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Stories of Alleged Brutality by a Mississippi Sheriff’s Department

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Brian Howey and Nate Rosenfield investigated dozens of arrests made by Rankin County deputies to report this article, which is part of a series by The New York Times’s Local Investigations Fellowship examining the power of sheriffs’ offices in Mississippi.

Last month, The New York Times and the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting at Mississippi Today investigated a series of allegations that, for nearly two decades, Rankin County sheriff’s deputies tortured people suspected of drug use to extract information and confessions.

Reporters examined hundreds of pages of court records and sheriff’s office reports and interviewed more than 50 people who say they witnessed or experienced these events. What emerged was a pattern of violence that was neither confined to a small group of deputies nor hidden from department leaders.

Rankin County Sheriff Bryan Bailey declined to comment on specific allegations against his deputies, but in a brief phone interview in November, he told reporters “I have 240 employees, there’s no way I can be with them each and every day.” The department also announced that it had updated its internal policies and that deputies would receive training on federal civil rights laws.

These are portraits of some of the cases the investigation uncovered:

Christopher Hillhouse, 19

October 2009, Pearl, Miss.

Rankin County deputies arranged for a confidential informant to give marked money to Christopher Hillhouse to purchase drugs, according to department records. Mr. Hillhouse told reporters that he knew the informant was trying to set him up, so he spent the money at Dollar General and a gas station — stores deputies watched Mr. Hillhouse enter while tailing him, according to an incident report by Brett McAlpin, an investigator with the sheriff’s department. Later, deputies confronted Mr. Hillhouse at his family’s home. He and his mother said the deputies entered their house without permission or showing a warrant. Department officials told reporters they could not find a copy of a search warrant. Deputies demanded to know where the money was, the family said, before placing Mr. Hillhouse in handcuffs, punching him in the stomach and knocking his tooth out with a flashlight. Mr. Hillhouse said he was put in a van where a deputy continued to beat him for nearly half an hour. He was never prosecuted for a crime.

Dustin Hale, 17

November 2010, Florence, Miss.

Dustin Hale was at a friend’s house when he got into a fight that spilled out into the yard. Rankin County deputies arrived and handcuffed the teenager and then began searching for a gun deputies believed he had stashed. When Mr. Hale failed to present a weapon, the deputies shocked him with their Tasers and beat him, according to Mr. Hale and his girlfriend at the time. Mr. Hale was taken to an interrogation room at the jail where deputies placed a cardboard crown from Burger King on his head to humiliate him and shocked him until he urinated on himself, according to Mr. Hale’s former girlfriend, who said she witnessed the incident while waiting to be booked. Mr. Hale was charged with disorderly conduct, failure to comply and possession of alcohol. He was fined $507.

Gary Frith, 37

September 2012, unknown location

Gary Michael Frith (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Gary Frith drove off when Rankin County deputies tried to pull him over, according to department records. Eventually he stopped his vehicle and, according to a lawsuit he filed, exited with his hands over his head showing no resistance. Deputies describe no violence from Mr. Frith in their reports. Mr. Frith said deputies beat and stomped on him until he was bloodied. He was then taken to a squad car where one deputy choked and repeatedly hit him and another told him to leave the county or they would murder him, according to Mr. Frith’s lawsuit. A sheriff’s office incident report provides no explanation for the large bandage over Mr. Frith’s eyebrow in his jail mug shot. Mr. Frith pleaded guilty to possession of methamphetamine and was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Ronald Shinstock, 41, and John Burrell, 40

March 2015, Brandon, Miss.

Ronald Shinstock (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Deputies raided Ronald Shinstock’s home after a confidential informant set him up, according to court records. Deputies held Mr. Shinstock’s wife, their children and their friends at gunpoint while searching the house without presenting a search warrant, Mr. Shinstock and witnesses said. Department officials told reporters they could not find a copy of a warrant. Deputies took Mr. Shinstock and John Burrell, his friend, outside, where Mr. Burrell said a deputy hit him until his ears bled while demanding he tell them where the drugs were. Mr. Shinstock said deputies slapped him, made him strip naked and threatened to hit his groin with a flashlight.

Mr. Burrell pleaded guilty to possession of a controlled substance and contributing to the delinquency of a minor and was fined $7,541. Mr. Shinstock was convicted of selling methamphetamine. He appealed his case to the Mississippi Supreme Court, arguing deputies violated his Fourth Amendment rights when they raided his home without a warrant. The court denied his appeal because he failed to introduce the issue in his original criminal trial. He is currently imprisoned, facing a 40-year sentence because the sale occurred less than 1,500 feet from a church.

Samuel Carter, 64, and Christopher Holloway, 26

June 2016, Pelahatchie, Miss.

Sam Carter (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

In reports, deputies said they were responding to a drug overdose at the home of Samuel Carter, an Army veteran, when they found drugs in plain sight. The reports mentioned no use of force during the arrest. Mr. Carter and other witnesses said that no one had overdosed in the home and deputies forced their way inside without permission or presenting a search warrant. Department officials told reporters they could not find a copy of a warrant.

Christopher Holloway, a Black man who was visiting the home, said deputies taunted him with racial slurs and began scouring the house for drugs. Mr. Holloway said he was handcuffed, beaten and repeatedly shocked in the groin and chest with a Taser until he defecated from fear and exhaustion. Taser logs indicate that James Rayborn, a deputy who was present at the arrest according to department records, triggered his Taser six times for 20 seconds during the arrest. Mr. Rayborn did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Mr. Holloway said deputies demanded to know where the drugs were and threatened to throw him into the pool while handcuffed.

Mr. Carter said he was shocked with a Taser and beaten in a separate room. He was charged with possession of a controlled substance, but avoided prison time by agreeing to attend rehabilitation. Mr. Holloway was not prosecuted but served about eight months for violating parole.

Christopher Holloway (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Garry Curro, 64; Jerry Manning, 39; James Elbert Lynch, 26; and Adam Cody Porter, 27

June 2018, Pearl, Miss.

Rankin County deputies arranged for a confidential informant to buy drugs in the home of Jerry Manning, according to department records. Deputies then burst into his trailer without presenting a search warrant, witnesses said.

When one of Mr. Manning’s guests, Garry Curro, 64, stepped into the living room, deputies threw him to the ground and handcuffed him, Mr. Curro said, before beating him and repeatedly shocking him with a Taser. Taser logs indicate that Deputies James Rayborn, Luke Stickman and Cody Grogan, who were present at the arrest according to department records, fired their Tasers a total of 14 times for 27 seconds. None of the deputies responded to multiple requests for comment. Mr. Curro said that when he told the deputies he had received back surgery, one of them stuck a foot into the middle of his back, grabbed him by the neck and yanked his head backward. In his incident report, Investigator McAlpin does not mention the deputies’ use of force during the arrests.

Mr. Manning said deputies placed his legs under his bed and knocked out the bedposts, pinning him to the floor while they shocked him repeatedly in the genitals and the head. Deputies then wrapped a pair of bluejeans around his face and punched him repeatedly before dragging him into the kitchen, Mr. Manning said, where they then used a blowtorch to melt the handle of a metal nutcracker onto his bare thigh. One deputy drew a swastika on his forehead, Mr. Manning said, which was visible in his mug shot. Deputies leaned Mr. Manning against a chair and strapped a belt around his neck, he said. Then, one deputy stood on the chair and pulled the belt up, allowing him to hang by his own body weight until he thought he would die, Mr. Manning said.

Adam Cody Porter said deputies handcuffed him in another room and asked him where the drugs were. When he said he did not know, they threw him into a glass mirror, kicked him on his sides and used his pocketknife to shred his pants to ribbons, Mr. Porter said.

James Elbert Lynch said he was asleep when deputies grabbed him by his hair, dragged him into the living room and stomped on his face when he asked to see a warrant. Mr. Lynch said that when he told a deputy he did not know where any drugs were, the deputy dragged a blowtorch across the bottoms of his feet.

Mr. Curro pleaded guilty to possession of drug paraphernalia and was fined $250. Mr. Manning said he entered a drug counseling program to avoid charges. Mr. Porter was not charged. Charges against Mr. Lynch were dropped.

Robert Wayne Jones, 34, and Jeffrey Tyler Mote, 26

June 2018, Pearl, Miss.

Robert Wayne Jones (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

While trying to set up Robert Wayne Jones and Jeffrey Tyler Mote in a drug sale, deputies intercepted the men in a trailer park driveway, according to department records. The deputies then beat them and shocked them with Tasers, Mr. Jones said, demanding to know where their drugs were. He said deputies then drove them to a wooded area and beat them again before throwing Mr. Jones into a water-filled ditch and firing a Taser at his chest, above his heart. Mr. Jones said a deputy believed he had swallowed drugs to hide them, so he shoved a stick down Mr. Jones’s throat and twisted it until he vomited blood. In their official report, deputies did not mention using force against the men. A mug shot later taken at the jail shows Mr. Jones’s face swollen and covered in mud.

While in jail, Mr. Jones told his story to a fellow inmate who described the account to reporters. Mr. Mote was convicted of possession of marijuana in a motor vehicle and possession of paraphernalia and was fined $855. Mr. Jones was not charged.

Fredrick Trimble, 38

July 2018, Flowood, Miss.

Deputies arrested Fredrick Trimble during a sting initiated by a confidential informant, according to department records. Mr. Trimble, who said he thought the informant was trying to rob him, fled in his car and struck a pedestrian. The deputies caught Mr. Trimble, beat him and shocked him with their Tasers multiple times in the groin and torso while he was handcuffed, Mr. Trimble said. He said one of the deputies put a gun in his mouth, threatened to kill him and then pistol-whipped him. In their reports, deputies wrote that Mr. Trimble had attacked them. He was charged with assault and fleeing police officers and was sentenced to 25 years in prison.

Jeremy Travis Paige, 41

August 2018, Pearl, Miss.

Jeremy Paige (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Rankin County deputies arrested Jeremy Travis Paige after getting a confidential informant to try to set him up in a drug sale, according to department records. Mr. Paige said that after he tried to flee in his car, deputies beat him unconscious in the street. In their reports, deputies wrote that he resisted arrest and tried to kick them.

When Mr. Paige came to, he had been handcuffed and deputies were dragging him into his home, Mr. Paige said. He was then brutally beaten for nearly an hour, until his eyes were swollen shut and his tooth fell out, he and a witness said. Mr. Paige also said deputies waterboarded him, burned him with a cigarette and shocked him with a Taser. Department Taser logs indicate that at least one deputy at the scene fired a Taser. Mr. Paige’s booking photo, taken at the Rankin County jail, shows his battered face after the encounter.

According to Mr. Paige, deputies hid evidence of the violence by using Tasers that were not issued by the department and removing blood-soaked bed linens from the house. After Mr. Paige was arrested, his roommate came home and took pictures of the mattress stripped bare and blood spattered on the wall. Mr. Paige, who was sentenced to five years on drug charges, filed a lawsuit, which was dismissed after he missed court deadlines.

Mitchell Hobson, 38, and Roy Clell “Rick” Loveday, 47

October 2018, Brandon, Miss.

Rick Loveday (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Rick Loveday said he woke up when deputies barged into his trailer home seeking drugs. Mr. Loveday, who was a deputy in Hinds County at the time, said deputies dragged him half-naked into his kitchen, where they poured spices on him, smashed a chocolate cake into his face and jabbed his buttocks threateningly with a flashlight before beating him.

Mitchell Hobson, a guest in Mr. Loveday’s home, said deputies tortured him for more than an hour, waterboarding him, beating his bare feet with batons, shocking him with Tasers, choking him with a lamp cable, sticking a Taser into his mouth and punching him in the face and body while demanding he lead them to a drug stash.

Andrea Dettore, another guest in Mr. Loveday’s home, said she witnessed Mr. Loveday’s beating and heard Mr. Hobson being beaten in the other room. Mr. Loveday said he also heard Mr. Hobson being beaten. The confidential informant who set the men up told reporters that Mr. Loveday spoke to him in court a few days later about being beaten by the deputies.

Mr. Loveday said deputies stole guns and other items from his home. He was charged with possession of paraphernalia. Mr. Hobson was charged with selling methamphetamine. All charges were set aside or dropped.

Mitchell Hobson (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Carvis Johnson, 34

February 2019, Flowood, Miss.

Rankin County deputies pulled over Carvis Johnson after a confidential informant bought drugs from him, according to department records. Mr. Johnson claimed in a federal lawsuit that after he was handcuffed, Deputy Jamie Perry placed a gun in his mouth and threatened to kill him if he did not say where his drugs were located. Mr. Johnson said deputies beat him when he told them he had no drugs and said if he brought drugs into Rankin County, he would be killed.

Mr. Johnson’s lawsuit states that deputies threw him into a truck bed and took turns beating his back and buttocks with a crowbar. (In an interview, Mr. Johnson clarified that they used a car jack handle). Investigator McAlpin wrote in his incident report that Mr. Johnson tried to “obtain or conceal” a gun, but he made no mention of violence during the arrest. Mr. Johnson’s booking photo shows his face swollen and bandaged.

Mr. Johnson pleaded guilty to selling methamphetamine with a firearm and was sentenced to 16 years in prison. His lawsuit was resolved in a settlement for $2,000.

Maurice Porter, 28

March 2019, Florence, Miss.

Deputies stopped Maurice Porter in his car because they suspected him of selling drugs and driving without a license, according to Investigator McAlpin’s incident report. Mr. Porter said that he ran when a deputy referred to him using a racial slur and threatened to shock him in his groin with a Taser. After tackling him, the deputies shocked him, punched him and kicked him, Mr. Porter said. A confidential informant who said he witnessed the arrest told reporters that Mr. Porter was brutally beaten.

The deputies took Mr. Porter back to their vehicles but refused to let him stand, Mr. Porter said, hurling racial slurs at him as they dragged him by his hair and his shoulders. When they got him to the car, Mr. Porter said, Investigator McAlpin slammed a nightstick into his legs repeatedly knocking him to the ground. The deputies shoved him into a squad car, where he vomited, Mr. Porter said.

When Mr. Porter’s mother, Catherine, arrived, deputies would not let her speak to her son and told her they were going to search her house, Mr. Porter and his mother said. Ms. Porter said she did not grant deputies permission to search her home; department officials told reporters they could not find a copy of a search warrant. During the search, deputies took two guns and then took a security camera and the memory device that stored video footage, Ms. Porter said.

Mr. Porter was charged with resisting arrest and possession of marijuana and paraphernalia. He was fined more than $1,000 and spent five months in jail.

Joshua Rushing, 32

January 2020, Pearl, Miss.

Joshua Rushing (Rory Doyle for The New York Times)

Rankin County deputies arranged a controlled drug sale between a confidential informant and Joshua Rushing, according to department records. In his report, Investigator Christian Dedmon wrote that Mr. Rushing rammed a patrol vehicle with his car and then ran from deputies and fought with them as they subdued him. Mr. Dedmon wrote that he shocked Mr. Rushing with his Taser and punched him until other deputies helped place him in handcuffs.

Mr. Rushing and his girlfriend, Nicole Brock, who witnessed the arrest, denied these claims. Mr. Rushing said he was pulling over when the deputies rammed his vehicle and they began to shock him with their Tasers while he was still in the driver’s seat. He said he was in handcuffs when Mr. Dedmon placed a pistol in his mouth and radioed that an armed man was fleeing. Mr. Dedmon then pistol-whipped him in the head, Mr. Rushing said. His mug shot shows a large bleeding wound on his forehead, where Mr. Rushing said he was struck. Mr. Dedmon, who pleaded guilty this summer to federal and state charges related to the torture of three men, did not respond to multiple messages seeking comment left with his attorney.

Before taking him to jail, deputies placed him in the bed of their truck and drove to a nearby service road, Mr. Rushing said, where they told him he had made a mistake coming to their county and shocked him repeatedly with a Taser. Taser logs from the sheriff’s department show that Mr. Dedmon triggered his Taser six times for a total of 19 seconds during the arrest. After being taken to jail, Mr. Rushing described the encounter to another inmate, who confirmed his account.

Mr. Rushing said he complained to the department, detailing the abuse; a lawyer for the department declined to provide copies, claiming they were personnel records. Mr. Rushing spent eight months in jail, but charges stemming from the incident were eventually dropped. Ms. Brock was charged with disorderly conduct and failure to comply and was fined $697.

Dwayne Kaiser, 59

February 2020, Pearl, Miss.

Dwayne Kaiser was set up by a confidential informant in a $100 methamphetamine deal, according to department records. Rankin County deputies then raided Mr. Kaiser’s home without presenting a search warrant, Mr. Kaiser said. Department officials told reporters they could not find a copy of a search warrant. Deputies brought Mr. Kaiser into his bedroom, he said, where they demanded to know where the $100 was and punched him repeatedly. Mr. Kaiser said that one deputy shocked him in the leg with his Taser, which is supported by department Taser logs. No use of force is mentioned in the deputies’ reports. Deputies then punched him until he told them where to find the money, Mr. Kaiser said.

Mr. Kaiser pleaded guilty to selling methamphetamine and was sentenced to five years of probation.

Barry Tatum Yawn, 40

June 2022, Florence, Miss.

When Rankin County deputies came to investigate a fight between Barry Tatum Yawn and his son, they shocked him with their Tasers numerous times, Mr. Yawn said. Then, they held him upside down by his legs, slammed his head into the floor and punched him until his jaw broke, he said. Department Taser logs indicate that several deputies fired their Tasers seven times during the time of the incident.

At the urging of a fire department medic, deputies took him to a hospital, Mr. Yawn said. Medical records show that doctors treated him for head injuries and a broken jaw, which the records say occurred during the fight between Mr. Yawn and his son. The medical records also state that doctors had to remove Taser prongs from Mr. Yawn’s shoulder. There is no mention of Taser use or any use of force in the deputies’ reports. Mr. Yawn was not arrested or charged in the incident.

Robert Grozier, 39, and Andrea Dettore, 49

January 2023, Florence, Miss.

Investigator Dedmon set up a drug deal between Robert Grozier and a confidential informant at the home of Andrea Dettore, department records show. According to Mr. Grozier, deputies stormed the property and forced a gun so far down his throat that he started to vomit and then shocked him with their Tasers until he falsely confessed to buying drugs. Ms. Dettore said she could hear Mr. Grozier grunting as if he were being hurt behind the closed bedroom door. Mr. Grozier and Ms. Dettore said that a deputy found a sex toy in the home and shoved it into Mr. Grozier’s mouth while threatening to shock him if he spat it out. Deputies found topless pictures of Ms. Dettore on Mr. Grozier’s phone and showed them to each other, making lewd comments, Mr. Grozier and Ms. Dettore said.

Mr. Grozier pleaded guilty to possession of marijuana and was fined $250. Ms. Dettore pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct and failure to comply and was fined $500.

Jerry Mitchell, Ilyssa Daly, Eric Sagara and Irene Casado Sanchez contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett contributed research. This article was reported in partnership with Big Local News at Stanford University and supported in part by a grant from the Pulitzer Center.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Crooked Letter Sports Podcast

Podcast: The Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame Class of ’25

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mississippitoday.org – @rick_cleveland – 2025-07-09 10:28:00

The MSHOF will induct eight new members on Aug 2. Rick Cleveland has covered them all and he and son Tyler talk about what makes them all special.

Stream all episodes here.


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Podcast: The Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame Class of '25 appeared first on mississippitoday.org

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Mississippi Today

‘You’re not going to be able to do that anymore’: Jackson police chief visits food kitchen to discuss new public sleeping, panhandling laws

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mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-07-04 13:00:00


Jackson Police Chief Joseph Wade visited Stewpot Community Services to discuss new Mississippi laws addressing homelessness, which ban public sleeping, panhandling without permits, and camping on public property. The laws include the “Safe Solicitation Act,” requiring permits for panhandling with misdemeanor penalties, and the “Real Property Owners Protection Act,” expediting squatter removal. Wade emphasized respecting constitutional rights while enforcing the laws and noted challenges like managing belongings of those removed and jail capacity concerns. Community leaders support the laws for safety but oppose criminalizing homelessness. Locals highlighted the need for more employment opportunities to address homelessness root causes.

Diners turned watchful eyes to the stage as Jackson Police Chief Joseph Wade took to the podium. He visited Stewpot Community Services during its daily free lunch hour Thursday to discuss new state laws, which took effect two days earlier, targeting Mississippians experiencing homelessness.

“I understand that you are going through some hard times right now. That’s why I’m here,” Wade said to the crowd. “I felt it was important to come out here and speak with you directly.”

Wade laid out the three bills that passed earlier this year: House Bill 1197, the “Safe Solicitation Act,” HB 1200, the “Real Property Owners Protection Act” and HB 1203, a bill that prohibits camping on public property. 

“Sleeping and laying in public places, you’re not going to be able to do that anymore,” he said. “There’s a law that has been passed that you can’t just set up encampments on public or private properties where it’s a public nuisance, it’s a problem.”

The “Real Property Owners Protection Act,” authored by Rep. Brent Powell, R-Brandon, is a bill that expedites the process of removing squatters. The “Safe Solicitation Act,” authored by Rep. Shanda Yates, I-Jackson, requires a permit for panhandling and allows people to be charged with a misdemeanor if they violate this law. The offense is punishable by a fine not to exceed $300 and an offender could face up to six months in jail. Wade said he’s currently working with his legal department to determine the best strategy for creating and issuing permits. 

“We’re going to navigate these legal challenges, get some interpretations, not only from our legal department, but the Attorney General’s office to ensure that we are doing it legally and lawfully, because I understand that these are citizens,” he said. “I understand that they deserve to be treated with respect, and I understand that we are going to do this without violating their constitutional rights.” 

Homeless encampment located in the 1700 block of S. Gallatin Street in Jackson, Wednesday, June 2, 2025.

Wade said the Jackson Police Department is steadily fielding reports of squatters in abandoned properties and the law change gives officers new power to remove them more quickly. The added challenge? Figuring out what to do with a person’s belongings. 

“These people are carrying around what they own, but we are not a repository for all of their stuff,” he said. “So, when we make that arrest, we’ve got to have a strategic plan as to what we do with their stuff.” 

Wade said there needs to be a deeper conversation around the issues that lead someone to becoming homeless. 

“A lot of people that we’re running across that are homeless are also suffering from medical conditions, mental health issues, and they’re also suffering from drug addiction and substance abuse. We’ve got to have a strategic approach, but we also can’t log jam our jail down in Raymond,” Wade said. 

He estimates that more than 800 people are currently incarcerated at the Raymond Detention Center, and any increase could strain the system as the laws continue to be enforced.

“I think there’s layers that we have to work through, there’s hurdles that we are going to overcome, but we’ve got to make sure that we do it and make sure that my team and JPD is consistent in how we enforce these laws,” Wade said.

Diners applauded Wade after he spoke, in between bites of fried chicken, salad, corn and 4th of July-themed packaged cakes. Wade offered to answer questions, but no one asked any.

Rev. Jill Buckley, executive director of Stewpot, said that the legislation is a good tool to address issues around homelessness and community needs. She doesn’t want to see people who are homeless be criminalized, but she also wants communities to be safe.

“I support people’s right to self determine, and we can’t impose our choices on other people, but there are some cases in which that impinges on community safety, and so to the extent that anyone who is camping or panhandling or squatting and is a danger to themselves and others, of course, I fully support that kind of law. I don’t support homelessness being criminalized as such,” Buckley said. 

One of the homeless in Jackson panhandles at the intersection of U.S. 80 and Gallatin Street, Wednesday, June 2, 2025.

Many of the people Wade addressed while they ate Thursday said they have housing, don’t panhandle, and shouldn’t be directly impacted by the legislation. But Marcus Willis, 42, said it would make more sense if elected officials wanted to combat the negative impacts of homelessness that they help more people secure employment.

“There ain’t enough jobs,” said Willis, who was having lunch with his girlfriend Amber Ivy.

The two live in an apartment together nearby on Capitol Street, where Ivy landed after her mother, whom Ivy had been living with, suffered a stroke and lost the property. Similarly, Willis started coming to eat at Stewpot after his grandmother, whose house he used to visit for lunch, passed away.

Willis holds odd jobs – cutting grass, home and auto repair – so the income is inconsistent, and every opportunity for stable employment he said he’s found is outside of Jackson in the suburbs. The couple doesn’t have a car.

Making rent every month usually depends on their ability to find someone to help chip in, said Ivy, who is in recovery from substance abuse. She said she’s watched problems surrounding homelessness grow over the years in Jackson. Ivy grew up near Stewpot and has lived in various neighborhoods across the city – except for the times she moved out of state when things got too rough.

“There was just moments where I just had to leave,” Ivy said. “Sometimes if you hit a slump here, there’s almost no way for you to get out of it.”

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post 'You're not going to be able to do that anymore': Jackson police chief visits food kitchen to discuss new public sleeping, panhandling laws appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Right

This article primarily reports on new laws in Jackson, Mississippi, targeting public sleeping, panhandling, and squatting, focusing on statements by Police Chief Joseph Wade and community perspectives. The coverage presents the legislative measures—authored by Republican and independent lawmakers—with a tone that emphasizes law enforcement challenges and community safety, reflecting a conservative approach to homelessness as a public order issue. While it includes voices concerned about criminalization and the need for social support, the overall framing centers on law enforcement and property protection. The article maintains factual reporting without overt editorializing but leans slightly toward a center-right perspective by highlighting legal enforcement as a solution.

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Medicaid cuts could be devastating for the Delta and the rest of rural America

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mississippitoday.org – @GanucheauAdam – 2025-07-03 16:41:00


East Carroll Parish, Louisiana, and neighboring Delta regions face devastating impacts from recent federal Medicaid cuts included in President Trump’s tax and spending bill. Medicaid expansion in Louisiana dramatically lowered uninsured rates, offering a vital lifeline in areas with extreme poverty and scarce jobs. The bill’s cuts and new work-reporting requirements threaten to push millions off coverage, disproportionately harming rural communities struggling with limited transportation, jobs, and internet access. Mississippi, which never expanded Medicaid, could lose billions in funding, risking rural hospital closures. Locals fear losing essential healthcare, worsening poverty and health disparities entrenched by historical neglect and systemic barriers.

Note: This story first published in Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, the nation’s largest state-focused nonprofit news organization.

LAKE PROVIDENCE, La. — East Carroll Parish sits in the northeastern corner of Louisiana, along the winding Mississippi River. Its seat, Lake Providence, was a thriving agricultural center of the Delta. Now, the town is a shell of its former self. Charred and dilapidated buildings dot the small city center. There are a few gas stations, a handful of restaurants — and little to no industry.

Mayor Bobby Amacker, 79, says at one point “you couldn’t even walk down the street” in Lake Providence’s main business district because “there were so many people.”

“It’s gone down tremendously in the last 50 years,” said Amacker, a Democrat. “The town, it looks like it’s drying up. And it’s almost unstoppable, as far as I can tell.”

Now, East Carroll residents stand to lose even more. Like many people in Louisiana, they received a lifeline when the state expanded Medicaid to more low-income adults in 2016. Expansion drove Louisiana’s uninsured rate to the lowest in the Deep South, at 8% in 2023 for working-age adults, according to state data, despite it having the highest poverty rate in the U.S. that year.

This week, both chambers of Congress approved President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful” tax and spending bill. It includes more than $1 trillion in cuts to Medicaid, the joint state-federal health insurance program for poor families and individuals, to help pay for tax cuts that mostly benefit the rich. The legislation would cause 11.8 million more Americans to become uninsured by 2034, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

The bill includes new work rules for Medicaid recipients and would require them to verify their eligibility more frequently. It also would limit a financing strategy that states have used to boost Medicaid payments to hospitals.

Republicans say enrollees are taking advantage of the Medicaid program and getting benefits when they shouldn’t be. They say the program costs too much and states are not paying their fair share.

The Delta region, which includes communities in both Louisiana and Mississippi, would suffer under such large cuts. But in Louisiana — where almost half of the state depended on Medicaid in 2023, the Louisiana Department of Health reported — the cuts could be ruinous. Louisiana could lose up to $35 billion in federal Medicaid support over the next decade, according to KFF, a health policy research group. Mississippi, which never expanded Medicaid, could still lose up to $5 billion.

Residents are watching with apprehension, fear and, sometimes, anger, wondering how Congress could be so blind to how much they are struggling.

“If they take that away from us and everyone that really needs it, that’s going to be bad,” said Sherila Ervin, who lives 20 minutes up the road from Lake Providence in Oak Grove and has Medicaid coverage.

Medicaid work requirements and other health care provisions in the bill ignore the reality of living in poorer rural communities, where people struggle to find the jobs, transportation and internet access required to meet the rules, according to interviews with people and providers in the Delta region.

Even though Louisiana and Mississippi have taken very different approaches to Medicaid — one expanded eligibility under the 2010 Affordable Care Act and the other didn’t — both rely heavily on the program to sustain access to medical care for all their residents.

On a hot summer day in June, Ervin walks into the bare-bones 99-cent store in downtown Lake Providence. As she looks over some clothing, she says she’s heard about the potential Medicaid cuts. But she hadn’t heard about the work requirements, and is shocked they’re even on the table.

“I don’t like that. I don’t think they should put a stipulation on that,” Ervin says, exasperated that she would have to report her work hours. It’s hard enough as it is, she says, to thrive in this community.

READ MORE: In the Deep South, health care fights echo civil rights battles

Ervin, 58, has been working at Oak Grove High School in the cafeteria, serving hot plates to children for two decades. She says it’s one of the good, steady jobs available in this area, but her income is only around $1,500 per month.

Ervin’s job offers health benefits, but she can’t afford the premiums on her salary. She relies on Medicaid for care, including medications for her high blood pressure.

In East Carroll Parish, around 46.5% of people live below the poverty level, meaning the area is overwhelmingly poor, at over four times the national poverty rate, with a median income of $28,321. For Black households, the figure is a mere $16,690.

Expansion was a lifeline for people such as Ervin. Louisiana offers Medicaid to people who earn below 138% of the federal poverty line — currently about $22,000 a year for an individual.

“Sometimes you can work, but then when you work, you still can’t pay to get help,” Ervin said.

It’s a similar economic situation an hour away across the river. Poverty is about three times the national rate in Washington County, Mississippi, where residents in the city of Greenville lament the consequences of not being able to avoid destructive medical debt, which can keep them stuck in a cycle of gig work and of living paycheck to paycheck.

Greenville, the county seat, is among the fastest-shrinking cities in the U.S. It’s still one of the larger rural cities in Mississippi, with coffee shops, restaurants, hotels, a regional hospital and several big-box stores. But the downtown has just a few small businesses and a bank, and residents say jobs are hard to find.

Greenville resident April McNair, 45, remembers giving birth 17 years ago, long before Mississippi extended postpartum Medicaid to a full year. She had Medicaid coverage during pregnancy, but was kicked off shortly after giving birth, despite having post-delivery complications.

April McNair, 45, is a resident of Greenville, Miss. (Photo by Shalina Chatlani/Stateline)

The result was a trip to the emergency room and a $2,500 bill she couldn’t cover. Right after giving birth, McNair looked for work. She said potential employers often told her that she was overqualified because she had a master’s degree.

“I had to kind of figure out how to make my ends meet,” McNair said. “I ended up with a significant bill, all because I did not have Medicaid.”

McNair feels like Mississippi leaders are making a mistake by continuing to reject full Medicaid expansion.

“That’s a selfish move. To me, they’re selfish,” McNair said, adding that now she’s worried for neighbors in Louisiana who may lose the lifeline she wishes she had.

“God forbid, hypothetically speaking, what if one of them meets their demise because of this bill that [Congress] passed?”

Hard to thrive

Mississippi experienced its first taste of equalized access to medicine in the late 1960s.

Delta Health Center, the first federally funded health center in the nation, opened during the peak of the Civil Rights Movement in the all-Black town of Mound Bayou, about an hour north of Greenville. The center vowed to care for anyone regardless of race or ability to pay in a region plagued with poverty, poor health and discrimination — and continues to do so to this day.

It was a significant opportunity for generations of African Americans who had gone without health care, in a place where people had no access to clean drinking water, running sewage systems or even food, said Robin Boyles, chief program planning and development officer at Delta Health Center.

But it wasn’t easy for the clinic to mobilize support, even though it was clearly needed. Before its opening, it faced pushback from politicians and even doctors. In a 1966 clipping from a local newspaper, the white-owned Bolivar Commercial, the editorial board railed against the new clinic, saying it would “lead further to socialized medicine.”

The situation is certainly better in Mississippi and Louisiana than it was in the 1960s, but critics say the Medicaid cuts could reverse hard-fought progress.

People who live in the Delta are fiercely proud of their communities, but conditions there make it hard to thrive.

Black residents, who are the overwhelming majority, have had a particularly hard time. After the Civil War, many were relegated to sharecropping of cotton and corn for subsistence. Meanwhile, an elite white class of plantation owners and investors amassed enormous amounts of wealth.

A 2001 report from the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights described the area as one with “limited economic resources; inadequate employment opportunities; insufficient decent, affordable housing; and poor quality public schools.”

“We have a lot of patients that are one health issue away from either being out of a job or being bankrupt because of a trip to the emergency room,” said Dr. Brent Smith, a physician at a primary care clinic at Delta Health System in Greenville.

Even some of the most vulnerable people, such as new moms in Mississippi, still struggle to get basic care, in part because the state has left billions of dollars in federal funding for Medicaid expansion on the table, said Dr. Lakeisha Richardson, an OB-GYN at Delta Health System.

“There are a lot of maternal [care] deserts in Mississippi where women have to travel 60 miles or more just to get prenatal care and just to get to the closest hospital for delivery,” Richardson said. “And I don’t see that getting any better in Mississippi and in rural areas.”

Richardson says nearly all her patients are working moms, many of whom would really benefit from having Medicaid expansion.

“America doesn’t realize that there are people out here struggling for no reason of their own,” she said.

That’s why Medicaid expansion in Louisiana in 2016, much like the community health center movement in Mississippi, was a bright spot in the rural South, said Smith.

“Louisiana expanded Medicaid, a surprising move in the South to see any state expand,” Smith said. “They saw it for what it was, which was a very real opportunity to assist this specific group of patients.”

Dr. Brent Smith, left, a physician at a primary care clinic at Delta Health System in Greenville, laughs with a co-worker. (Photo by Shalina Chatlani/Stateline)

In Mississippi, 20 rural hospitals are at immediate risk of closure, according to a recent report, more than double the number at risk in Louisiana. In many cases, Medicaid is the largest and most reliable payer for rural hospitals. While Louisiana’s overall uninsured rate plummeted to 8.3% by 2023, in Mississippi it was 10.5%.

“Unlike a lot of our Southern peers, we have not had the same level of closures of facilities,” said Courtney Foster, senior policy adviser for Medicaid, with the nonprofit Invest in Louisiana.

“Medicaid was like a real lifeline for people in transition. Oftentimes it was people who had lost their jobs and were just looking to get back on their feet.”

Now, the new work and reporting requirements could put that progress at risk.

In East Carroll Parish, finding a job — let alone a good-paying one with health benefits — is difficult, says Rosie Brown, executive director at the East Carroll Community Action Agency, a nonprofit that helps low-income people with their rent and utility bills. Many of the jobs available in town pay minimum wage, just $7.25 an hour.

Brown loves living in Lake Providence; this is where her family is. She doesn’t want to move but wishes the government would invest more in her community — not take away benefits that help people who are hanging on by a thread.

“We have one bank. We have one supermarket,” she said. “Transportation isn’t easy either.”

Local infrastructure is so limited, she’s even heard of some people charging residents $20 for a ride to Walmart. Some people have to hitch a ride an hour away to go to work, she said.

“There’s nowhere to go,” Brown said.

Dominique Jones works at the local library, where she helps roughly 75 to 85 people per month apply for programs such as Medicaid and food assistance. Many of the residents she helps don’t have access to the internet or even a computer, a real barrier for people who’d be required to report their working hours to state Medicaid officials.

“This town right here is made up of a lot of old people that need Medicaid and Medicare. And without it, they wouldn’t have any kind of health care at all,” Mayor Amacker said.

Even a job in local government in Lake Providence doesn’t offer affordable health insurance.

Nevada Qualls, 25, sits across from Amacker’s office. She earns just $12 an hour as a cashier at city hall. The low pay means she qualifies for Medicaid expansion coverage, which is good because she can’t afford the premiums for private insurance.

“I feel like there should be a higher threshold for people that can get Medicaid, because they’re still struggling,” she said.

At the 99-cent store, school district worker Ervin wonders whether state and federal leaders understand what it’s like to live in her community, urging them to visit and see for themselves.

“They want to do stuff for the rich people that’s already rich,” she said. “What are they doing? It’s almost like there’s no common sense with them.”

‘The tremble factors’

While leaders in the U.S. Senate were working into the night this past weekend debating Trump’s tax and spending bill, Greenville resident Jennifer Morris was praying for the pain to stay away.

Morris, 44, has hemicrania continua, a headache disorder that causes constant pain on one side of her head. There’s no underlying trigger and no cure. Her doctors help her keep the pain to a minimum with regular treatments that include dozens of injections into her head.

“It doesn’t take the pain away,” she said during a late-night gathering in Greenville’s Greater Mount Olivet Missionary Baptist Church in June. “It does reduce the pain so that I’m able to function. But it’s rough.”

Morris is worried about the looming Medicaid cuts. She qualifies for Mississippi Medicaid because her condition counts as a disability, and she depends on the coverage to afford her medications.

Morris’ Medicaid may be safer than that of her Delta neighbors in Lake Providence, as some of the most dramatic Medicaid changes being considered — such as work requirements — target Medicaid expansion states only.

But Mississippi could be hurt by a provision in the Senate bill that would target a strategy states have used to boost the Medicaid dollars they get from the federal government.

Mississippi could see a major hit to its Medicaid funds, which “would be a tremendous decrease in revenue for the state,” harming “services and access to care,” says Mitchell Adcock, executive director at the Center for Mississippi Health Policy.

“It would be just the opposite of expansion. It would be a contraction for the Medicaid program in the state,” he said.

Leonard Favorite, a pastor who was attending the same event at Mount Olivet Church, as Morris, says he grew up on a plantation in Louisiana and worked his way out of poverty by joining the Air Force. This type of journey is hard, he said, when you’re already starting from so far behind. He thinks the “big, beautiful bill” will create more roadblocks for poor people.

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“You have people who are already living below the poverty line and they will certainly be submerged into poverty at unspeakable levels,” said Favorite, 70.“ That seems to be the trend of this administration from the point of view of looking from the outside.

“Poor people are beginning to feel the tremble factors of an administration that caters toward the rich.”

National researchers estimate that up to 132,000 Louisianans who gained health insurance under expansion could lose it under work rules.

But national reports that rely on census data likely underestimate the potential Medicaid losses. For example, while 2023 census data show 47% of East Carroll Parish was on Medicaid, state health data reviewed by Stateline and Public Health Watch suggests the number is more like 64%. Similarly statewide, census data showed about a third of Louisianans were on Medicaid. State data shows that percentage is closer to 46.5%.

Experts such as Joan Alker at the Georgetown Center for Children and Families say the undercounts nationally are a well-known issue among researchers, but it’s difficult to correct because the quality of state reporting can be so uneven.

State Medicaid funding is also at risk. For years, both Mississippi and Louisiana have relied on revenue generated through a financing tool — known as a provider tax — to draw down more federal dollars and boost Medicaid reimbursements to providers. But congressional Republicans hope to limit states’ ability to collect those taxes.

Depending on how Congress restricts provider taxes, Mississippi could lose hundreds of millions in federal Medicaid funding, crucial in a state with such a high uninsured rate, said Richard Roberson, president and CEO of the Mississippi Hospital Association.

“It’s unavoidable that when you’re taking that much money out of the system, that there’s not going to be some repercussions felt even in non-Medicaid expansion states like Mississippi,” Roberson said.

Last week, the Louisiana Hospital Association signed a statement calling the package of Medicaid cuts before Congress “historic in their devastation.”

From her small, sunny office in East Carroll Parish, nurse Jennifer Newton can’t understand the attacks on Medicaid.

Newton, who grew up one parish over in West Carroll, is executive director of the Family Medical Clinic, a community health center in Lake Providence and one of the few health providers in town. She says 50% of the clinic’s patients have Medicaid insurance.

Newton has worked in health care in the area for decades and watched as Medicaid expansion made it possible for more patients to access and afford health care they desperately needed, including preventive services. “It’s absolutely helped,” she said. “Absolutely.”

In 2015, the year before Louisiana expanded Medicaid, the uninsured rate among working-age adults in East Carroll Parish was nearly 35%. By 2021, that number was 12.7%.

“Why are we going back?” Newton asked. “We’ve made so much progress.”

Republican supporters of work requirements, including Louisiana representative and U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson, argue they will encourage people to find jobs and ensure Medicaid goes to people who need it most. But according to KFF, a majority of Louisiana adults with Medicaid — 69% — already work.

Brian Blase, president of the Paragon Health Institute, a conservative policy group that is working with Republicans to formulate Medicaid cuts, is not concerned about eligible people losing coverage, as has happened under previous work requirement efforts. He says the bill has built in exceptions for certain people and requirements “can be met by not just work,” so “concerns seem pretty overstated.”

Medicaid recipients also can meet the requirement by volunteering or attending school for 80 hours per month.

“It’s hard for me to understand that there are areas in the country where there’s not jobs. There’s always work to be done,” Blase told Stateline. Blase said he believes Medicaid is “the government conditioning welfare for able-bodied working-age adults.”

But advocates and experts predict East Carroll, where internet access is notoriously bad, would experience results similar to when Arkansas instituted Medicaid work requirements in 2018: People disenrolled because of lack of awareness and confusion over the policy, as well as paperwork errors — not because they weren’t working enough.

“Unless the beneficiary can navigate that red tape, they’re going to lose coverage and become uninsured,” said Benjamin Sommers, a health economist at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

Data shows Arkansas’ experiment did not increase employment, Sommers said, and instead led to more people reporting medical debt and delaying care because of cost.

‘Take a step back’

People in the Delta — where the legacy of government neglect and discrimination are all around — want politicians to visit their towns and see the barriers people face trying to improve their lives and stay healthy.

“People spent their lives uninsured,” said Amy Hale, a nurse practitioner at East Carroll Medical clinic. “Medicaid expansion allowed them to get in here and be treated.”

Lake Providence residents are scared they may find themselves in a similar situation as McNair and other people across the river in Greenville: working, uninsured, and too poor to access health care.

Recent estimates show up to 317,000 Louisianans could lose Medicaid health insurance under Trump’s tax bill. Nearly 33,000 in Mississippi.

“People are actually trying,” McNair said. “I really wish [lawmakers] would look at it from a different lens. What if it was their kid? Or they didn’t have the salaries they have now and your baby is ill. … Like really take a step back and think about what it is that you’re doing.”

This story is part of “Uninsured in America,” a project led by Public Health Watch that focuses on life in America’s health coverage gap and the 10 states that haven’t expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act.

Stateline reporter Shalina Chatlani can be reached at schatlani@stateline.org. Public Health Watch reporter Kim Krisberg can be reached at kkrisberg@publichealthwatch.org.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Medicaid cuts could be devastating for the Delta and the rest of rural America appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

The article presents a clear perspective sympathetic to low-income and rural communities affected by Medicaid cuts. It highlights the hardships faced by residents in Louisiana’s and Mississippi’s Delta regions, emphasizing poverty, limited job opportunities, and the critical role Medicaid plays in health access. While it reports Republicans’ arguments for work requirements and cost control, the language and framing focus more on the negative consequences of cuts and the struggles of vulnerable populations. This tone and focus suggest a center-left bias, favoring expanded social safety nets and critical of policies perceived to harm the poor.

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