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'You're not in line': Family battles politics, indifference, and suspected fraud in federal health care program

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‘You're not in line': Family battles politics, indifference, and suspected fraud in federal health care program

Natalie Gunnells had finally secured some assistance from Mississippi's political class for her 23-year-old son Patrick, who has severe autism.

No sooner had she started receiving relief from the state's Medicaid agency than her local lawmaker accused her of supporting his political opponent, delivering an ominous warning.

“You're not in line, you're not in sync to help you and your family,” said the local senator.

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Patrick is one of 2,750 Mississippians on a special Medicaid program that is supposed to provide outpatient services to people with intellectual or developmental disabilities, known as the IDD waiver. The purpose of the waiver — a roughly $125 million-a-year program funded mostly by the federal but administered by state agencies — is to allow this vulnerable population to in the community as opposed to an inpatient facility.

But even though he receives the waiver, Patrick has for years lacked a caregiver or specialist.

“I'm telling you this waiver is designed to fail. You don't fail this many people year, after year, after year if it is not designed to fail,” Natalie Gunnells said at a community meeting in February.

Without the specialized behavioral therapy that he is eligible to receive, Patrick's potential is unknown. Patrick is nonverbal and cannot perform normal tasks, like using the bathroom on his own. When he was a child, his parents fought for him to receive the special education he was entitled to at the public school. These days, Patrick rarely agrees to leave the family's Tupelo home, and he's almost always wearing his large black headphones due to noise sensitivity.

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Yet, the Gunnells recently found out that Medicaid has been dishing out thousands for therapy they say Patrick is not receiving under what they believe is a fraud scheme. Documents suggest the alleged abuse was made possible by years of loose oversight at the Department of Mental Health. The state attorney general's office is currently investigating, according to AG communication obtained by Mississippi Today, though no one has been charged with a crime.

READ MORE: Attorney General investigating provider fraud in Medicaid waiver

Patrick Gunnells, 23, watches on his iPad in the living room of his family's Tupelo home on Mar. 9, 2023. Gunnells, who has severe autism, spends almost all of his time at home due to sensory sensitivities.

Adding insult to injury, when the federal government decided during the pandemic to temporarily allow parents to get paid to deliver care to their disabled adult children, Mississippi chose not to adopt the policy.

Natalie Gunnells and her husband Jamie Gunnells knew they'd have to involve Sen. Chad McMahan, R-Guntown, their local lawmaker, if they wanted a shot at the new benefit.

It was the same way when Patrick got on the waiver, known for its years-long waitlist, more than a decade ago.

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“You have to know somebody to get off the waiting list,” said Jamie Gunnells, who owns and runs an independent pharmacy in Tupelo. “It's pitiful.”

In roughly the last year, Mississippi Division of Medicaid Director Drew Snyder asked one of his division directors to follow up on requests from at least eight sitting lawmakers, all white Republican men, according to text messages obtained by Mississippi Today. The politicians seemed to urge the agency to remove roadblocks for specific beneficiaries who were attempting to access Medicaid.

In each case, Tracy Buchanan, Medicaid's director of long term services and supports, responded that she was on it.

READ MORE: Texts show lawmaker influence over Mississippi's Medicaid rolls

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McMahan has become particularly known for keenly navigating government red tape to help Mississippians get the public assistance they need. “I am relentless about contacting these agencies on my own,” McMahan told Mississippi Today. “I personally call and take an interest in every one of these cases to help people.”

As part of his stated commitment to help his constituents, McMahan convened a meeting for the Gunnells with Medicaid officials in May of 2022. After it ended, the couple alleged that McMahan casually propositioned them.

“He says, ‘Well, that ought to be worth a $25,000 campaign donation, don't you think?'” Jamie Gunnells said.

While the Gunnells, who have publicly shared support for various Mississippi politicians, had made contributions to McMahan's past campaigns, they said they were put off by the request and have not donated to McMahan since.

McMahan adamantly denied making the ask for a campaign donation. “No, I didn't say anything like that,” he said. “… That's a terrible thing to say.”

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In Mississippi, it's not uncommon for the state's Republican , who otherwise revile public assistance programs, to use the system for the benefit of themselves and their political supporters — no better illustrated than within Mississippi's still-unfolding welfare scandal. One former grant recipient and defendant in the case, Christi Webb, even accused McMahan of delivering a threat on behalf of former Gov. Phil Bryant to withhold grant funding to the nonprofit she ran, Family Resource Center of North Mississippi, because she had supported and hired the wife of a Democratic candidate for governor. McMahan denied the allegation.

McMahan had also been jockeying for funding from Mississippi Department of Human Services, which administers the federal Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) block grant, to go to the Autism Center of North Mississippi. For a short time years ago, Patrick received services from the autism center, and his parents praised the quality of the program.

Auditors found that the autism center improperly received a $75,000 grant from the welfare agency, as well as more than $300,000 in grants from Family Resource Center.

MDHS employees had expressed hesitation about whether anti-poverty funds could be used to support services for well-to-do families at the autism center, but after a meeting between McMahan, Bryant and the welfare director, grant money flowed to the center anyway.

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Natalie Gunnells plays with her 23-year-old son Patrick Gunnells, who has severe autism, at their Tupelo home on Mar. 9, 2023.

At the Gunnells' urging, the Mississippi Division of Medicaid eventually adopted the federal policy allowing parents of severely disabled adults to temporarily become paid caregivers.

Natalie Gunnells, who has a master's degree in counseling and gave up a promising career in education to care for her son, took courses to become certified through a local personal care provider last year.

Still, Mississippi had chosen the more stringent version of the policy that said legal guardians could not participate. So Natalie Gunnells had to relinquish her guardianship of Patrick — at a price of $2,300 to her attorney — to serve as her son's taxpayer-funded caregiver. She began receiving the $12-an-hour wage for her work in November. This temporary policy, called Appendix K, only lasts until the end of the public health emergency, currently planned for next month.

In early January, Natalie Gunnells shared what she thought was an innocuous Facebook post from Lauren Smith, a local lab tech consultant and growing social media personality. Smith promotes conservative politics through her Facebook group “P.R.I.M.E” (Patriots for Rights Integrity Morals and Ethics), often taking aim at establishment GOP leaders. She was gearing up to run against McMahan for his Senate seat.

“If you want to know what's really going on in politics in our great State, then you need to listen to Lauren Smith!” Natalie Gunnells wrote. “Ya'll, this girl…her passion, knowledge, expertise…JUST LISTEN!”

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Then her phone rang.

On the other line, McMahan explained to the Gunnells that “someone in Washington” had alerted him to Natalie Gunnell's Facebook post, and they weren't happy.

“There's some of us out here that are doing everything we can to help your family, and it's just, it's just a slap in our face,” McMahan said, according to a recording of the call obtained by Mississippi Today. “… I just want you to know that I may be the face of trying to help you, but there's a lot of people behind me that's tried to help you, and y'all are making it difficult for your own cause.”

“We're making it difficult by liking a post?” Jamie Gunnells said.

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“Yes,” McMahan said. “Yes.”

“I don't understand that,” Jamie said.

“Well, I guess you'll just have to trust me. I don't know the pharmaceutical industry, but I know politics. And I guess you'll just have to trust me,” the lawmaker said, according to the recording.

To the Gunnells, McMahan's call came off as a veiled threat to withhold help to Patrick.

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“That's terrible. If that's the impression I left, I'm really, I'm deeply sorry about that,” McMahan told Mississippi Today. “I thought they would deceive my sincerity about how hard I had worked on their behalf, and they know I did.”

But on the call, McMahan also accused his opponent of wanting to end Medicaid — the program that provides not only Patrick's waiver, but his health insurance. “She (Smith) is against every type of program,” McMahan told the Gunnells. “She would take literally the bread out of your family's mouth to end any type of government assistance, and you're supporting her.”

After the interaction, Natalie Gunnells said she felt that the solution they had reached with Medicaid was in jeopardy. She deleted her Facebook post.

“Senator McMahan was referring to a quid pro quo: he was helping us and if we wanted to continue to rely on him and everyone he stated behind him helping, we better not promote Lauren Smith at all,” Natalie Gunnells wrote to Mississippi Today.

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McMahan explained his response to the situation, telling Mississippi Today, “It's a normal reaction when you help somebody and then they're out there supporting other individuals that are completely opposed to their own need.”

“It is human nature. I mean, come on,” he told Mississippi Today. “You give somebody just hours and hours of help in trying to help their family, and then they're out there supporting individuals, not just my opponent, but other individuals in general that are against any type of Medicaid enhancements. And it's just odd.”

Parents of six, Natalie and Jamie Gunnells watch their 23-year-old son Patrick Gunnells at their Tupelo home on Mar. 9, 2023.

The Gunnells are ardent conservatives, backing far-right candidates such as Sen. Chris McDaniel, a Republican candidate for lieutenant governor and tea party populist who's tried to fracture Mississippi's establishment GOP since at least his U.S. Senate race in 2014. These candidates are particularly hostile to taxpayer spending on government assistance programs.

But the Gunnells said they don't believe Smith or any other public servant would genuinely want to eliminate Medicaid.

“I can't imagine a politician saying that today,” Jamie Gunnells said. “Yeah, they and I would love to see more people working and supporting themselves, but we're the poorest state in the union, we're going to have people on Medicaid. And that's just the fact.”

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Smith told Mississippi Today that McMahan, who also filed an unsuccessful residency challenge against Smith, is desperate to hold onto his senate seat, “and he'll say whatever it takes to do that, no matter if it's true or a lie.”

“Do I think it (Medicaid) needs reforming? Absolutely. Do I think it is a very, very broken system? Absolutely. And it does need a lot of work. But to do away with it? No, absolutely not,” Smith said. “It's there for a reason, and that's to take care of the ones who truly need it.”

Smith also said she is against the extension of postpartum Medicaid coverage from 60 days to one year, which Gov. Tate Reeves recently signed into law.

“Why is that a Mississippi taxpayer's problem to have to pay for that?” Smith said. “… Whenever I had my son, I had to go back to work.”

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At least 40% of private sector jobs in Mississippi do not come with employer-sponsored health benefits, according to Kaiser Family Foundation.

Regardless of the state's philosophy around Medicaid, its administration of the IDD waiver has been a disaster, according to several parents who spoke at a public hearing in February. This is largely because of a shortage of quality direct care workers and shoddy oversight.

Medicaid is responsible for submitting a renewal application to the federal government every five years to keep the waiver in operation. It held a hearing to gather feedback from clients in February and sent the new waiver application at the end of March.

The purpose of the waiver is to allow people with intellectual and developmental disabilities to live in the community, as opposed to an inpatient facility. This follows the 1999 opinion in Olmstead v.s L.C., which gives Americans with disabilities the right to live in the “least restrictive setting” possible for their and requires the government to provide the necessary supports.

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While there are about 2,750 people on the waiver at any given time, there are almost the same number of people on the waiting list who qualify but do not get the benefit. The state estimates there are a total of between 52,000 to 53,000 Mississippians with intellectual or developmental disabilities.

“People are being institutionalized, I firmly believe, because they can't get on the waiver,” said Polly Tribble, director of Disability Rights Mississippi.

Around 700 people with intellectual and developmental disabilities live in the state's six regional facilities. This is down from roughly 1,300 residents in 2012. The IDD waiver has grown in that time from about 1,800 to more than 2,700.

Tribble's largest concern within the waiver is how few people it serves. She told the story of a mother who had to put her daughter in an institution because she couldn't afford to give up her job to stay home.

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“She was separated from her daughter for years until we found out about it and got her some help,” Tribble said. “There's stories like that all across the state. We don't know what the potential is and you're talking about somebody's quality of life. And possibly somebody's life.”

But the waiver doesn't necessarily ensure a person will receive the services they need.

“If you think this is going to be a golden ticket, it's not,” Natalie Gunnells said.

Natalie Gunnells reviews documents at her Tupelo home on Mar. 9, 2023. Gunnells has fought the government for years to provide the services required by law to her 23-year-old son Patrick Gunnells, who has severe autism. She filed her first successful complaint against the Tupelo Public School District in 2017.

Every morning, the Gunnells trade off who is responsible for getting Patrick up, bathing him, getting him dressed, and feeding him breakfast. After that, Natalie Gunnells is almost always at home tending to Patrick, helping him go to the bathroom and bringing him meals.

The highlight of Patrick's day is when his 16-year-old brother Stephen gets back from school. The rest of their four siblings, ages 21 to 27, no longer live at home.

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In addition to a primary diagnosis of autism, Patrick also has a genetic disorder called Cri-du-chat. But while his capabilities are limited, Patrick is smart; he can read books on at least a 9th grade level and communicate through a speech-generating device.

Patrick qualifies for 180 hours per month of in-home respite care, which is designed to relieve a primary caregiver of their otherwise round-the-clock work. For six of the last seven years, his mom said Patrick has been without a respite caregiver.

Not every person on the IDD waiver may need in-home respite, though all would qualify for it. Out of the 2,747 people on the waiver in fiscal year 2022, less than 20%, or 534, received respite care, according to documents from Medicaid. Just 32%, 873, received a similar service called home and community supports.

Patrick can't participate in community-based services in centers, often referred to as day hab, because DMH doesn't fund the one-on-one support he would need to acclimate in that environment.

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Patrick also qualifies for 30 hours of behavioral therapy each month. Natalie Gunnells said that a local behavior support consultant, Vargas Clark from Mississippi Behavioral Services, did come to the Gunnells' home to work with Patrick here and there in 2018, only for around 30 minutes a session. But they say Clark hasn't had much of a presence in their lives since, and while a different therapist from the Behavioral Services came sporadically in 2021, the Gunnells haven't seen anyone from the organization in over a year.

According to Medicaid's billing department, the IDD waiver costs about $125 million annually, with the agency reimbursing about $45,000 worth of services on average for each person on the waiver – though clients like Patrick aren't receiving nearly that amount.

Some parents who spoke to Mississippi Today are skeptical, considering the worker shortage, that such a large amount of care or therapy is actually being delivered under the waiver.

“They're receiving funding, but the services are not being delivered as they are designed to be,” Deb Giles, a parent of a son with Down syndrome, said at a recent hearing.

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If Natalie Gunnells were paid to provide Patrick's full allotment of in-home care, it would cost roughly $25,000 each year. To compare, the cost of placing Patrick in one of DMH's regional centers would be anywhere from $90,000 to $170,000 a year depending on the level of care he qualified for.

The waiver is funded by Medicaid but the administration and oversight, which primarily consists of support coordinators employed by the regional IDD centers, is operated by the Mississippi Department of Mental Health. DMH told Mississippi Today that like private direct care providers, the agency has similarly struggled to hire and retain enough support coordinators.

The support coordinators work with the IDD waiver clients and their parents or guardians to develop what's called a Plan of Services and Supports. The plan, the state's primary source of information about how a patient is faring, is a crude worksheet with blank spaces for the support coordinator to fill out. Some of the headers include, “Things People Need to Know to Support Patrick and Keep Patrick Safe,” “Patrick's Strengths,” “Patrick's Dreams,” “Things to Figure Out,” “Good Day,” and “Bad Day.”

At least in Patrick's case, the plan operates as more of a wishlist than a realistic picture of his participation in the program. In some cases, it seems to the Gunnells that DMH is simply checking boxes, even if that means jotting down inaccuracies. The Gunnells' support coordinator, Clay Ketchings at North Mississippi Regional Center, repeatedly writes in the plan that Patrick likes to go on car rides, despite the fact that currently, his parents say Patrick is almost entirely homebound.

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Ideally, the Gunnells would find a consistent direct care worker and use the behavior support consultant to train the worker on how to best socialize and respond to Patrick's specific needs. Patrick's waiver plan explains that he is stubborn to following directions, sometimes falling on the ground and refusing to move. The Gunnells wonder what Patrick would be capable of if he had access to an autism specialist, especially considering the promising progress he made during the short stint he received services from the autism center under Dr. Sheila Williamson, who's no longer there.

“She would have probably already had him potty trained,” Natalie Gunnells said. “… So we don't ever really know what his potential is.”

In Mississippi, there are almost two direct care worker job openings for every person working as a direct care worker, according to national policy institute PHI, which ranks Mississippi second to last for its direct care workforce.

Betty Pinion, director of the IDD program for the Department of Mental Health, acknowledged the care shortage in an interview with Mississippi Today. But she also said that in some cases, individuals on the waiver are not receiving the services included in their plan not because the services aren't available, but because the family refuses to work with the available providers. Some of these agencies are paying direct care workers as low as $8-an-hour.

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“There are some (clients) that doesn't seem to be satisfied with any person that we send,” Pinion said.

Since the Gunnells haven't found a direct care worker to train, they haven't been receiving the behavioral support either.

They and many other parents have raised the issue of lack of services to their support coordinator, who is tasked with addressing any client concerns, but they say it doesn't yield any results. Mississippi Today observed one family's Plan of Services and Supports meeting in March. The parents repeatedly complained that they could not find an agency with available workers; the support coordinator explained that she didn't have any control over the workforce.

In an interview with Mississippi Today, officials from the Department of Mental Health said it is not tracking how many people on the waiver are receiving each service versus the number of people eligible for each service.

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This could show the number of people missing out on the benefits to which they're entitled.

It also does not compile the total number of hours per service people on the waiver are eligible to receive or the total number of hours of services delivered, which might even better quantify the care shortage. Mississippi Today requested this data from the department, but since it is not already compiled in a report, it is not a public record, and the department said the report would require too many hours for the agency to conduct.

“To compile the requested information, each individual's file (more than 2,700) would have to be reviewed to determine the eligible number of hours and then compiled into a consolidated report,” the agency said in response to the request. “… DMH is considering ways this data can be collected in the future.”

Medicaid declined to answer Mississippi Today's questions about the waiver and its renewal, but an attorney with the agency Cody Smith told Natalie Gunnells in an email that the agency shared her concerns about the care shortage. He said that Medicaid is working with DMH to “lower barriers on workers entering the industry” and that it has commissioned a workforce study. Medicaid spokesperson Matt Westerfield said the agency is proposing an average reimbursement rate increase of 18%, which affects the hourly wage of the care workers.

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Medicaid is currently submitting its paperwork to the federal government to renew the IDD waiver, a that happens once every five years. Both Medicaid and DMH hosted a public hearing in February to accept suggestions from the public about what changes to make in its renewal.

After Mississippi Today's inquiry to Medicaid about the IDD waiver, Snyder texted his deputy administrator for policy Wil Ervin, who recently left the agency, asking him to watch a recording of the public hearing to see if there was anything they needed to “watch out for.”

“We are likely going to have an issue from the hearing,” Ervin responded the next day.

Medicaid spokesperson Matt Westerfield said in an email that Ervin was referring to complaints, such as from Natalie Gunnells, about the policy that legal guardians cannot be paid caregivers under the waiver. Westerfield said last month that the agency was still considering whether to revise this policy in its permanent plan.

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But when it came time to submit the waiver application at the end of March, Medicaid moved to include an even more restrictive version of the policy. It added the caveat that people could not be paid to care for their relatives if the service they are providing is “a function that a relative or housemate was providing for the participant without payment prior to waiver enrollment,” which seems to apply to Natalie Gunnells and most parents in her position.

After all her efforts, Natalie Gunnells will likely be back at square one when the public health emergency ends.

Patrick Gunnells, who has severe autism, plays on his iPad at his family's Tupelo home on Mar. 9, 2023.

In early January of 2022, frustrated by the absence of services for her son, Natalie Gunnells began requesting what are called “utilization reports” from the Department of Mental Health.

The reports contain which services, and the number of hours, that providers are billing to Medicaid under the waiver. The support coordinators are supposed to the documents with the parent or guardian every month to ensure the client is receiving the services that Medicaid is paying for, but in Natalie Gunnells's case, she said this hadn't happened for three years.

“They were so negligent that any agency billing Medicaid that wanted to commit fraud could without detection,” Natalie Gunnells wrote in her own timeline of the alleged fraud.

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Once she got the documents, she said she realized that for at least two years, Mississippi Behavioral Services, owned by Vargas Clark in Southaven, had been charging Medicaid for services she says Patrick wasn't receiving. In some months when Patrick may have received an hour of support, billing records show the company charged for the full 30 hours. Natalie Gunnells estimates Medicaid reimbursed Mississippi Behavioral Services for at least $42,000 for services not rendered.

Clark, who has not been charged with a crime, told Mississippi Today Monday that he was unaware of an investigation into his company. After agreeing to examine his records in order to discuss the alleged billing discrepancies, he did not return several follow up calls or texts.

Natalie Gunnells reported her findings to Medicaid's fraud division, but she said they never responded. She then took the information to the Attorney General's Office, which launched an investigation, in September. The Gunnells submitted an affidavit in October. The AG did not respond to several requests for comment for this story. DMH confirmed that it conducted its own internal investigation and referred the matter to Medicaid. DMH Director Wendy Bailey also said the agency recently provided more to support coordinators to ensure they're following procedures.

Providers are supposed to submit quarterly review reports describing the patient's progress, but the Gunnells' support coordinator hadn't been collecting them from Mississippi Behavioral Services.

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Eventually, Natalie Gunnells got the records from the investigator. According to a review by Mississippi Today, many of the reports are identical from quarter to quarter, seemingly copy-pasted with only the date at the top changing. The investigator also shared invoices and billing records from Medicaid, some of which include signatures for Natalie Gunnells that she said aren't hers and indistinguishable scribbles for the others.

The reviews include charts, lines zigzagging across the page, that pretend to reflect the frequency of Patrick's “target behaviors,” such as noncompliance and physical aggression. As far as Natalie Gunnells is concerned, the data is made up.

“Patrick has shown a positive response to behavior treatment,” one report says, referencing a three-month period in which the Gunnells say no therapist ever came to see Patrick.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Pro-Palestinian protest at University of Southern Mississippi ends without confrontation

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mississippitoday.org – Molly Minta – 2024-05-07 16:57:17

HATTIESBURG — A pro-Palestinian protest at the of Southern Mississippi ended after an hour, with the roughly 50 students and faculty who silently held signs facing no counter-protesters or arrests — a sharp contrast to the demonstration five days earlier at the University of Mississippi. 

According to a social media post, the ad hoc group, called USM for Palestine, were calling on the university to divest if it is invested in Israeli companies, echoing demands made by students across the country in the wake of the Israel-Hamas War. A university spokesperson said information about USM's investments would not be available by press time. 

“All members of the University community conducted themselves peacefully and respectfully,” Nicole Ruhnke wrote in an email. 

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It marked the second pro-Palestine protest at a Mississippi university since students at Columbia University set up an encampment about two weeks ago with protests touching over 40 campuses across the country. On May 2, broke up a similar protest at the University of Mississippi after some 200 of mainly white, male counter-protesters heckled, chased and threw food-related items at pro-Palestinian students. 

of the protest went viral, and the university has said it is investigating the conduct of at least one student. The Phi Delta Theta fraternity expelled from membership a student who was filmed making monkey noises at a Black female student protester. 

At USM, there are significantly less Greek students, but the specter of what could happen seemed to haunt campus officials. About 20 minutes before the protest was slated to start, the university police chief, Rusty Keyes, was already patrolling Shoemaker Square, the campus -speech zone.

Keyes pulled aside a legal observer from the to say the students would only be allowed to protest for an hour because they had not followed university policy.

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“Now, I'm not happy with them,” Keyes told the legal observer. “They have to go by the rules. I have the ability to (approve) time, manner and place, okay? … That's my authority, off the policy.”

“If we're going to do this … it's going to be right there so I can protect them,” he added, gesturing to a patch of grass next to a brick building to the side of the square. “There's a lot things they could've done to make it a lot easier on theirselves (sic). And the policy works with them. But they're doing everything in their power to work against it. If they would just work, they can have everything they want. But they gotta go by the policy. That's why policies and laws are in place. It's to protect everybody. And I'm going to make sure everybody is protected.” 

Rusty Keyes, University of Southern Mississippi's chief of police, issues instructions to pro-Palestine protesters at the University of Southern Mississippi in Hattiesburg, Miss., on Tuesday, May 7, 2024. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi

Then Keyes asked how many people were going to show up, before gesturing at a photographer on the other side of the fountain. 

“They called this photographer, they called that photographer,” he said, “and that shows right there — I mean, what's your intent, you know?” 

“Their intent is just to exercise their free speech,” the legal observer replied. 

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“I hope so,” Keyes said. “I hope so. I want to that for them. But they've got to go by my instructions for their safety, okay? And then this ends at 1 o'clock, okay? By 1 o'clock. And they gotta disperse.” 

When Mississippi Today tried to talk to Keyes, he said he wasn't commenting for the university and asked a reporter to delete her recording. 

A few feet away, Sirena Cantrell, the dean of students, stood with her arms crossed. Student groups aren't typically allowed to hold events during finals, she noted, so the protest wasn't fair. And she was concerned that what happened at Ole Miss could happen at USM, especially because the police were stretched thin preparing for graduation. Since the protest was silent, she hoped it would be pointless to counter-protest. 

“We had actually asked the group not to do this, cause of finals weeks,” she said.

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Cantrell added she had tried to talk with a student from USM for Palestine, but it wasn't productive, which was, she added, “unfortunate.” 

“I didn't really have a discussion with her,” Cantrell said. “I just told her the policy, and she said ‘okay,' and then I never heard from her again.” 

By 12 p.m., officers had stationed themselves at all four corners of the fountain. Police cars blocked off the sidewalks to prevent people from walking too close to the protesters. 

Students wearing keffiyehs began to trickle in, holding signs that said “Save Gaza,” “Nothing Justifies Genocide” and “Humanity Above .” After speaking to Keyes, they shuffled over to the grass. 

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The protest was so silent, chirping birds could be heard over the water fountain. So could the laughter of a group of mostly male students who stood to the side. 

University of Southern Mississippi students gather at the university's Shoemaker Square during a pro-Palestine protest at the campus in Hattiesburg, Miss., on Tuesday, May 7, 2024. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today

“Because if Israel sees their signs, they'll stop shooting at Palestine,” one of the students said to snickers. He wore a blue ball cap, a gray shirt and gave his name as Tim, then “Binky.” 

Rumors about the protest had been all over social media, “Binky” said, and he had been looking forward to it. But so far, he was disappointed. 

“I kind of wanted it to be wild,” he said. “I was excited to watch them look stupid.” 

“I think there's no sense in yelling at each other, though,” responded his friend, who wouldn't give his name. Cantrell, he added, had told them “we can't raise havoc, just like they (the protesters) couldn't.” 

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“The stuff at Ole Miss got taken too far,” another added. “It was funny but like, some of the shit was way too far.” 

The protest was only supposed to last an hour, someone else said, and they all started laughing again. 

“That's gonna stop what's going on over there,” he said. “An hour of sign holding.” 

The silent protest was an attempt to follow university policy and avoid replicating the confrontational atmosphere of Ole Miss' protest, said Willem Myers, a 22-year-old social work major who was acting as USM for Palestine's spokesperson. 

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A protester holds a pro-Palestine sign during a protest at the University of Southern Mississippi in Hattiesburg, Miss., on Tuesday, May 7, 2024. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today

Though they hadn't anticipated the Keyes' restrictions, Myers noted the mood was calmer than at a protest he attended at Tulane University in New Orleans, where police broke up an encampment and arrested 14 people, including him. Myers had to get permission to the city, where he lives, to be on campus that morning for an exam. 

The goal was to support Palestinians, said Myers, who is Jewish. He disagrees with the idea that Israel “speaks for or is in the best interest of the Jewish people.”  

“What we're seeing overwhelmingly from people who are on the frontlines and who are in Rafah is that they are emboldened by and given hope by the actions of student protesters throughout the world right now,” he said. “The fact is that we don't exist in a vacuum, we're not an island here at USM or in Mississippi. We're part of the larger U.S. imperialist project, and we are firmly standing against it … to have it on record that USM students do not stand with the ongoing genocide and violence against Palestinians.” 

At 1 p.m., the protest was over. Students clapped briefly, then started packing up. 

As police watched, a white student in a blue shirt walked up to them. He asked what “the rules” were and why he wasn't allowed to talk to the protesters, “because it's a public university.” 

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“If you want to communicate with them, wait till they leave,” Keyes responded. “We just want to keep this area safe.” 

Though the student, a 23-year-old finance major who declined to give his name, was friends with the group that was making jokes, he said he actually wanted to have an open dialogue with the protesters. He would've liked to ask what their “end goal” was. 

He said he already knew their answer would be a ceasefire, but he wasn't sure that was possible in the Middle East where, he said, “it's built into their culture not to like each other.” 

But it's like that here, too, he said. In America, political beliefs are becoming more polarized due to “Big Tech” and misinformation. Though he identifies as a conservative, is in a fraternity and plans to vote for Donald Trump, the student said he also opposes the military industrial complex — but where else, except for a protest like this, would he have an opportunity to actually talk with people on the other side? 

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“I guess I do,” he said, when asked if he agreed with the protesters. “I guess I do, in a way. I think I saw a big sign that said ‘‘ceasefire.' Yeah, I do agree with that. I agree with a ceasefire. Of course. Why would I want more people to die?” 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

State revenue is sluggish, but interest from federal COVID-19 money is buoying budget

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Mississippi is collecting enough money to fund the current year's budget passed by the in 2023 — largely due to interest earnings on federal money — but tax collections remain sluggish.

April's revenue, just released by the staff of the Legislative Budget Committee, was $6.87 million or 0.65% over the estimate. But actual tax collections were $1.3 million below the estimate.

The reason total revenue for April was above the estimate is the interest earnings the is garnering on its surplus money. For the month of April, interest earnings were $8.2 million above the estimate, thanks to the unprecedented amount of surplus money largely from federal COVID-19 spending and because of high interest rates.

Through April, the first 10 months of the fiscal year, interest earnings are $93.4 million above the estimate. Interest earnings are more than half of the total collections above the estimate of $185.8 million for the year.

For the fiscal year to date, revenue is .39% or $24.7 million above the previous year. Without interest earnings, the state would be collecting less revenue that it did the previous year.

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The sluggish collections for April was released just as the Legislature was finalizing a budget for the upcoming fiscal year, which begins July 1.

For the upcoming fiscal year, the budget, all state funds, will be $7.28 or $583.2 million more than was budgeted for the current fiscal year. That number excludes the use of surplus funds to pay for one-time construction projects throughout the state.

Kindergarten through 12th grade education will $246 million or 8% of the increased funds while universities will receive an additional $60.8 million or 7.5% more than they received for the current year. Community colleges will receive an additional 18% or $53 million.

The Legislature is in an unusual position of being able to make record expenditures even as revenue collections appear to be slowing, thanks, in large part to COVID-19 relief funds and other federal funds.

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But many legislative said during the just completed that they will continue to monitor collections that could impact budgeting in future years if the trend continues.

For the year, state income taxes are down $131.2 million or 6.6%. That, according to state Economist Corey Miller, is attributed at least in part to the $525 million income tax cut that currently is being phased in over a four-year period. Sales tax collections are up $71.7 million or 3.2%.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Ex-Mississippi sheriff admits lying to the FBI

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell and Ilyssa Daly – 2024-05-07 11:40:49

As sheriff, Terry Grassaree stoked fear into the citizens of Noxubee County by imitating his idol, wrestler “Stone Cold” Steve Austin.

On Tuesday, the 61-year-old former law enforcement officer spoke in a soft voice to District Judge Daniel P. Jordan III as he pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI when he denied that he made a jailed woman take and share sexually explicit photos and of herself.

He faces up to five years in prison and a $250,000 fine when he is sentenced on Aug. 7.

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Assistant U.S. Attorney Kimberly Purdie told District Judge Daniel P. Jordan III that Grassaree lied to an FBI agent on July 13, 2020, about making a woman behind bars take and share nude photos and videos in exchange for favorable treatment, which included making her a jail trusty.

After she texted the photos from a contraband cell phone, he responded, “Butt is great” and “Body looks perfect.”

Standing next to his attorney, Abram Sellers of Jackson, Grassaree admitted all of what Purdie had said was true.

Grassaree was also charged with destroying evidence and wire fraud. If he had pleaded guilty to all of his charges, he could have up to 90 years in prison.

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But his story goes far beyond what the former sheriff pleaded guilty to on Tuesday.

The Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting at Mississippi Today and The New York Times highlighted Grassaree in its series, “Unfettered Power: Mississippi Sheriffs,” which showed how sheriffs can rule like kings in rural counties. They answer to no one and typically face little press or prosecutorial scrutiny.

The investigation published April 11, 2023, revealed that the allegations of wrongdoing against Grassaree have been far more wide-ranging and serious than his federal charges suggest. The investigation included a of nearly two decades of depositions and a previously undisclosed by the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation.

At a minimum, the documents detail gross mismanagement at the Noxubee County jail in Macon that repeatedly put female inmates in harm's way. At worst, they tell the story of a sheriff who operated with impunity, even as he was accused of abusing the people in his custody, turning a blind eye to women who were raped and to it up when caught.

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Over nearly two decades, as allegations mounted and Noxubee County's insurance company paid to settle lawsuits against Grassaree, prosecutors brought no charges against him or others accused of abuses in the jail. A federal investigation dragged on for years and finally led to charges in fall 2022.

In a 2020 lawsuit, Elizabeth Layne Reed accused two deputies, Vance Phillips and Damon Clark, of coercing her into having sex. She said the men gave her a cellphone and other perks in exchange for sexual encounters inside and outside the jail. Deputies even put a sofa in her cell.

According to her lawsuit, Grassaree knew all about his deputies' “sexual contacts and shenanigans,” but the sheriff did nothing to “stop the coerced sexual relationships.” 

Grassaree has previously denied any knowledge of what his deputies were doing. “Are you a boss?” he asked. “Do your employees tell you everything they do?”

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Instead of intervening, the lawsuit alleged, the sheriff “sexted” her and demanded that she use the phone the deputies had given her to send him “a continuous stream of explicit videos, photographs and texts” while she was in jail. She also alleged in the lawsuit that Grassaree touched her in a “sexual manner.”

The lawsuit was settled for an undisclosed amount.

No date has been set for the sentencing of one of those deputies, Phillips, who pleaded guilty last year to bribery, which experts say could have been the perks the woman says she received. Prosecutors asked for his sentencing to be postponed “pending a resolution of another criminal matter,” an obvious reference to Grassaree's case.

The other deputy, Vance, wasn't charged. “I never coerced Reed into sex,” he wrote in his response to the lawsuit, but he never answered whether he had sex with her.

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Under Mississippi law, it is a crime for officers to have sex with those behind bars, and the felony carries up to five years in prison.

Nearly two decades ago, Grassaree faced allegations of rape inside the jail that he supervised and lawsuits that he covered up the episodes. At least five people, including one of his fellow deputies, accused him of beating others or choking them with a police baton.

In 2006, after Grassaree and his staff left jail cell keys hanging on a wall, male inmates opened the doors to the cell of two women inmates and raped them, according to statements the women gave to state investigators. One of the women said Grassaree pressured her to sign a false statement to cover up the crimes, according to the state police report.

About a year later, in a lawsuit, four people who had been gave sworn statements accusing Grassaree of violence. Two of the people said he choked or beat them while they were in his custody. A third said he pinned her against a wall and threatened to let a male inmate rape her.

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All told, at least eight men — including four deputies and Grassaree himself — have been accused of sex abuse by women inmates who were being held in the Noxubee County jail while Grassaree was in charge.

Now, 18 years after a woman first said that he pressured her to lie about being raped, the former sheriff faces possible prison time.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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