatment. Since 2006, at least 17 have died while jailed during commitment proceedings. Earlier this year, 48-year-old James Tatsch died after being found unresponsive in the Alcorn County Jail, where he had been held with no criminal charges for 12 days.

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House Public Health Chairman Rep. Sam Creekmore, who authored HB 1640, appeared to reference Tatsch's death in describing part of his legislation that requires a hearing within five days of a person's commitment examinations. Under the current law, the hearing can take place within 10 days of those examinations.

“There are cases in our state recently, had this been in place, some patients would still be alive,” Creekmore said.

As the bills proceed, county officials are likely to raise concerns about costs, since jailing people is far cheaper than paying for their hospitalization. Neither SB 2744 nor HB 1640 includes new funding for treatment beds or facilities or money to counties comply.

While the state has expanded publicly funded crisis stabilization units in recent years, chancery clerks and enforcement complain that they frequently turn patients away because they deem them “violent” or requiring a higher level of care. If no public bed is available, counties may be on the hook to pay for treatment at a private facility.

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During the Judiciary A meeting on Tuesday, Boyd referenced recent reporting by that the nonprofit Disability Rights Mississippi plans to sue the state and some counties over the practice of jailing people on the basis of mental illness.

“The state is facing litigation because we are continuing to put those that are mentally ill in our jails, and I think this will go a long way in making sure that we work through this,” she said.

On Tuesday, Disability Rights Mississippi Executive Director Polly Tribble reiterated her stance that any jail detention is too long for people who haven't been accused of a .

She asked who would monitor whether counties are meeting a 24-hour deadline to get someone out of jail, pointing out that the Department of Mental Health currently tracks such detentions and their length only after someone has had a commitment hearing and is waiting on a state hospital bed.

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“There are just too many questions,” she said. “We are mandated to protect the rights of people with disabilities and we intend to do just that.”

The committee substitutes of HB 1640 as well as SB 2477 contain a measure that would continue to allow detentions in any jail that is certified as a holding facility by the Department of Mental Health. Jails with that certification must meet health and safety standards and be regularly inspected by the agency.

In public health hearings earlier this year, Department of Mental Health director Wendy Bailey told lawmakers that reforming the civil commitment to restrict jail detentions is a top priority of the agency this session.

“We've been supportive of changes to the commitment process, including restrictions on the use of jail as a holding facility and a pre-affidavit screening process that is in this legislation,” said Adam Moore, a spokesperson for the Department of Mental Health, on Tuesday.

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The Senate legislation also increases state oversight of the community mental health centers, the independent regional organizations responsible for providing safety net mental close to home.

Specifically, Boyd's bill would require the Department of Mental Health to create a rating scale for the centers and conduct a performance audit at least every two years. After a six-month probation, the agency could replace a failing center's director.

Dave Van, the executive director of Region 8, the community mental health center that serves Madison, Rankin and other counties in central Mississippi, said he thinks SB 2744 makes significant changes that could have unintended consequences. He said community mental health center directors and commissioners, along with county supervisors, weren't sufficiently involved in the creation of the legislation.

“I just think it's completely turning the mental health system upside down in a small amount of time without any research or input from all the players that the service, the boots on the ground,” he said. “Maybe it needs to be turned upside down. I'm just not sure.”

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating for vouchers.

But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new law, to the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the lawsuit – for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 health emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband infrastructure.”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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