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The Painful Pandemic Lessons Mandy Cohen Carries to the CDC

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by Fred Clasen-Kelly and Rachana Pradhan and Holly K. Hacker
Wed, 23 Aug 2023 09:00:00 +0000

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — As covid-19 devastated communities across the nation in spring 2020, a group of Black ministers in this racially divided city made an urgent plea for more testing in their neighborhoods.

Testing at the time “was outside of communities of color,” said the Rev. Jordan Boyd, pastor of Rockwell AME Zion Church in Charlotte. For Boyd, pandemic losses were personal: Covid-related complications killed a brother-in-law who worked as a truck driver. “We saw what was happening with our folks.”

Mandy Cohen, who led the state’s pandemic response as secretary of North Carolina’s health department, had said widespread testing was one of “our best tools to keep our community safe and to protect our frontline workers.” But the state was failing to get tests to its most vulnerable people, with grim consequences: Black people in North Carolina were getting sick and dying from covid-related causes at far higher rates than white people, data show.

KFF Health News analyzed and confirmed publicly available data, including the location of testing sites that Cohen’s office directed the public to in mid-May 2020 in Mecklenburg County, home to Charlotte, the state’s largest city. Just 1 in 4 fixed sites stood in more disadvantaged areas with significant Black populations, including what is known as the Crescent, neighborhoods reaching west, north, and east of downtown that for generations have had elevated rates of diabetes, high blood pressure, lung disease, and other conditions that can cause life-threatening complications from covid. Far more testing was available in south Charlotte and suburban areas — the whiter, wealthier neighborhoods.

Life in the Crescent is marked by higher rates of poverty, crowded housing, and less access to health care, transportation, and internet service — factors that fueled transmission of the virus and created barriers to testing.

“There were a lot of hurdles that you had to go through,” said Boyd, who helped spearhead the effort to bring testing to Black churches.

President Joe Biden and others in political and health policy circles have praised Cohen’s pandemic leadership in North Carolina. Biden in June cited her “proven track-record protecting Americans’ health and safety” when elevating Cohen to run the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the nation’s top public health agency.

Those on the ground in North Carolina’s most vulnerable communities, including Cohen’s admirers, tell another story — about living with the downsides of the state’s emergency response. These include advocates for groups that were disproportionately harmed during the public health crisis, including minority and immigrant communities, people with disabilities, and families of nursing home residents.

Corine Mack, president of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg NAACP, recalled that in late 2020 she and others complained to Cohen about public money going to white-led organizations instead of Black-led ones working in minority neighborhoods.

“I said we had to send resources tomorrow, not next month,” Mack said. “She started crying. I was so passionate about our people dying. Once she understood the severity of the situation, she did what she had to do.”

The challenges Cohen faced in North Carolina were exacerbated by structural inequities in and outside the health care system, problems that are too large for any one person to fix. Still, Cohen now faces the same challenges on a national scale, as she’s charged with fixing the CDC after its pandemic missteps.

Cohen, through her spokesperson at the CDC, declined multiple requests for an interview.

A report in January called “Building the CDC the Country Needs,” which was signed by dozens of health policy experts, urged an agency overhaul. Among the priorities cited: more quickly collecting data on racial, ethnic, economic, and geographic factors that is “foundational to improving equity of access to services.”

For most of the pandemic, Black, Hispanic, and Native Americans fared worse than whites across the country.

In North Carolina, critics and allies alike say Cohen heeded concerns. She relied heavily on data and followed federal guidance closely, they said. And Cohen showed vigilance when she interpreted rules, like those on nursing home visitation and mask mandates, even in the face of criticism.

She also repeatedly urged personal responsibility to contain the spread of the virus, underscoring how public health messaging often focuses on choice rather than societal constraints, said Anne Sosin, a researcher at Dartmouth College who focuses on health equity.

“Many of the people and communities hardest-hit by the pandemic had little choice in their exposure” because they got covid where they lived or worked, Sosin said. “Limiting our focus on the choices that people make — rather than on the broader structural and social forces that shape risk — really will set us up for the same failures in the future.”

With more than 1 million residents, Mecklenburg County has become a symbol both of North Carolina’s economic rise and of its struggles to overcome a long history of racial discrimination and disparities. A short drive from the headquarters of Fortune 500 companies, such as Bank of America and Honeywell, sit minority neighborhoods plagued by poverty. A national study on social mobility found that, among the 50 largest cities, Charlotte was the hardest place for a child to move from poverty to the upper class.

Researchers from North Carolina’s health agency and the University of North Carolina found that access to tests during the first three months of the pandemic — between March and June 2020 — was not evenly distributed across racial and ethnic groups, with inadequate access for Black and Latino residents.

On May 14, 2020 — two months after the national emergency was declared — Cohen’s agency directed clinicians to prioritize testing for people from “racial and ethnic minority groups disproportionately affected by adverse COVID-19 outcomes,” and officials recommended using mobile testing for “vulnerable populations,” documents show.

The disparities persisted. In Charlotte, the difference in testing sites underscored the inequity people of color often face in health care, as they were left to depend on a few mobile units whose routes and hours varied by the day. Meanwhile, wealthier areas had an abundance of well-resourced, fixed sites with regular hours.

Critics say the state was slow to address glaring and predictable problems. Mecklenburg County Commissioner Pat Cotham, a Democrat, said it took authorities precious time to shift testing to the hardest-hit neighborhoods. Cotham said officials should have more quickly enlisted Black ministers and others who had established trust with residents. Instead, she said, even elected representatives of those areas were often locked out. “I remember getting information from press releases or TV,” she said.

North Carolina initially failed to prioritize testing for people who were exposed to covid because of where they live or work, said Jeanne Milliken Bonds, a professor of social impact investing at the University of North Carolina. She co-authored a white paper that criticized the national pandemic response, saying, “We are ignoring the critical impact of systemic racism in vulnerabilities to the deadly virus.”

Black people, immigrants, and ethnic minorities disproportionately hold jobs that governments deemed essential — in food processing plants, retail stores, and nursing homes — and they were unable to isolate and work from home, Milliken Bonds said.

Charlotte had one of the biggest disparities in access to testing in the nation, according to a study of 30 large cities by researchers at Drexel and Temple universities. Only Austin and Houston in Texas fared worse.

In 2020, Black people in North Carolina died from covid at a higher rate than white people, although the disparity was slightly less pronounced than in the U.S. overall. A KFF Health News analysis of CDC data shows that 112 of every 100,000 non-Hispanic Black residents in the state died, compared with 89 per 100,000 non-Hispanic white residents. North Carolina’s death rates for all racial and ethnic groups that year were lower than those nationally.

“The driving factor for testing and vaccination was, ‘Let’s get older people and let’s protect our health care workers,’” Milliken Bonds said. “You end up losing the health equity lens. There was a course correction later in 2020. They looked at the data and said, ‘Oh my God!’ They were missing people of color.”

Tensions Rose

In April 2020, when covid tests were scarce nationally and states had little federal support, Cohen’s Department of Health and Human Services convened a work group to increase testing. The initiative began as Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper indicated he would ease the restrictions he’d put in place in March to limit covid’s spread.

The group included state employees, consultants, local officials, and representatives from major hospital systems, community health centers, and commercial labs, North Carolina HHS news releases and state documents show. Officials set priority groups for testing, including hospitalized patients, health care workers and first responders, and people in long-term care or correctional facilities, according to meeting minutes from April 24. The last item: “additional emphasis on equity and ensuring communities of color have access to testing.”

The state also received guidance from experts focused on equity.

“We know that there’s more covid-19 out in our communities than gets captured by what’s in our lab data,” Cohen said April 30, during one of Cooper’s pandemic briefings.

Of the covid test results reported to North Carolina’s health department at that time, a smaller share were coming back positive relative to prior weeks, and covid hospitalizations were level — developments Cohen hailed as progress. But tensions were brewing.

By May 5, Disability Rights North Carolina filed a civil rights complaint with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services about a proposed state emergency plan. The advocacy group said the plan — which determined who would get lifesaving treatments in hospitals if supplies were scarce — would put people with disabilities in the “back of the line” and lead to a disproportionate death toll among people of color or with low incomes.

As the state began reopening businesses in early May, officials knew testing levels were not adequate, according to a review of public documents, interviews, and Cohen’s public remarks. Hundreds of sites were up and running, “but there’s more to do,” Cohen said May 20.

In a letter in the North Carolina Medical Journal, North Carolina HHS employees and a consultant with Accenture said “testing was difficult to access outside of a hospital” that month. “Of the tests being performed early in the pandemic, the majority were in White populations even though we could already see differences in poor outcomes in Black/African American, American Indian/Alaskan Native, and Latinx populations infected with the virus around the country,” they wrote.

Kody Kinsley, who worked for Cohen and succeeded her as health secretary, said the state’s response was stymied by factors beyond its control, including supply chain shortages. “We were essentially riding the backbone of the existing health care network with inadequate supplies,” Kinsley said. The department tried to contract with outside firms to boost testing access in historically marginalized communities, but “resources weren’t available.”

Boyd, the pastor, said it was “difficult times.” To reach hard-hit communities across the state, “you have to be able to do that through connections on the ground,” he said. “Otherwise it’s not going to happen. But that takes time.”

In Charlotte, he said, fixed testing sites at hospitals and elsewhere, which required appointments, weren’t as accessible for those in the city’s poorest neighborhoods. “You had to go online and sign up,” he said.

Black residents were desperate for testing: When a mobile van run by Atrium Health, the dominant hospital system in Charlotte, arrived at Boyd’s church in early May, “Cars were lined up around the block at 4 or 5 o’clock in the morning,” he said.

Atrium’s mobile testing started in April, circulating in minority communities where data showed emerging hot spots. While people could walk up to get a test, locations shifted daily, according to internet archives, social media posts, and other announcements. Between mid-April and early July, the units stopped at many Black churches only once.

“We were last on the list. We lost a lot of people,” said Vilma Leake, a Democratic member of the Mecklenburg Board of County Commissioners. Leake said she never received a satisfactory answer when she asked why people of color were not prioritized for testing given the South’s long history of racial exclusion and wide disparities in health, education, and income. “History is repeating itself. It is always a fight for some people,” she added.

Kinsley said the state’s response “was intentionally designed to be conscious of class and race and ethnicity,” which he said informed its guidance for essential workers and efforts to push businesses to provide paid leave and on-the-job covid tests.

By late spring, the state’s testing data, which captured only a fraction of infections, painted a troubling picture. As of May 26, Black residents made up 31% of cases and 35% of deaths despite being 22% of the state’s population. Latinos made up 9.6% of the state’s population and 35% of covid cases.

That same day, Cohen stood at Cooper’s pandemic briefing. While she described the state’s efforts to improve safety for workers at meat processing plants, she again called for personal responsibility.

“Our ability to continue to ease restrictions and get back to work as safely as possible hinges on all of us working together to protect each other,” Cohen said, adding, “We want to save lives. And we can do that with simple individual actions.” By that time, North Carolina had allowed restaurants, pools, and personal care businesses such as barbers to open at 50% capacity.

The state’s response “was not adequate for protecting essential workers,” said the Rev. Rodney Sadler, the director of the Center for Social Justice and Reconciliation at Union Presbyterian Seminary.

“It was targeted toward those who had resources, who had a knowledge base, who had greater freedoms, who had the ability to work from home,” he said, adding that it’s important to “think about how this hits differently for poor Black and brown people in inner-city communities than it does for wealthier, white communities in the suburbs.”

The Rev. Greg Jarrell helps lead QC Family Tree, a social justice organization in Enderly Park, a Black neighborhood near downtown Charlotte that is gentrifying. He said people often waited hours for testing at a site near his neighborhood, even with appointments.

“We saw the severe limitations of the whole system,” he said. “Who has got time to sit in line for three hours? Not an hourly employee.”

If you don’t set up “race-conscious and class-conscious policy,” Jarrell said, “the system is always going to serve people who have more resources.”

Throughout June, as North Carolina’s covid infections and hospitalizations climbed, the state focused more intensely on Black, Latino, and Native American residents. It took until July 7 for officials to announce they would deploy 300 free temporary testing sites in underserved communities across the state.

The state’s covid death toll had reached 1,420 people, and 989 more were hospitalized. The trajectory, Cohen said, was “moving in the wrong direction.”

A Bigger Challenge at the CDC

Political leaders, public health experts, and advocacy groups say Cohen is well suited to run the CDC.

She has navigated vast government agencies — experience her predecessor, Rochelle Walensky, lacked. Cohen has political acumen, having worked effectively in a politically divided state “with a range of views about public health,” said Tom Inglesby, director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and a former senior White House adviser on covid response. “She is super bright and a very clear communicator about the issues on the table.”

During the Obama administration, Cohen, a physician, climbed the ranks to become chief operating officer and chief of staff at the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, which has more than 6,000 employees and oversees government programs like Medicare and Medicaid that insure millions of Americans. In 2017 Cooper appointed her North Carolina health secretary. She stepped down at the end of 2021.

Cohen’s time “in North Carolina will inform the practical, on-the-ground work that will make a big difference at the CDC,” Kinsley said, citing efforts to minimize racial and ethnic disparities in covid vaccination.

According to CDC data comparing covid mortality rates by state, North Carolina had the 12th lowest age-adjusted death rate in 2020. But the state’s fortunes changed in 2021, when it dropped to 30th place. North Carolinians said Cohen listened to their perspectives, but their calls for help were punctuated by a drumbeat of deaths.

Mecklenburg County Commissioner Mark Jerrell, a Democrat, said the pandemic exposed how North Carolina is still reeling from centuries of racial discrimination. Even as Cohen “became a trusted community voice,” he said, “there was a disconnect between the discussion of equity and the application of equity.”

He worries that painful lessons of those early pandemic months seem forgotten, saying, “We don’t even hear this conversation now.”

Data reporter Hannah Recht contributed to this story.

By: Fred Clasen-Kelly and Rachana Pradhan and Holly K. Hacker
Title: The Painful Pandemic Lessons Mandy Cohen Carries to the CDC
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/painful-covid-pandemic-lessons-mandy-cohen-north-carolina-cdc/
Published Date: Wed, 23 Aug 2023 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

How To Find the Right Medical Rehab Services

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kffhealthnews.org – Jordan Rau, KFF Health News – 2025-07-15 04:45:00


Rehabilitation therapy is essential after events like strokes, accidents, or surgeries, offering physical, occupational, speech, and sometimes respiratory therapy in hospitals, nursing homes, clinics, or at home. Physical therapy improves strength and movement; occupational therapy aids daily activities; speech therapy addresses communication. Insurance coverage varies, with limits often imposed by private insurers. Inpatient rehab hospitals require patients to handle intensive therapy, with stays averaging 12 days. Choosing a facility involves checking specialties, safety records, patient outcomes, and proximity to family for support. Alternatives include nursing homes for less intensive care or long-term care hospitals for severe cases. Outpatient and home therapies are options for those able to return home. Reducing care transitions is advised for safety.


Rehabilitation therapy can be a godsend after hospitalization for a stroke, a fall, an accident, a joint replacement, a severe burn, or a spinal cord injury, among other conditions. Physical, occupational, and speech therapy are offered in a variety of settings, including at hospitals, nursing homes, clinics, and at home. It’s crucial to identify a high-quality, safe option with professionals experienced in treating your condition.

What kinds of rehab therapy might I need?

Physical therapy helps patients improve their strength, stability, and movement and reduce pain, usually through targeted exercises. Some physical therapists specialize in neurological, cardiovascular, or orthopedic issues. There are also geriatric and pediatric specialists. Occupational therapy focuses on specific activities (referred to as “occupations”), often ones that require fine motor skills, like brushing teeth, cutting food with a knife, and getting dressed. Speech and language therapy help people communicate. Some patients may need respiratory therapy if they have trouble breathing or need to be weaned from a ventilator.

Will insurance cover rehab?

Medicare, health insurers, workers’ compensation, and Medicaid plans in some states cover rehab therapy, but plans may refuse to pay for certain settings and may limit the amount of therapy you receive. Some insurers may require preauthorization, and some may terminate coverage if you’re not improving. Private insurers often place annual limits on outpatient therapy. Traditional Medicare is generally the least restrictive, while private Medicare Advantage plans may monitor progress closely and limit where patients can obtain therapy.

Should I seek inpatient rehabilitation?

Patients who still need nursing or a doctor’s care but can tolerate three hours of therapy five days a week may qualify for admission to a specialized rehab hospital or to a unit within a general hospital. Patients usually need at least two of the main types of rehab therapy: physical, occupational, or speech. Stays average around 12 days.

How do I choose?

Look for a place that is skilled in treating people with your diagnosis; many inpatient hospitals list specialties on their websites. People with complex or severe medical conditions may want a rehab hospital connected to an academic medical center at the vanguard of new treatments, even if it’s a plane ride away.

“You’ll see youngish patients with these life-changing, fairly catastrophic injuries,” like spinal cord damage, travel to another state for treatment, said Cheri Blauwet, chief medical officer of Spaulding Rehabilitation in Boston, one of 15 hospitals the federal government has praised for cutting-edge work.

But there are advantages in selecting a hospital close to family and friends who can help after you are discharged. Therapists can help train at-home caregivers.

How do I find rehab hospitals?

The discharge planner or caseworker at the acute care hospital should provide options. You can search for inpatient rehabilitation facilities by location or name through Medicare’s Care Compare website. There you can see how many patients the rehab hospital has treated with your condition — the more the better. You can search by specialty through the American Medical Rehabilitation Providers Association, a trade group that lists its members.

Find out what specialized technologies a hospital has, like driving simulators — a car or truck that enable a patient to practice getting in and out of a vehicle — or a kitchen table with utensils to practice making a meal.

How can I be confident a rehab hospital is reliable?

It’s not easy: Medicare doesn’t analyze staffing levels or post on its website results of safety inspections as it does for nursing homes. You can ask your state public health agency or the hospital to provide inspection reports for the last three years. Such reports can be technical, but you should get the gist. If the report says an “immediate jeopardy” was called, that means inspectors identified safety problems that put patients in danger.

The rate of patients readmitted to a general hospital for a potentially preventable reason is a key safety measure. Overall, for-profit rehabs have higher readmission rates than nonprofits do, but there are some with lower readmission rates and some with higher ones. You may not have a nearby choice: There are fewer than 400 rehab hospitals, and most general hospitals don’t have a rehab unit.

You can find a hospital’s readmission rates under Care Compare’s quality section. Rates lower than the national average are better.

Another measure of quality is how often patients are functional enough to go home after finishing rehab rather than to a nursing home, hospital, or health care institution. That measure is called “discharge to community” and is listed under Care Compare’s quality section. Rates higher than the national average are better.

Look for reviews of the hospital on Yelp and other sites. Ask if the patient will see the same therapist most days or a rotating cast of characters. Ask if the therapists have board certifications earned after intensive training to treat a patient’s particular condition.

Visit if possible, and don’t look only at the rooms in the hospital where therapy exercises take place. Injuries often occur in the 21 hours when a patient is not in therapy, but in his or her room or another part of the building. Infections, falls, bedsores, and medication errors are risks. If possible, observe whether nurses promptly respond to call lights, seem overloaded with too many patients, or are apathetically playing on their phones. Ask current patients and their family members if they are satisfied with the care.

What if I can’t handle three hours of therapy a day?

A nursing home that provides rehab might be appropriate for patients who don’t need the supervision of a doctor but aren’t ready to go home. The facilities generally provide round-the-clock nursing care. The amount of rehab varies based on the patient. There are more than 14,500 skilled nursing facilities in the United States, 12 times as many as hospitals offering rehab, so a nursing home may be the only option near you.

You can look for them through Medicare’s Care Compare website. (Read our previous guide to finding a good, well-staffed home to know how to assess the overall staffing.)

What if patients are too frail even for a nursing home?

They might need a long-term care hospital. Those specialize in patients who are in comas, on ventilators, and have acute medical conditions that require the presence of a physician. Patients stay at least four weeks, and some are there for months. Care Compare helps you search. There are fewer than 350 such hospitals.

I’m strong enough to go home. How do I receive therapy?

Many rehab hospitals offer outpatient therapy. You also can go to a clinic, or a therapist can come to you. You can hire a home health agency or find a therapist who takes your insurance and makes house calls. Your doctor or hospital may give you referrals. On Care Compare, home health agencies list whether they offer physical, occupational, or speech therapy. You can search for board-certified therapists on the American Physical Therapy Association’s website.

While undergoing rehab, patients sometimes move from hospital to nursing facility to home, often at the insistence of their insurers. Alice Bell, a senior specialist at the APTA, said patients should try to limit the number of transitions, for their own safety.

“Every time a patient moves from one setting to another,” she said, “they’re in a higher risk zone.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

The post How To Find the Right Medical Rehab Services appeared first on kffhealthnews.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

This article from KFF Health News provides a comprehensive, fact-based guide to rehabilitation therapy options and how to navigate insurance, care settings, and provider quality. It avoids ideological framing and presents information in a neutral, practical tone aimed at helping consumers make informed medical decisions. While it touches on Medicare and private insurance policies, it does so without political commentary or value judgments, and no partisan viewpoints or advocacy positions are evident. The focus remains on patient care, safety, and informed choice, supporting a nonpartisan, service-oriented approach to health reporting.

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Kaiser Health News

States Brace for Reversal of Obamacare Coverage Gains Under Trump’s Budget Bill

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kffhealthnews.org – Julie Appleby, KFF Health News – 2025-07-03 14:43:00


The tax and spending bill pushed by President Trump includes provisions that shorten ACA enrollment periods, increase paperwork, and raise premiums, threatening coverage gains from the Affordable Care Act. Particularly impacted are the 19 states running their own ACA exchanges, where automatic reenrollment would end, potentially causing 30-50% enrollment losses. Combined with the likely expiration of enhanced pandemic premium subsidies, premiums could rise 75% on average next year. Supporters cite fraud reduction, but many analysts warn these changes could push 4-6 million people out of Marketplace plans, increase the uninsured rate, and leave insurers with smaller, sicker pools and higher prices.


Shorter enrollment periods. More paperwork. Higher premiums. The sweeping tax and spending bill pushed by President Donald Trump includes provisions that would not only reshape people’s experience with the Affordable Care Act but, according to some policy analysts, also sharply undermine the gains in health insurance coverage associated with it.

The moves affect consumers and have particular resonance for the 19 states (plus Washington, D.C.) that run their own ACA exchanges.

Many of those states fear that the additional red tape — especially requirements that would end automatic reenrollment — would have an outsize impact on their policyholders. That’s because a greater percentage of people in those states use those rollovers versus shopping around each year, which is more commonly done by people in states that use the federal healthcare.gov marketplace.

“The federal marketplace always had a message of, ‘Come back in and shop,’ while the state-based markets, on average, have a message of, ‘Hey, here’s what you’re going to have next year, here’s what it will cost; if you like it, you don’t have to do anything,’” said Ellen Montz, who oversaw the federal ACA marketplace under the Biden administration as deputy administrator and director at the Center for Consumer Information and Insurance Oversight. She is now a managing director with the Manatt Health consulting group.

Millions — perhaps up to half of enrollees in some states — may lose or drop coverage as a result of that and other changes in the legislation combined with a new rule from the Trump administration and the likely expiration at year’s end of enhanced premium subsidies put in place during the covid-19 pandemic. Without an extension of those subsidies, which have been an important driver of Obamacare enrollment in recent years, premiums are expected to rise 75% on average next year. That’s starting to happen already, based on some early state rate requests for next year, which are hitting double digits.

“We estimate a minimum 30% enrollment loss, and, in the worst-case scenario, a 50% loss,” said Devon Trolley, executive director of Pennie, the ACA marketplace in Pennsylvania, which had 496,661 enrollees this year, a record.

Drops of that magnitude nationally, coupled with the expected loss of Medicaid coverage for millions more people under the legislation Trump calls the “One Big Beautiful Bill,” could undo inroads made in the nation’s uninsured rate, which dropped by about half from the time most of the ACA’s provisions went into effect in 2014, when it hovered around 14% to 15% of the population, to just over 8%, according to the most recent data.

Premiums would rise along with the uninsured rate, because older or sicker policyholders are more likely to try to jump enrollment hurdles, while those who rarely use coverage — and are thus less expensive — would not.

After a dramatic all-night session, House Republicans passed the bill, meeting the president’s July 4 deadline. Trump is expected to sign the measure on Independence Day. It would increase the federal deficit by trillions of dollars and cut spending on a variety of programs, including Medicaid and nutrition assistance, to partly offset the cost of extending tax cuts put in place during the first Trump administration.

The administration and its supporters say the GOP-backed changes to the ACA are needed to combat fraud. Democrats and ACA supporters see this effort as the latest in a long history of Republican efforts to weaken or repeal Obamacare. Among other things, the legislation would end several changes put in place by the Biden administration that were credited with making it easier to sign up, such as lengthening the annual open enrollment period and launching a special program for very low-income people that essentially allows them to sign up year-round.

In addition, automatic reenrollment, used by more than 10 million people for 2025 ACA coverage, would end in the 2028 sign-up season. Instead, consumers would have to update their information, starting in August each year, before the close of open enrollment, which would end Dec. 15, a month earlier than currently.

That’s a key change to combat rising enrollment fraud, said Brian Blase, president of the conservative Paragon Health Institute, because it gets at what he calls the Biden era’s “lax verification requirements.”

He blames automatic reenrollment, coupled with the availability of zero-premium plans for people with lower incomes that qualify them for large subsidies, for a sharp uptick in complaints from insurers, consumers, and brokers about fraudulent enrollments in 2023 and 2024. Those complaints centered on consumers’ being enrolled in an ACA plan, or switched from one to another, without authorization, often by commission-seeking brokers.

In testimony to Congress on June 25, Blase wrote that “this simple step will close a massive loophole and significantly reduce improper enrollment and spending.”

States that run their own marketplaces, however, saw few, if any, such problems, which were confined mainly to the 31 states using the federal healthcare.gov.

The state-run marketplaces credit their additional security measures and tighter control over broker access than healthcare.gov for the relative lack of problems.

“If you look at California and the other states that have expanded their Medicaid programs, you don’t see that kind of fraud problem,” said Jessica Altman, executive director of Covered California, the state’s Obamacare marketplace. “I don’t have a single case of a consumer calling Covered California saying, ‘I was enrolled without consent.’”

Such rollovers are common with other forms of health insurance, such as job-based coverage.

“By requiring everyone to come back in and provide additional information, and the fact that they can’t get a tax credit until they take this step, it is essentially making marketplace coverage the most difficult coverage to enroll in,” said Trolley at Pennie, 65% of whose policyholders were automatically reenrolled this year, according to KFF data. KFF is a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

Federal data shows about 22% of federal sign-ups in 2024 were automatic-reenrollments, versus 58% in state-based plans. Besides Pennsylvania, the states that saw such sign-ups for more than 60% of enrollees include California, New York, Georgia, New Jersey, and Virginia, according to KFF.

States do check income and other eligibility information for all enrollees — including those being automatically renewed, those signing up for the first time, and those enrolling outside the normal open enrollment period because they’ve experienced a loss of coverage or other life event or meet the rules for the low-income enrollment period.

“We have access to many data sources on the back end that we ping, to make sure nothing has changed. Most people sail through and are able to stay covered without taking any proactive step,” Altman said.

If flagged for mismatched data, applicants are asked for additional information. Under current law, “we have 90 days for them to have a tax credit while they submit paperwork,” Altman said.

That would change under the tax and spending plan before Congress, ending presumptive eligibility while a person submits the information.

A white paper written for Capital Policy Analytics, a Washington-based consultancy that specializes in economic analysis, concluded there appears to be little upside to the changes.

While “tighter verification can curb improper enrollments,” the additional paperwork, along with the expiration of higher premiums from the enhanced tax subsidies, “would push four to six million eligible people out of Marketplace plans, trading limited fraud savings for a surge in uninsurance,” wrote free market economists Ike Brannon and Anthony LoSasso.

“Insurers would be left with a smaller, sicker risk pool and heightened pricing uncertainty, making further premium increases and selective market exits [by insurers] likely,” they wrote.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Subscribe to KFF Health News’ free Morning Briefing.

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Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers

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kffhealthnews.org – Jordan Rau, KFF Health News – 2025-06-26 04:00:00


In Alexandria, Virginia, Rev. Donald Goodness, 92, is cared for by many foreign-born nurses like Jackline Conteh from Sierra Leone, who vigilantly manages his celiac disease needs. The long-term care industry relies heavily on immigrants, with 28% of direct care workers being foreign-born. However, President Trump’s 2024 immigration crackdown, including rescinded protections and revoked work permits for refugees, threatens staffing levels. Coupled with proposed Medicaid spending cuts, nursing homes face worsening shortages and quality challenges. Many immigrant caregivers fear deportation, risking a crisis in elder care as demand rises with America’s aging population.


In a top-rated nursing home in Alexandria, Virginia, the Rev. Donald Goodness is cared for by nurses and aides from various parts of Africa. One of them, Jackline Conteh, a naturalized citizen and nurse assistant from Sierra Leone, bathes and helps dress him most days and vigilantly intercepts any meal headed his way that contains gluten, as Goodness has celiac disease.

“We are full of people who come from other countries,” Goodness, 92, said about Goodwin House Alexandria’s staff. Without them, the retired Episcopal priest said, “I would be, and my building would be, desolate.”

The long-term health care industry is facing a double whammy from President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigrants and the GOP’s proposals to reduce Medicaid spending. The industry is highly dependent on foreign workers: More than 800,000 immigrants and naturalized citizens comprise 28% of direct care employees at home care agencies, nursing homes, assisted living facilities, and other long-term care companies.

But in January, the Trump administration rescinded former President Joe Biden’s 2021 policy that protected health care facilities from Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids. The administration’s broad immigration crackdown threatens to drastically reduce the number of current and future workers for the industry. “People may be here on a green card, and they are afraid ICE is going to show up,” said Katie Smith Sloan, president of LeadingAge, an association of nonprofits that care for older adults.

Existing staffing shortages and quality-of-care problems would be compounded by other policies pushed by Trump and the Republican-led Congress, according to nursing home officials, resident advocates, and academic experts. Federal spending cuts under negotiation may strip nursing homes of some of their largest revenue sources by limiting ways states leverage Medicaid money and making it harder for new nursing home residents to retroactively qualify for Medicaid. Care for 6 in 10 residents is paid for by Medicaid, the state-federal health program for poor or disabled Americans.

“We are facing the collision of two policies here that could further erode staffing in nursing homes and present health outcome challenges,” said Eric Roberts, an associate professor of internal medicine at the University of Pennsylvania.

The industry hasn’t recovered from covid-19, which killed more than 200,000 long-term care facility residents and workers and led to massive staff attrition and turnover. Nursing homes have struggled to replace licensed nurses, who can find better-paying jobs at hospitals and doctors’ offices, as well as nursing assistants, who can earn more working at big-box stores or fast-food joints. Quality issues that preceded the pandemic have expanded: The percentage of nursing homes that federal health inspectors cited for putting residents in jeopardy of immediate harm or death has risen alarmingly from 17% in 2015 to 28% in 2024.

In addition to seeking to reduce Medicaid spending, congressional Republicans have proposed shelving the biggest nursing home reform in decades: a Biden-era rule mandating minimum staffing levels that would require most of the nation’s nearly 15,000 nursing homes to hire more workers.

The long-term care industry expects demand for direct care workers to burgeon with an influx of aging baby boomers needing professional care. The Census Bureau has projected the number of people 65 and older would grow from 63 million this year to 82 million in 2050.

In an email, Vianca Rodriguez Feliciano, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, said the agency “is committed to supporting a strong, stable long-term care workforce” and “continues to work with states and providers to ensure quality care for older adults and individuals with disabilities.” In a separate email, Tricia McLaughlin, a Department of Homeland Security spokesperson, said foreigners wanting to work as caregivers “need to do that by coming here the legal way” but did not address the effect on the long-term care workforce of deportations of classes of authorized immigrants.

Goodwin Living, a faith-based nonprofit, runs three retirement communities in northern Virginia for people who live independently, need a little assistance each day, have memory issues, or require the availability of around-the-clock nurses. It also operates a retirement community in Washington, D.C. Medicare rates Goodwin House Alexandria as one of the best-staffed nursing homes in the country. Forty percent of the organization’s 1,450 employees are foreign-born and are either seeking citizenship or are already naturalized, according to Lindsay Hutter, a Goodwin spokesperson.

“As an employer, we see they stay on with us, they have longer tenure, they are more committed to the organization,” said Rob Liebreich, Goodwin’s president and CEO.

Jackline Conteh spent much of her youth shuttling between Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Ghana to avoid wars and tribal conflicts. Her mother was killed by a stray bullet in her home country of Liberia, Conteh said. “She was sitting outside,” Conteh, 56, recalled in an interview.

Conteh was working as a nurse in a hospital in Sierra Leone in 2009 when she learned of a lottery for visas to come to the United States. She won, though she couldn’t afford to bring her husband and two children along at the time. After she got a nursing assistant certification, Goodwin hired her in 2012.

Conteh said taking care of elders is embedded in the culture of African families. When she was 9, she helped feed and dress her grandmother, a job that rotated among her and her sisters. She washed her father when he was dying of prostate cancer. Her husband joined her in the United States in 2017; she cares for him because he has heart failure.

“Nearly every one of us from Africa, we know how to care for older adults,” she said.

Her daughter is now in the United States, while her son is still in Africa. Conteh said she sends money to him, her mother-in-law, and one of her sisters.

In the nursing home where Goodness and 89 other residents live, Conteh helps with daily tasks like dressing and eating, checks residents’ skin for signs of swelling or sores, and tries to help them avoid falling or getting disoriented. Of 102 employees in the building, broken up into eight residential wings called “small houses” and a wing for memory care, at least 72 were born abroad, Hutter said.

Donald Goodness grew up in Rochester, New York, and spent 25 years as rector of The Church of the Ascension in New York City, retiring in 1997. He and his late wife moved to Alexandria to be closer to their daughter, and in 2011 they moved into independent living at the Goodwin House. In 2023 he moved into one of the skilled nursing small houses, where Conteh started caring for him.

“I have a bad leg and I can’t stand on it very much, or I’d fall over,” he said. “She’s in there at 7:30 in the morning, and she helps me bathe.” Goodness said Conteh is exacting about cleanliness and will tell the housekeepers if his room is not kept properly.

Conteh said Goodness was withdrawn when he first arrived. “He don’t want to come out, he want to eat in his room,” she said. “He don’t want to be with the other people in the dining room, so I start making friends with him.”

She showed him a photo of Sierra Leone on her phone and told him of the weather there. He told her about his work at the church and how his wife did laundry for the choir. The breakthrough, she said, came one day when he agreed to lunch with her in the dining room. Long out of his shell, Goodness now sits on the community’s resident council and enjoys distributing the mail to other residents on his floor.

“The people that work in my building become so important to us,” Goodness said.

While Trump’s 2024 election campaign focused on foreigners here without authorization, his administration has broadened to target those legally here, including refugees who fled countries beset by wars or natural disasters. This month, the Department of Homeland Security revoked the work permits for migrants and refugees from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela who arrived under a Biden-era program.

“I’ve just spent my morning firing good, honest people because the federal government told us that we had to,” Rachel Blumberg, president of the Toby & Leon Cooperman Sinai Residences of Boca Raton, a Florida retirement community, said in a video posted on LinkedIn. “I am so sick of people saying that we are deporting people because they are criminals. Let me tell you, they are not all criminals.”

At Goodwin House, Conteh is fearful for her fellow immigrants. Foreign workers at Goodwin rarely talk about their backgrounds. “They’re scared,” she said. “Nobody trusts anybody.” Her neighbors in her apartment complex fled the U.S. in December and returned to Sierra Leone after Trump won the election, leaving their children with relatives.

“If all these people leave the United States, they go back to Africa or to their various countries, what will become of our residents?” Conteh asked. “What will become of our old people that we’re taking care of?”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

The post Dual Threats From Trump and GOP Imperil Nursing Homes and Their Foreign-Born Workers appeared first on kffhealthnews.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This content primarily highlights concerns about the impact of restrictive immigration policies and Medicaid spending cuts proposed by the Trump administration and Republican lawmakers on the long-term care industry. It emphasizes the importance of immigrant workers in healthcare, the challenges that staffing shortages pose to patient care, and the potential negative effects of GOP policy proposals. The tone is critical of these policies while sympathetic toward immigrant workers and advocates for maintaining or increasing government support for healthcare funding. The framing aligns with a center-left perspective, focusing on social welfare, immigrant rights, and concern about the consequences of conservative economic and immigration policies without descending into partisan rhetoric.

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