With Virginia poised to elect its first woman governor later this year, the future of its state legislature is also female.
About 80 House of Delegates candidates are women, representing Democrats, Republicans and third party contenders. They are incumbents and challengers in primary or general elections vying for a role in the House, where all 100 seats are up for election. Of the 86 non-incumbents running statewide, 41 of those are women, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.
Those numbers could fluctuate over the next month or so as several districts have multi-person primaries and additional independent candidates have until June 17 to get on the ballot for November’s general elections.
With Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle Sears and former congresswoman Abigail Spanberger battling for the governor’s mansion, the women seeking seats in the House can help boost their gubernatorial campaigns, too.
The top of the ticket
Virginia elections draw national scrutiny and lots of attention from political pundits, since its state elections follow close on the heels of presidential contests.
A year after President Donald Trump’s first election, Virginia’s 2017 House races ushered in a “Blue Wave” and laid the groundwork for a Democratic trifecta. Similarly, Virginia’s 2021 elections — a year after Democrat Joe Biden was sent to the White House — ignited a red takeover with Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s election and Republicans winning control in the House of Delegates for a term.
While presidential or congressional midterm elections nationwide typically see higher turnouts than other election years, Virginia’s unique timing of its state elections offers insight to pundits. But it also showcases which issues motivate Virginians specifically.
“These off-off year elections have lower turnout so it matters which side is motivated,” said political analyst Jessica Taylor with Cook Political Report.
Though most of the past two decades have seen Virginia elect a governor of the opposite party that won the White House the year before — and thus also benefit that party in House races — both Virginia’s gubernatorial candidates have top-down benefits to draw from.
“Earle-Sears’ biggest asset has been that Youngkin has remained popular and that the Virginia economy is doing well,” Taylor said.
She cautioned, however, that Trump’s policies could end up hurting her down the line while benefiting Spanberger. Sweeping federal job cuts stemming from the president and advisor Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency have made a big impact in Virginia and could have lingering effects, she said.
A government shutdown in Washington D.C. in 2013 shortly before that year’s statehouse elections may have played a role in Democratic former Gov. Terry McAuliffe’s win, despite former President Barack Obama, a Democrat, winning the year before.
Although the DOGE cuts are unfolding earlier in the year, Taylor suspects they could still influence voters by November.
“Losing your job is more permanent than a furlough and a shutdown,” she said.
Another factor, particularly as so many women are running up and down the ticket this year, could be reproductive laws.
Women ‘need to be in the room’
Virginia’s status as the least restrictive Southern state when it comes to abortion access is one that Democrats are working to keep — and permanently protect.
The amendment needed to enshrine abortion access in the state constitution has only advanced on partisan lines, with Republican women lawmakers opposing it. Following the outcome of this year’s House elections, it will need to pass again before it can appear on statewide ballots for voters to weigh in.
“These are things that directly impact us, our daughters and our granddaughters,” said House District 71 Democratic nominee Jessica Anderson. “I think (women) absolutely need to be in the room when these decisions are being made.”
All Republican delegates and senators opposed the amendment, but their party first tried to tweak it. They’d sought to insert existing state code requiring parental consent for minors seeking abortions.
While Republican women incumbents opposed the measure, they said they had their reasons.
Del. Carrie Coyner, R-Chesterfield grew tearful while describing the Democratic version of the bill as “extreme” and said that it would “strip away” parental rights.
“How can we place such a heavy burden on young women across the commonwealth?” she asked her colleagues in January. “I cannot imagine my 15-year-old daughter having to face this decision without me.”
Republicans had sought to insert existing state and federal protections for newborns into the abortion amendment, as well. Democrats rejected the insertions and advanced the proposed constitutional amendment as they’d written it.
Coyner has sided with Democrats on some issues — like their constitutional amendment to restore voting rights to ex-felons who’ve served their time — but aligned with her party on the reproductive rights amendment. Three Democratic challengers — two men and a woman — will face off in a primary this June, and the victor will challenge Coyner in November.
Del. Kim Taylor clinched her last re-election by just 53 votes; her rematch with challenger Kimberly Pope Adams is among the most competitive districts for both parties this year.
Taylor attempted to stake out a nuanced stance on reproductive health this year. Her House Bill 2562 would have shored up protections for abortions or abortion-like procedures as treatment for “nonviable” pregnancies, which lack a standard definition and are handled on a case-by-case basis by physicians.
A nonviable pregnancy is one that “cannot result in a live-born infant, including an ectopic pregnancy or failed intrauterine pregnancy,” as defined in Taylor’s bill.
“We hear so often from the other side that this is a health care crisis, and that women are dying because there is an unclear standard of care,” she told The Mercury at the time. “Miscarriages and ectopic pregnancies are nonviable pregnancies, and therefore cannot be confused with elective abortion procedures. This would have put any doubt about the law to rest.”
But the bill was never brought up for a vote, so it failed this legislative session by default.
Democrats, on the other hand, argue their amendment will best protect people’s reproductive needs and choices. Each Democratic woman challenger The Mercury spoke with for this story stressed their desire to help it advance.
Surge of Democrats
From red to blue to purple, Democrats are running candidates in nearly all 100 House of Delegates districts this year compared to Republicans, who are pitching candidates across 66 districts. Each challenger has their own reasons to take on the incumbents they’re hoping to unseat, but they’re also hoping to drive party turnout to the polls.
“One of my jobs is to be a point guard to up-ballot candidates,” said House District 48 Democratic candidate Melody Ann Cartwright.
She’s “not delusional” about how hard she will have to work campaigning in the Martinsville-anchored district that the Virginia Public Access Project labels “Strong Republican,” but she knows her campaign can help keep her party inspired.
While Democrats have a 51-49 majority, they hope to hold and expand it. Taking back the House could help Republicans balance the Democrats’ control of the Senate, which is not up for election this year.
Some districts are highly competitive and offer each party a unique chance to claw back power around the state.
In the New River Valley within Southwest Virginia, Democrat Lily Franklin nearly defeated Del. Chris Obenshain, R-Montgomery, in 2023 and she’s hoping for victory in their rematch this year. Taylor and Pope Adams will go head-to-head again to represent their Petersburg-anchored district. First-time candidate May Nivar — who still must win a Democratic primary — hopes to take on Del. David Owen, R-Henrico. Anderson, from District 71, hopes that this time she can topple Del. Amanda Batten, R-James City County.
Anderson lost by one percentage point in 2023, and this time has more investment from party organizers, she said.
Countering this, Batten helped form an informal “purple caucus” to support fellow GOP candidates in competitive districts.
“If any of us find some best practices or have some good ideas that we think would be useful, then we try to share those and collaborate with each other,” she recently told The Mercury.
Republican groups are also boosting their male and female candidates in competitive districts where Democrats are vulnerable. A new series of advertisements from the Republican State Leadership Committee and Virginia House Republican Campaign Committee target delegates Michael Feggans, D-Virginia Beach, Josh Cole, D- Fredericksburg, Nadarius Clark, D-Suffolk, and Josh Thomas, D-Prince William.
Across all of 2023’s elections, just 975 votes ultimately determined which party landed the majority in the House — underscoring how each ballot cast could prove decisive this year.
As excitement builds within Virginia, Jessica Taylor with Cook Political Report said she’s watching how national groups pour money into the gubernatorial election, which can help down-ballot candidates.
Anderson said she thinks it’s “really cool” that there are so many women stepping up to lead Virginia’s government, especially the gubernatorial candidates, whom she acknowledged both have a momentous role to play, whatever the election’s outcome.
“I want Spanberger to be our history-maker,” she said. “But, no matter where this goes, we’re making history.”
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Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The content provided has a Center-Left bias primarily due to its emphasis on women candidates in the Democratic Party and the discussion surrounding reproductive rights, which are more aligned with Democratic values. While the article does mention Republican candidates and acknowledges their positions, it predominantly highlights the efforts of Democratic women in the upcoming elections and their struggles with reproductive health legislation. This focus on promoting Democratic candidates and issues, particularly in the context of Virginia’s evolving political landscape, suggests a lean toward progressive ideals. Additionally, the framing of issues and the positive language used regarding Democratic efforts indicates a favorable stance toward the Democratic Party’s agenda.
www.youtube.com – 13News Now – 2025-04-30 14:54:32
SUMMARY: I’m 13 News Now meteorologist Evan Stewart. It’s Wednesday, April 30th, with warm temperatures in the 80s across Hampton Roads and Eastern Shore, over 10° above average. A frontal boundary near North Carolina could trigger isolated showers and thunderstorms later today and into the evening. While severe weather is impacting Texas and nearby areas with tornado risks, Hampton Roads faces a low, level one risk for isolated strong storms. Thursday remains warm with a slight 20% rain chance, and Friday brings more late-day showers and storms. A slow-moving front will increase weekend rain chances, possibly lingering into early next week with cooler weather.
There will be several chances for rain showers and potentially even storms through the weekend.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Shirleen Guerra | The Center Square – (The Center Square – ) 2025-04-30 12:55:00
(The Center Square) – Virginia just logged one of the sharpest drops in fentanyl deaths in the country — down 44% from last year and nearly cut in half since 2021—Gov. Glenn Youngkin says it’s proof his crackdown is working.
The administration credits everything from drug seizures to tougher laws on dealers, plus a massive naloxone rollout. “Overdose deaths skyrocketed across America and in Virginia, driven primarily by illicit fentanyl flowing across our southern border. With an average of five dying Virginians each day, in 2022, we launched a comprehensive effort to stop the scourge of fentanyl, it’s working, and Virginia is leading,” said Youngkin.
He also tied the drop to border enforcement, echoing President Trump’s argument that immigration policy is key to stopping fentanyl from entering the U.S.
“Our approach stands on four principles: interrupt the drug trade, enhance penalties for drug dealers, educate people about the dangers of fentanyl, and equip them to save the life of someone in crisis,” said Youngkin in astatement.
According to the Virginia Department of Health, fatal overdoses across all substances fell by34.1% in 2024compared to the year before — the sharpest drop since the epidemic peaked in 2021.
Trump’s recent moves include a new order cracking down on sanctuary cities, more troops at the southern border and a pledge to ramp up deportations.
“We have turned the tide in this battle and must now redouble our efforts to build on our success,” said Dr. Colin Greene, Special Advisor on Opioid Response.
In Virginia, Youngkin’s team points to several key efforts behind the numbers. Operation FREE, a joint law enforcement initiative, has seized enough fentanyl to kill every Virginian ten times over, according to the administration. The commonwealth also banned pill presses, expanded penalties for dealers, and now requires schools to notify parents when student overdoses happen.
Since 2022, nearly 400,000 doses of naloxone have been distributed statewide, and almost 100,000 Virginians have been trained to use it. First Lady Suzanne Youngkin’s “It Only Takes One” campaign is also part of the strategy — aimed at raising awareness among families, schools and local communities.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The article presents a clear ideological perspective, with a tone that strongly supports Governor Glenn Youngkin’s policies on combating fentanyl deaths. It emphasizes the success of Youngkin’s efforts, such as drug seizures, tougher laws, and border enforcement, which aligns with conservative viewpoints, particularly regarding immigration policy and law enforcement. The framing of the issue—highlighting Youngkin’s leadership and drawing connections to President Trump’s immigration stance—reinforces a right-leaning narrative, suggesting that tougher border control is key to solving the fentanyl crisis. The article does not present significant counterpoints or explore opposing viewpoints on these measures, which could balance the coverage. Overall, the content reflects a pro-administration stance, particularly aligning with the policies of the Republican Party.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Jon Styf | The Center Square – (The Center Square – ) 2025-04-30 12:17:00
(The Center Square) – The Washington Commanders $2.7 billion stadium project touted at a Monday press conference as mainly funded by the team actually includes more than $2.5 billion worth of subsidies, according to the stadium financing blog Field of Schemes.
Neil DeMause, who covers publicly funded stadium projects across the country, published the proposed stadium agreement term sheet while adding up those costs beyond the $500 million through Sports Facilities Fee with a tax capture at the stadium that would be created to pay off bonds, along with $175 million for the parking structure. Events DC, which is partially funded through taxpayer money, will put $181 million toward parking garages on the property and D.C. will pay $202 million for utilities infrastructure, roadways and a WMATA transit study.
DeMause detailed the Commanders’ tax savings, including a $429 million property tax break because the city owns the stadium, $1 a year in rent over the 30-year lease term on federal land where the city has control of development that is estimated to be worth $1 billion.
“This is being sold as one of the smallest public contributions to an NFL stadium on a percentage basis,” DeMause told The Center Square. “But, once you count all of the different subsidies including tax breaks and other things like that. First of all, that’s not even true on a percentage basis but, secondly, this could be the easily the largest public subsidy for any stadium deal in history and the public is set to get nothing back.”
While the district will pay for portions of the stadium project, it will not receive any of the revenue from events at the stadium, stadium naming rights, personal seat licenses or parking on the 180-acre site.
The issue with a city taking revenue from a stadium it owns and paid to build has come up in Ohio with a pair of budget office reports on a proposed $600 million subsidy from the state of Ohio, where the office recommended the “state receive revenue-sharing from events commensurate with our property ownership share.”
Despite the claims from D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, Commanders co-owner Josh Harris and NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell at Monday’s press conference, research from economists on stadium projects has consistently shown that those projects do not bring the promised returns to taxpayers.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article leans toward a Center-Left perspective primarily through its critical framing of the Washington Commanders’ stadium funding. The tone and language emphasize the significant public subsidies and tax breaks involved, highlighting concerns about the burden on taxpayers and questioning the claimed minimal public contribution. The inclusion of expert opinions and references to economic research skeptical of stadium-related public investments further signals a critical stance on government spending that benefits private entities. While the article reports factual details and figures, it selects information and frames it in a way that challenges pro-subsidy arguments, a common theme in Center-Left critiques of public funding for private projects.
