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Charged with no crime. Locked up for 12 days. He died waiting for help

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James Tatsch was not charged with any . But when he was found unresponsive in an isolation cell at the Alcorn County Jail on Jan. 17, he had been locked up for 12 days. He died at the local hospital.

Tatsch was waiting for mental treatment through Mississippi's involuntary commitment process. Every year, hundreds of people going through the process are detained in county jails for days or weeks at a time while they wait for evaluations, hearings and treatment. They are generally treated like criminal defendants and receive little or no mental while jailed.

Mississippi Today and ProPublica previously reported that since 2006, at least 14 people have died after being jailed during this process. Tatsch, who was 48 years old, is at least the 15th. No one in the state keeps track of how often people die while jailed for this reason. The identified the deaths through lawsuits, news clips and Mississippi Bureau of Investigation reports. MBI investigates in-custody deaths only at the request of the local sheriff or district attorney.

Alcorn County Sheriff Ben Caldwell said Tatsch's cause of is unclear. It was not a suicide and there were no signs of physical trauma. Medical staff at the jail had recently checked on him and not seen any cause for concern, Caldwell said. Tatsch had been eating normally and had conversations with jail staff.

“Obviously he was going through a mental health crisis and there were times where he was not his normal self, I guess,” Caldwell said.

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Caldwell said he doesn't think people should be sent to his jail solely because they need mental health treatment, but it's not uncommon. He worries about keeping them isolated, in a bare cell, while they are in crisis. The cell where Tatsch spent his final days had no television.

“If you have a stroke or if you have any other medical issue, you're in the hospital, or you're under a doctor's care, whereas if it's mental health, if there's no bed available, then you to jail,” Caldwell said.

Caldwell said Tatsch was homeless and had come to Alcorn County from the Coast. The sheriff's department was unable to reach his family, but the Mississippi Bureau of Identification eventually located a former girlfriend of his late father.

Through Facebook, Mississippi Today reached a woman who said she was Tatsch's niece, but she did not know him personally.

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Under Mississippi law, a person going through the commitment process must receive a pre-evaluation by their local community mental health center, and then two more evaluations before having a hearing where a judge decides whether to order them into inpatient treatment.

It isn't clear whether Tatsch had a hearing during his 12-day incarceration. The Department of Mental Health says the whole process should take no more than seven to 10 days, but it collects no data on whether counties are actually hitting that target. The agency does not know that a person is going through the process until a commitment order is entered by a judge and collects only limited data on the number of people jailed while they await help. 

DMH director Wendy Bailey recently told the Senate public health committee that the average length of wait in jail for a state hospital bed is just under three days, but that figure doesn't include any time people spend in jail before their hearings.

Sweat, the new special master who handles commitment hearings in the county, told Mississippi Today that he was appointed to the position “within the last couple of weeks,” has not yet held a hearing and was not familiar with Tatsch.

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Polly Tribble, the executive director of Disability Rights Mississippi, said Tatsch's death illustrates the need for greater oversight of the commitment process.

“It stands to reason that once somebody is booked – and I don't even like that term, for commitment proceedings – that that's when DMH needs to get involved, and know about that person,” she said. “Of course we don't know what happened to this man and if any of that could have been prevented, but it highlights the problem that we have.”

Caldwell said he did not know where in the process Tatsch was.

Alcorn County Chancery Clerk Keith Settlemires, whose office is responsible for coordinating the process, did not respond to calls and an email seeking information. His office eventually told Mississippi Today to stop calling.

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Jason Ramey, the executive director of Region IV – the community mental health center that serves Alcorn County and provides initial screenings during the commitment process– said he could not comment on a specific patient.

Lawmakers are currently discussing proposals that would limit the use of jail to detain people during the commitment process, which the Department of Mental Health supports. One measure, sponsored by Rep. Kevin Felsher, R-Biloxi, would allow jail detentions only for protective custody while someone awaits transportation to a medical facility, and only for up to 72 hours.

In an interview, Felsher emphasized that he doesn't know the specifics of Tatsch's case and isn't “pointing the finger at anyone.” But he believes people should not be jailed solely on the basis of mental illness. If jail detentions are necessary, they should be for the shortest amount of time possible.

“Mental illness is a medical condition, not a crime,” he said. “What are you doing in jail for 12 days if you haven't committed a crime? So there's some questions to be asked there.”

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The Alcorn County Chancery Clerk's office was in the midst of a transition when Tatsch was booked into the jail. Settlemires, who had no prior experience working in the office, had just been sworn in.

The commitment process can be complicated, requiring clerks and their staff to coordinate evaluations and try to find placements for people in the midst of a mental health crisis.

Deputy Clerk Carolyn James said commitments are currently handled by “whoever in here that can take the commitments.”

“We had a person that did our court work that is no longer here, so we're just kind of doing the best we can right now,” she said.

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When no bed is available at the crisis stabilization unit or the local hospital, people going through the process go to jail, she said.

James said she does not know who runs the crisis stabilization unit.

“We're trying to do it as right as we can,” she said. “It's just a bad situation with all this mental health stuff.”

Ramey, the director of Region IV, which operates the Corinth crisis unit, said he was surprised that James did not know Region IV runs that facility.

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“I'll make sure that's rectified,” he said.

In an email, Department of Mental Health spokesman Adam Moore reiterated that the agency supports legislative proposals to require a pre-evaluation before someone is detained during the commitment process and to restrict jail detentions.

“It is a priority for us this to work with the and other stakeholders during the legislative process, and we will continue to do so during the weeks and months ahead in the session,” he said.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.

But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new law, to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the lawsuit – Parents for – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational funding away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 health emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in , sewer or broadband infrastructure.”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1925

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MAY 19, 1925

In this 1963 , leader Malcolm X speaks to reporters in Washington. Credit: Associated Press

Malcolm X was born Malcolm Little in Omaha, Nebraska. When he was 14, a teacher asked him what he wanted to be when he grew up and he answered that he wanted to be a lawyer. The teacher chided him, urging him to be realistic. “Why don't you plan on carpentry?”

In prison, he became a follower of Nation of Islam leader Elijah Muhammad. In his speeches, Malcolm X warned Black Americans against self-loathing: “Who taught you to hate the texture of your hair? Who taught you to hate the color of your skin? Who taught you to hate the shape of your nose and the shape of your lips? Who taught you to hate yourself from the top of your head to the soles of your feet? Who taught you to hate your own kind?”

Prior to a 1964 pilgrimage to Mecca, he split with Elijah Muhammad. As a result of that , Malcolm X began to accept followers of all races. In 1965, he was assassinated. Denzel Washington was nominated for an Oscar for his portrayal of the civil rights leader in Spike Lee's 1992 award-winning film.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1896

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MAY 18, 1896

The ruled 7-1 in Plessy v. Ferguson that racial segregation on railroads or similar public places was constitutional, forging the “separate but equal” doctrine that remained in place until 1954.

In his dissent that would foreshadow the ruling six decades later in Brown v. Board of Education, Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote that “separate but equal” rail cars were aimed at discriminating against Black Americans.

“In the view of the Constitution, in the eye of the , there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens,” he wrote. “Our Constitution in color-blind and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of , all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law … takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the are involved.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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