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Wait, What’s a PBM?

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by Dan Weissmann
Thu, 13 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000

Pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs, are intermediary companies that negotiate the price of prescription drugs. PBMs are at the center of a tangled knot of pharmacies, drugmakers, and health insurers.

Experts say they play a big role in raising prescription drug prices.

So, what is being done to regulate PBMs?

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In this episode of “An Arm and a Leg,” host Dan Weissmann explores how PBMs work and looks into government efforts to check their power. Since this episode originally aired in 2019, widespread legislation to regulate PBMs has been introduced at the state level. Weissmann gives an .

Dan Weissmann


@danweissmann

Host and producer of “An Arm and a Leg.” Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago's WBEZ. His work also appears on All Things Considered, Marketplace, the BBC, 99 Percent Invisible, and Reveal, from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

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Transcript: Wait, What's a PMB?

Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there —

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You may have seen ads recently about access to drugs. Here's one that starts with a woman trying to fill a prescription, but the pharmacist says…

[Clip from an ad plays]

Pharmacist: I'm sorry, this medicine isn't covered by your insurance. 

PBM: Yeah…

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Dan: This guy in a blue suit comes up from behind. The patient grabs her prescription slip.

[Ad clip resumes]

PBM: I decide which medicines you can get. 

Patient: Wait, you're not my doctor.

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PBM: That's right, I'm your insurance company's pharmacy benefit , or PBM. And, I don't make as much money off this one.

Dan: You might wonder, wait, what's a PBM exactly? And also, why am I seeing this ad now?

And who's paying for this ad? So PBMs are middleman companies that have a lot to do with which drugs we get access to, how much we pay for them, and yeah, they're sharks. And, these ads are out there because knows we're all mad about drug prices and access to drugs, and they're eager to be seen doing something about it.

And those ads are paid for by pharmaceutical makers — also sharks —  in direct competition with PBMs for the gazillions of dollars we spend on drugs as a country. PBMs and their role are a little more complicated, so we are bringing back an episode from this show's very early days. When we get to the end, I'll have some updates, things I've learned since then.

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Meanwhile, here's me four years ago, starting to figure out how all this works.

So at the beginning of the year, my family switched to a new health insurance plan and I've got this prescription I take. I get three months worth of it at a time, and in February it was time to renew. The drugstore texted me they had it. I called to check, got the robot voice.

Robot: There's one prescription here for Daniel

Dan: And some .

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Robot: The out-of-pocket cost is $720.69. And that's ready for pickup.

Dan: I was like, what? This is an old-time generic drug. I'm used to paying like 15 bucks.

Robot: Would you like me to repeat that?

Dan: I was like, maybe you better. I want this on tape.

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Robot: The out-of-pocket cost is $720.69.

[Robot voice fades into the background]

Dan: I was also like, yeah, I'm just gonna bring my new insurance card over to the drugstore and hope that clears things up.

And it did. The copay was $0. That is some good new insurance right there. And as I walked outta the drug store, I was like, What was that all about? I pulled up a site called GoodRx on my phone. A doctor friend of mine sometimes recommends it to people whose prescriptions cost a lot, and what I found there was weird.

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I punched in the name of the medication and my zip code and it showed me prices from a bunch of different places. Drugstore chains like CVS and Walgreens, big box stores like Costco and Walmart, local supermarkets with pharmacy counters. And the spread was crazy. 25 bucks at Costco, 170 at the supermarket, 300-some at CVS, and more than 700 at my drugstore, Walgreens.

And that was just the first set of prices. There were actually two. The first: what you'd pay if you just walked in. The second was what you'd pay at each place if you brought in a digital coupon from GoodRx. And with the coupons, another crazy spread, a bunch of $20 options. But 75 bucks at CVS, 195 at Walgreens.

And this was just super, super weird. And it meant I was gonna have to do something I'd been honestly kind of dreading… Figuring out prescription drug prices. I'd done some reading about it before and it always made my eyes glaze over. I was like, ah, no. Too complicated. Let me come back to this, like in some other lifetime.

But this was too weird not to investigate. Because I was used to seeing stories about high drug prices. I figured we all knew that, but I wasn't used to seeing stories about random prices. That was new. Better get on that. This is An Arm and a Leg, a show about the cost of health care. I'm Dan Weissmann.

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And I did some reading and eventually I figured out how to maybe explain this to myself without getting totally lost.

And I ended up running this explanation by some experts and they all said, that is not the most idiotic explanation. So here goes. It starts with the old It's a Wonderful Life. Right at the beginning of the movie, the Jimmy Stewart character, George Bailey, is a 12-year-old kid working in the drugstore.

Now, note the sound effect here from this scene. Clip clap. This is olden days, 1919. And in the scene, the kid keeps the pharmacist, Mr. Gower, from sending out literal poison pills.

Film sound: Mr. Gower, you don't know what you're doing. You, you put something bad in those capsules. It wasn't your fault, Mr. Gower, just look and see what you did. The bottle took the powder from… it's poison, I tell you, it's poison.

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Dan: Now late in the movie, there's a scene with another character, a really grouchy bartender.

Film sound: Hey, look, mister. We save hard drinks in here for men who wanna get drunk fast, and we don't need any characters around to give the joint atmosphere. Is that clear or do I have to slip you my left for a convincer?

Dan: And here's the thing. At the time of these scenes, the druggist and the bartender were basically in the same kind of business. I'm talking about the structure of the business. You go to the bar, order a martini, the guy grabs the gin, the vermouth, some olives, mixes it up and tells you a price that reflects his negotiations with all his suppliers and his sense of local market conditions, what he thinks you'll be willing to pay for a martini.

And he is balancing all those things and it's like a straight line. You negotiate with the bar keep, he deals with everybody else. In 1919, Mr. Gower is in exactly the same kind of business, except instead of gin and vermouth, he's got big jars, full of powders and okay, I mean, one of those jars is marked poison. I'm not sure what that's about, but, okay. Mr. Gower measures out doses and sells them to his customers at a price he sets. Same exact deal. Simple. 

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Since then, a couple things have happened. First, scientific breakthroughs made drugs a much bigger deal. I mean, penicillin, insulin, the Polio vaccine, just for starters, it's a miracle and a big business.

The other thing is, health insurance became a thing, prescription drugs. So now you've got this intermediary standing between you and the provider, hashing out prices, telling you what your share is gonna be. And those two things created an opportunity for a new kind of business: pharmacy benefit managers.

Jeffrey Joyce is an economist at the University of Southern California. He studies the drug supply chain. He says, originally these companies did one narrow, technical thing. They created that told the drug store what each customer's specific insurance plan meant that customer was supposed to pay for their specific prescription, and the systems did all that in real time.

Geoffrey Joyce: So that when you show up at the pharmacy, it's a seamless transaction and they know exactly what your insurance is and what your copay should be.

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Dan: Because Mr. Gower is not sending you a bill. He needs to ring you up right now. And insurance companies weren't set up to make that happen. So pharmacy benefit managers, PBMs for short, that's what they came along to do.

Geoffrey Joyce: That's what they functioned primarily as for many, many years.

Dan: And then PBMs got this new idea. They said to their customers, the insurance companies, Hey, we could save you some money. How about we start negotiating with manufacturers to get you lower prices? Here's how that works. There's lots of kinds of drugs where different companies make their own version. Like for high cholesterol, there's drugs called statins, and they've got brand names like Lipitor, Mevacor, Crestor.

But they all basically do the same thing. And that is an opportunity for the PBMs.

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Geoffrey Joyce: They will go to the different manufacturers and say, who's gonna give us the best price? Who wants to be our preferred statin?

Dan: And that preferred statin? That one's gonna move a lot of units because the PBM and any insurance company they're working for is gonna say to consumers: If you're our patient, our customer covered by our insurance, we want you to take this statin and we'll make it worth your while cuz this one, the preferred statin has a $10 copay and all the others 50 bucks, maybe 75, maybe we don't cover them at all. And suddenly manufacturers are coming to the table.

Geoffrey Joyce: And manufacturers offer discounts or rebates. So, hey, I'll give you 40 or 50% off if you make mine the preferred statin with a $10 copay. And all my competitors are either aren't covered on your plan or have a $50 copay.

Dan: And here's an important distinction. The manufacturers are not lowering their sticker prices here for whoever wants to buy. They are giving this rebate to this PBM. In other words, The PBM isn't shopping. They're not comparing the prices on offer in the open market. They're negotiating. They're cutting individual deals behind closed doors, but whatever, okay. At first, to an economist like Jeffrey Joyce, this whole set up sounds like great news.

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Geoffrey Joyce: I bought into their arguments that they actually lowered prices by negotiating competitively and and with manufacturers.

Dan: Now, sellers can't just charge whatever they want. They've gotta compete to give the best deal to buyers. Everybody wins. It's like economics 101.

Geoffrey Joyce: In, in, in theory, you would want this type of entity. You want them to go around and say, who's gonna gimme the best price?

Dan: But it hasn't worked out that way, which is why Jeffrey Joyce published an essay last year called An Economist's Change of Heart.

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Geoffrey Joyce: So instead of sort of serving a, a role of, of constraining drug prices, I think they play a role in increasing drug prices.

Dan: Yeah, wait… How do we go from their holding prices down to their jacking prices up? That's right after this break.

This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That's a nonprofit newsroom covering health care in America. Their work is terrific, I'm so pleased to work with them. We'll have a little more information about KFF Health News at the end of this episode.

So, how do pharmacy benefit managers go from holding prices down to jacking prices up? This is where Mr. Gower and Nick the bartender come in…

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Once upon a time, before penicillin, before insurance, before pharmacy benefit managers, the relationships were simple. Me, Mr. Gower, his suppliers… straight line. 

Now those relationships are a tangled knot. I found this super complicated flowchart made by Jeffrey Joyce's, colleagues from the University of Southern California. It is from a paper called Follow the Money, except the money's impossible to follow.

There's insurance companies, manufacturers, pharmacies, money going back and forth. All over the place. And in this knot, the pharmacy benefit manager is in the middle of everything. Every loop, all the deals and all the money, it all goes through them.

Geoffrey Joyce: You're right. And they're the hub. You're absolutely right. And I think that's at the, the crook of it. They have an inherent conflict of interest.

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Dan: That is: Everybody's gotta negotiate with them. The drug makers, the pharmacies, and the insurance company, and nobody knows the deal anybody else is getting. So yeah, in theory, you'd want an entity like the PBMs negotiating on your behalf. But that's not what they're doing. They're negotiating on their own behalf.

Geoffrey Joyce: And they got sued, uh, in several states for saying, “Hey, you should be acting in the best interest of your clients.” And they've won in court and saying, “No, we have no obligation to do what's best for our client. We do what's best for us.”

Dan: Okay. So how does that work and how does it to higher prices? Well, it helps. These companies have gotten huge. There used to be a bunch of PBMs, but they've gone around buying each other up. Now, three PBM companies represent like four fifths of all consumers. The single biggest one covers like 80 million people.

So they make a list of drugs for those 80 million people, which drugs cost $10? Which ones cost $50? And which ones. Aren't covered at all. That list has a name. It's called the formulary, and controlling a formulary with 80 million customers gives the PBM a whole new kind of leverage.

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Geoffrey Joyce: Just let me put it this way. Imagine you are a manufacturer and you produce a good drug and Express Scripts says, we represent 80 million Americans in their drug . If you're off our formulary as a manufacturer, you lose access to 80 million consumers. That's an enormous hit. You'll do anything to stay on that formulary.

Dan: You'll do anything the PBM wants. And what the PBM wants is a big discount and the devious, tricky wild part that Jeffrey Joyce taught me, the easiest way to give a big discount is jack up the sticker price, which sounds like it would never work. Like I know. We'll double the price, then we can charge them the same, but we'll tell them they're getting a 50% discount. *nefarious laugh*

I mean, are PBMs supposed to be stupid? But PBMs aren't stupid. Remember, they're not shopping on the open market. They're negotiating in secret, and they're not just negotiating for discounts. They're getting rebates, not money off, money back. A payout.

Geoffrey Joyce: It's more money that potentially they can retain. Right? So the more, the bigger the rebate, that's money. They have control over them.

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Dan: It's, it's literally, it's cash in their pockets. 

Geoffrey Joyce: It's cash.

Dan: And Joyce says, those negotiations get totally explicit. Raising prices is part of the deal.

Geoffrey Joyce: And so I've had several CEOs of drug companies tell me, PBMs put a gun to their head.

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Raise your prices, i.e. raise your rebate, or you're off our formulary.

Dan: And of course, doing business in a back room someplace is what makes all this possible.

Geoffrey Joyce: Everything is, is proprietary. No one can see what kind of discount or rebates they're getting, and no one really knows how much is being retained and how much is being passed on. And anytime you have that lack of information and lack of clarity, there's, it's it's a ripe for abuse and excess profit.

Dan: There's just one other thing, and I'm kind of reluctant to tell you this cuz I have this rule about the show where it's supposed to be more entertaining and empowering and maybe useful than it is enraging and terrifying and depressing. But I cannot hold back this part. So here it is:

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That knot, that tangle of deals with money going back and forth and the PBMs in the middle of everything.That knot is getting tighter. Cuz the players are merging with each other. Those three big PBMs, one of them is CVS, the drug store chain, which is also merging with an insurance company, Aetna, and the other two? 

One belongs to an insurance company, and the other is getting bought by one.

Geoffrey Joyce: They always argue there are economies of scale and synergies, et cetera. Historically, we've seen the consumers lose when you see greater and greater concentration within an industry.

Dan: Great. *exasperated sigh*

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You know what's funny? None of this quite answers the question I started with. Why were there so many prices for that one generic prescription I tried to fill? And it turns out, Jeffrey Joyce has actually done research on this narrow little question, random prices at the drugstore. He sent hundreds of USC students to drugstores in LA with fake prescriptions to fill. His findings: My experience was not a one-off. Not an accident.

Geoffrey Joyce: And it's basically the drug store or whatever saying, Hey, here's a consumer that may or may not know the price, and we can charge them what we think we can get away with.

Dan: So Mr. Gower is still with us, and he's also trying to make a buck however he can.

Geoffrey Joyce: You or your child is sick and you need an antibiotic. You've maybe not used that antibiotic in the past, or it's been a long time. You don't know what the price of that is. You don't know what a reasonable price is. 

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Dan: Your doctor's like, you need a Z-Pak.

Geoffrey Joyce: Exactly.

And when you walk in, would you know if a Z-Pak is, you know, a hundred dollars? That that may be the price you have no idea.

Dan: So basically we gotta watch our backs with everyone, which is turning into kind of a theme on this show. And sometimes I guess an outfit like GoodRx can help us know if Mr. Gower is trying to put one over on us. And it offers discounts with those coupons it has. So I asked Jeffrey, Joyce, and the other experts I talked with, how do I need to watch my back with GoodRx?

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I mean, there's a catch right? And they said, no, not exactly, except that it's, you know, just a bandaid. It's not changing anything about the big picture with the PBMs and all the other players. In fact, when GoodRx shows us a coupon for a discount, it's because they've made a deal with a pharmacy benefit manager behind the scenes to get it.

So GoodRx wrangles its prices outta that same crazy float chart, that same crazy knot that produce the jacked up prices we see. And presumably it's finding a way to make a profit, but if a bandaid is useful to you, I guess it's useful.

That's where we left things four years ago.

I wanna recap my big takeaway from that Adventure: PBMs push drug makers to set higher list prices because the higher the list price goes, the bigger the rebate, the cash payout the PBMs can grab.

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And here's a couple things that we didn't hit. By setting preferred drugs based on which company gives 'em the biggest rebates, and by making us pay super high prices for anything else. PBMs work with insurance companies to limit access to drugs.

And if you have a high deductible, or a copay, or percentage of list price you're supposed to pay at the pharmacy counter, the PBM still gets their full rebate.

In other words, some of the money coming outta your pocket may go directly to them.

Some things have changed since we first put this story out. The biggest PBMs have gotten bigger. For instance, the biggest, Express Scripts, now covers 100 million people, up from 80 million.

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And the biggest PBMs have been experimenting with new shenanigans — enough for at least a whole new episode.

But not all the news is bad. In the last few years, state legislatures have passed 150 laws attempting to regulate PBMs. Every state has passed at least one.

A few states have passed laws saying that PBMs have to pass rebates along the consumers at the pharmacy counter.

In other words, trying to stop the PBMs from that situation where they're getting money directly outta your pocket.

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Couple other states have passed laws saying PBMs cannot force you to use their mail order pharmacies, which great, but geez, I guess that means it's legal in 48 states and Congress has held five hearings so far this year specifically on PBMs with members from both parties eager to get their licks in.

I am not saying that the cavalry or Congress is about to ride in and fix everything. I wish. But I am saying, by understanding better what's going on, we can get a better sense of what we want our elected folks to do. I'll catch you in a few weeks till then, take care of yourself.

This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced by me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta and Bella Czajkowski. Whitney Henry-Lester edited this story in 2019, and Ellen Weiss edited this updated version.

Daisy Rosario is our consulting managing producer. Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard. Our music is by Dave Winer and Blue Dot Sessions.

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Gabrielle Healy is our managing editor for audience. She edits the First Aid Kit Newsletter.

Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. Sarah Ballema is our operations manager.

An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News.

That's a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health care in America, and a core program at KFF — an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.

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Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at KFF Health News. He is editorial liaison to this show.

Thanks to Public Narrative — That's a Chicago-based group that helps journalists and non-profits tell better stories– for serving as our fiscal sponsor, allowing us to accept tax-exempt donations. You can learn more about Public Narrative at www.publicnarrative.org.

And thanks to everybody who supports this show financially.

If you haven't yet, we'd love for you to join us. The place for that is armandalegshow.com/support.

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Thanks for pitching in if you can, and thanks for listening!

“An Arm and a Leg” is a co-production of KFF Health News and Public Road Productions.

To keep in touch with “An Arm and a Leg,” subscribe to the newsletter. You can also follow the show on Facebook and Twitter. And if you've got stories to tell about the health care system, the producers would love to hear from you.

To hear all KFF Health News podcasts, click here.

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By: Dan Weissmann
Title: Wait, What's a PBM?
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/wait-whats-a-pbm/
Published Date: Thu, 13 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000

Kaiser Health News

The Lure of Specialty Medicine Pulls Nurse Practitioners From Primary Care

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Michelle Andrews
Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

For many , seeing a nurse practitioner has become a routine part of primary care, in which these “NPs” often perform the same tasks that patients have relied on for.

But NPs in specialty care? That's not routine, at least not yet. Increasingly, though, nurse practitioners and physician assistants are joining cardiology, dermatology, and other specialty practices, broadening their skills and increasing their income.

This worries some people who track the workforce, because current trends suggest primary care, which has counted on nurse practitioners to backstop physician shortages, soon might not be able to rely on them to the same extent.

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“They're succumbing to the same challenges that we have with physicians,” said Atul Grover, executive director of the Research and Action Institute at the Association of American Medical Colleges. The rates NPs can command in a specialty practice “are quite a bit higher” than practice salaries in primary care, he said.

When nurse practitioner programs began to proliferate in the 1970s, “at first it looked great, producing all these nurse practitioners that go to work with primary care physicians,” said Yalda Jabbarpour, director of the American Academy of Family Physicians' Robert Graham Center for Policy Studies. “But now only 30% are going into primary care.”

Jabbarpour was referring to the 2024 primary care scorecard by the Milbank Memorial Fund, which found that from 2016 to 2021 the proportion of nurse practitioners who worked in primary care practices hovered between 32% and 34%, even though their numbers grew rapidly. The proportion of physician assistants, also known as physician associates, in primary care ranged from 27% to 30%, the study found.

Both nurse practitioners and physician assistants are advanced practice clinicians who, in addition to graduate degrees, must complete distinct education, training, and certification steps. NPs can practice without a doctor's supervision in more than two dozen states, while PAs have similar independence in only a handful of states.

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About 88% of nurse practitioners are certified in an area of primary care, according to the American Association of Nurse Practitioners. But it is difficult to track exactly how many work in primary care or in specialty practices. Unlike physicians, they're generally not required to be endorsed by a national standard-setting body to practice in specialties like oncology or cardiology, for example. The AANP declined to answer questions about its annual workforce survey or the extent to which primary care NPs are moving toward specialties.

Though data tracking the change is sparse, specialty practices are adding these advanced practice clinicians at almost the same rate as primary care practices, according to frequently cited research published in 2018.

The clearest evidence of the shift: From 2008 to 2016, there was a 22% increase in the number of specialty practices that employed nurse practitioners and physician assistants, according to that study. The increase in the number of primary care practices that employed these professionals was 24%.

Once more, the most recent projections by the Association of American Medical Colleges predict a dearth of at least 20,200 primary care physicians by 2036. There will also be a shortfall of non-primary care specialists, including a deficiency of at least 10,100 surgical physicians and up to 25,000 physicians in other specialties.

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When it to the actual work performed, the lines between primary and specialty care are often blurred, said Candice Chen, associate professor of health policy and management at George Washington .

“You might be a nurse practitioner working in a gastroenterology clinic or cardiology clinic, but the scope of what you do is starting to overlap with primary care,” she said.

Nurse practitioners' salaries vary widely by location, type of facility, and experience. Still, according to data from recruiter AMN Healthcare Physician Solutions, formerly known as Merritt Hawkins, the total annual average starting compensation, including signing bonus, for nurse practitioners and physician assistants in specialty practice was $172,544 in the year that ended March 31, slightly higher than the $166,544 for those in primary care.

According to forecasts from the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, nurse practitioner jobs will increase faster than jobs in almost any other occupation in the decade leading up to 2032, growing by 123,600 jobs or 45%. (Wind turbine service technician is the only other occupation projected to grow as fast.) The growth rate for physician assistants is also much faster than average, at 27%. There are more than twice as many nurse practitioners as physician assistants, however: 323,900 versus 148,000, in 2022.

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To Grover, of the AAMC, numbers like this signal that there will probably be enough NPs, PAs, and physicians to meet primary care needs. At the same time, “expect more NPs and PAs to also flow out into other specialties,” he said.

When Pamela Ograbisz started working as a registered nurse 27 years ago, she worked in a cardiothoracic intensive care unit. After she became a family nurse practitioner a few years later, she found a job with a similar specialty practice, which trained her to take on a bigger role, first running their outpatient clinic, then working on the floor, and later in the intensive care unit.

If nurse practitioners want to specialize, often “the doctors mentor them just like they would with a physician residency,” said Ograbisz, now vice president of clinical operations at temporary placement recruiter LocumTenens.com.

If physician assistants want to specialize, they also can do so through mentoring, or they can “certificates of added qualifications” in 10 specialties to demonstrate their expertise. Most employers don't “encourage or require” these certificates, however, said Jennifer Orozco, chief medical officer at the American Academy of Physician Associates.

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There are a number of training programs for family nurse practitioners who want to develop skills in other .

Raina Hoebelheinrich, 40, a family nurse practitioner at a regional medical center in Yankton, South Dakota, recently enrolled in a three-semester post-master's endocrinology training program at Mount Marty University. She lives on a farm in nearby northeastern Nebraska with her husband and five sons.

Hoebelheinrich's new skills could be helpful in her current hospital job, in which she sees a lot of patients with acute diabetes, or in a clinic setting like the one in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, where she is doing her clinical endocrinology training.

Lack of access to endocrinology care in rural areas is a real problem, and many people may travel hundreds of miles to see a specialist.

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“There aren't a lot of options,” she said.

——————————
By: Michelle Andrews
Title: The Lure of Specialty Medicine Pulls Nurse Practitioners From Primary Care
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/nurse-practitioners-trend-primary-care-specialties/
Published Date: Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/clean-needles-save-lives-in-some-states-they-might-not-be-legal/

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Kaiser Health News

Clean Needles Save Lives. In Some States, They Might Not Be Legal.

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Ed Mahon, Spotlight PA and Sarah Boden, WESA
Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Kim Botteicher hardly thinks of herself as a criminal.

On the main floor of a former Catholic church in Bolivar, Pennsylvania, Botteicher runs a flower shop and cafe.

In the former church's basement, she also operates a nonprofit organization focused on helping people caught up in the drug epidemic get back on their feet.

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The nonprofit, FAVOR ~ Western PA, sits in a rural pocket of the Allegheny Mountains east of Pittsburgh. Her organization's home county of Westmoreland has seen roughly 100 or more drug overdose deaths each year for the past several years, the majority involving fentanyl.

Thousands more residents in the region have been touched by the scourge of addiction, which is where Botteicher comes in.

She helps people find housing, jobs, and health care, and works with families by running support groups and explaining that substance use disorder is a disease, not a moral failing.

But she has also talked publicly about how she has made sterile syringes available to people who use drugs.

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“When that person comes in the door,” she said, “if they are covered with abscesses because they have been using needles that are dirty, or they've been sharing needles — maybe they've got hep C — we see that as, ‘OK, this is our first step.'”

Studies have identified public health benefits associated with syringe exchange services. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says these programs reduce HIV and hepatitis C infections, and that new users of the programs are more likely to enter drug treatment and more likely to stop using drugs than nonparticipants.

This harm-reduction strategy is supported by leading health groups, such as the American Medical Association, the World Health Organization, and the International AIDS Society.

But providing clean syringes could put Botteicher in legal danger. Under Pennsylvania law, it's a misdemeanor to distribute drug paraphernalia. The state's definition includes hypodermic syringes, needles, and other objects used for injecting banned drugs. Pennsylvania is one of 12 states that do not implicitly or explicitly authorize syringe services programs through statute or regulation, according to a 2023 analysis. A few of those states, but not Pennsylvania, either don't have a drug paraphernalia law or don't include syringes in it.

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Those working on the front lines of the opioid epidemic, like Botteicher, say a reexamination of Pennsylvania's law is long overdue.

There's an urgency to the issue as well: Billions of dollars have begun flowing into Pennsylvania and other states from legal settlements with companies over their role in the opioid epidemic, and syringe services are among the eligible interventions that could be supported by that money.

The opioid settlements reached between drug companies and distributors and a coalition of state attorneys general included a list of recommendations for spending the money. Expanding syringe services is listed as one of the core strategies.

But in Pennsylvania, where 5,158 people died from a drug overdose in 2022, the state's drug paraphernalia law stands in the way.

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Concerns over Botteicher's work with syringe services recently led Westmoreland County officials to cancel an allocation of $150,000 in opioid settlement funds they had previously approved for her organization. County Commissioner Douglas Chew defended the decision by saying the county “is very risk averse.”

Botteicher said her organization had planned to use the money to hire additional recovery specialists, not on syringes. Supporters of syringe services point to the cancellation of funding as evidence of the need to change state law, especially given the recommendations of settlement documents.

“It's just a huge inconsistency,” said Zoe Soslow, who leads overdose prevention work in Pennsylvania for the public health organization Vital Strategies. “It's causing a lot of confusion.”

Though sterile syringes can be purchased from pharmacies without a prescription, handing out free ones to make drug use safer is generally considered illegal — or at least in a legal gray area — in most of the state. In Pennsylvania's two largest cities, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, officials have used local health powers to legal protection to people who operate syringe services programs.

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Even so, in Philadelphia, Cherelle Parker, who took office in January, has made it clear she opposes using opioid settlement money, or any funds, to pay for the distribution of clean needles, The Philadelphia Inquirer has reported. Parker's position signals a major shift in that city's approach to the opioid epidemic.

On the other side of the state, opioid settlement funds have had a big effect for Prevention Point Pittsburgh, a harm reduction organization. Allegheny County reported spending or committing $325,000 in settlement money as of the end of last year to support the organization's work with sterile syringes and other supplies for safer drug use.

“It was absolutely incredible to not have to fundraise every single dollar for the supplies that go out,” said Prevention Point's executive director, Aaron Arnold. “It takes a lot of energy. It pulls away from actual delivery of services when you're constantly to find out, ‘Do we have enough money to even purchase the supplies that we want to distribute?'”

In parts of Pennsylvania that lack these legal protections, people sometimes operate underground syringe programs.

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The Pennsylvania law banning drug paraphernalia was never intended to apply to syringe services, according to Scott Burris, director of the Center for Public Health Law Research at Temple . But there have not been court cases in Pennsylvania to clarify the issue, and the failure of the to act creates a chilling effect, he said.

Carla Sofronski, executive director of the Pennsylvania Harm Reduction Network, said she was not aware of anyone having criminal charges for operating syringe services in the state, but she noted the threat hangs over people who do and that they are taking a “great risk.”

In 2016, the CDC flagged three Pennsylvania counties — Cambria, Crawford, and Luzerne — among 220 counties nationwide in an assessment of communities potentially vulnerable to the rapid spread of HIV and to new or continuing high rates of hepatitis C infections among people who inject drugs.

Kate Favata, a resident of Luzerne County, said she started using heroin in her late teens and wouldn't be alive today if it weren't for the support and community she found at a syringe services program in Philadelphia.

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“It kind of just made me feel like I was in a safe space. And I don't really know if there was like a come-to-God moment or come-to-Jesus moment,” she said. “I just wanted better.”

Favata is now in long-term recovery and works for a medication-assisted treatment program.

At clinics in Cambria and Somerset Counties, Highlands Health provides free or low-cost medical care. Despite the legal risk, the organization has operated a syringe program for several years, while also testing patients for infectious diseases, distributing overdose reversal medication, and offering recovery options.

Rosalie Danchanko, Highlands Health's executive director, said she hopes opioid settlement money can eventually support her organization.

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“Why shouldn't that wealth be spread around for all organizations that are working with people affected by the opioid problem?” she asked.

In February, legislation to legalize syringe services in Pennsylvania was approved by a committee and has moved forward. The administration of Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, supports the legislation. But it faces an uncertain future in the full legislature, in which Democrats have a narrow majority in the House and control the Senate.

One of the bill's lead sponsors, state Rep. Jim Struzzi, hasn't always supported syringe services. But the Republican from western Pennsylvania said that since his brother died from a drug overdose in 2014, he has come to better understand the nature of addiction.

In the committee vote, nearly all of Struzzi's Republican colleagues opposed the bill. State Rep. Paul Schemel said authorizing the “very instrumentality of abuse” crossed a line for him and “would be enabling an evil.”

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After the vote, Struzzi said he wanted to build more bipartisan support. He noted that some of his own skepticism about the programs eased only after he visited Prevention Point Pittsburgh and saw how workers do more than just hand out syringes. These types of programs connect people to resources — overdose reversal medication, wound care, substance use treatment — that can save lives and to recovery.

“A lot of these people are … desperate. They're alone. They're afraid. And these programs bring them into someone who cares,” Struzzi said. “And that, to me, is a step in the right direction.”

At her nonprofit in western Pennsylvania, Botteicher is hoping lawmakers take action.

“If it's something that's going to help someone, then why is it illegal?” she said. “It just doesn't make any sense to me.”

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This story was co-reported by WESA Public Radio and Spotlight PA, an independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit newsroom producing investigative and public-service journalism that holds power to account and drives positive change in Pennsylvania.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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By: Ed Mahon, Spotlight PA and Sarah Boden, WESA
Title: Clean Needles Save Lives. In Some States, They Might Not Be Legal.
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/clean-needles-syringe-services-programs-legal-gray-area-risk-pennsylvania/
Published Date: Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Watch: John Oliver Dishes on KFF Health News’ Opioid Settlements Series

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Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Opioid manufacturers, distributors, and retailers are paying tens of billions of dollars in restitution to settle lawsuits related to their role in the nation's overdose epidemic. A recent of “Last Tonight With John Oliver” examined how that money is being spent by and local governments across the United States.

The segment from the KFF Health “Payback: Tracking the Opioid Settlement Cash.” You can learn more about the issue and read our collection of articles by Aneri Pattani here.

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Title: Watch: John Oliver Dishes on KFF News' Opioid Settlements Series
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/watch-john-oliver-kff-health-news-payback-opioid-settlements-series/
Published Date: Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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