News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Researchers say moms and babies are ‘going to get hurt’ by federal pregnancy data team cuts
by Kelcie Moseley-Morris, Alabama Reflector
April 26, 2025
In the remote villages of Alaska where social worker Laura Norton-Cruz works to improve maternal and infant health, there are no hospitals.
Pregnant patients, almost all of whom are Alaska Native, often fly on small 10-seat planes to the region’s larger hub community of Kotzebue. While some give birth there, many more then take a jet out of the Northwest Arctic region to Anchorage, the state’s largest city. By the time they fly back to Kotzebue for their six-week checkup, a high percentage have stopped breastfeeding because of a lack of ongoing supports.
Norton-Cruz knows that because of data collected by Alaska’s Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS)— a grantee of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s PRAMS program, started in 1987 in an effort to reduce infant morbidity and mortality.
But earlier this month, the Trump administration cut the federal program, its 17-member team and more workers in the Division of Reproductive Health as part of sweeping layoffs within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Rita Hamad, associate professor at Harvard School of Public Health, said PRAMS helps researchers understand what kinds of state policies are improving or harming child health.
“I can’t overemphasize what an important dataset this is and how unique it is to really show national trends and help us try to understand how to optimize the health of moms and young kids,” Hamad said.
Social worker and lactation counselor Laura Norton-Cruz facilitated a peer breastfeeding counselor program with mothers from villages in the Kotzebue, Alaska region. The project was made possible in part because of PRAMS data. (Photo by Angie Gavin)
PRAMS does not ask abortion-related questions, but some anti-abortion groups still try to make a connection.
“The cuts seem appropriate given all the bias in choosing topics and analyzing data, but if Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System wishes to justify their reporting, point to the study that has most helped women and their children, born and preborn, survive and thrive,’’ Kristi Hamrick, vice president of media and policy at Students for Life of America, told States Newsroom in an email.
Over the past two years, Norton-Cruz used Alaska’s PRAMS data to identify low breastfeeding rates in the region, connect with people in the villages and interview them about what would help them continue to breastfeed. What they wanted, she said, was a peer in the community who understood the culture — so that’s what she’s been working to set up through federal programs and funding that is now uncertain.
Norton-Cruz also uses responses from PRAMS surveys to identify risk factors and interventions that can help prevent domestic and sexual violence and childhood trauma, particularly in rural communities, where the rates of domestic violence and maternal death are high.
“PRAMS data not being available, I believe, is going to kill mothers and babies,” she said. “And it’s going to result in worse health for infants.”
New York City grant is renewed, but data collection is paused
Individual states collect and report their own data, and the CDC team was responsible for aggregating it into one national picture. Some localities, such as New York City, maintain a full dashboard of data that can be explored by year and survey question. The most recent fully published data is from 2022 and shows responses by region, marital status, Medicaid status and more.
For instance, 2022 data showed women on Medicaid experienced depressive symptoms at a higher rate after giving birth than those not on Medicaid. It also showed that a much higher percentage of women not on Medicaid reported putting their babies on their backs to sleep, the recommended method for safe sleep — 63% of women on Medicaid reported following that method, versus 85% not on Medicaid.
Hamad said PRAMS is the only national survey dataset dedicated to pregnancy and the postpartum period. Her team has studied the outcomes of the Women, Infants, and Children food assistance program, and how state paid family leave policies have affected rates of postpartum depression.
“This survey has been going on for decades and recruits people from almost all states,’’ she said. “There’s really no other dataset that we can use to look at the effects of state and federal policies on infant health and postpartum women.”
Under Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Health and Human Services laid off about 10,000 employees as part of a restructuring effort in early April. The overhaul is part of the “Make America Healthy Again” initiative, and the agency said it focused cuts on redundant or unnecessary administrative positions. It rescinded some of the firings in the weeks since, with Kennedy telling reporters that some were “mistakes.” It’s unclear if any of those hired back were PRAMS employees.
The cuts, Hamad said, also run counter to the administration’s stated goals of wanting to protect women, children and families.
“The government needs this data to accomplish what it says it wants to do, and it’s not going to be able to do that now,” she said.
The funding for local PRAMS programs seems to be unaffected for now. Spokespersons for health department teams in Alaska, New Mexico, Oklahoma and Kansas told States Newsroom they have not had any layoffs or changes to their grants, but the funding for this fiscal year ends on April 30. Forty-six states, along with D.C., New York City and two U.S. territories, participate in the program. According to the CDC, those jurisdictions represent 81% of all live births in the United States.
New York State Department of Health spokesperson Danielle De Souza told States Newsroom in an email their program has received another year of funding that begins May 1 and supports one full-time and two part-time staffers. But without the assistance of the national CDC team to compile, clean, and prepare the data, maintain the data collection platform and establish standards, De Souza said their state-level operations are on pause.
“We remain hopeful that the data collection platform will be fully reactivated, and that CDC coordination of PRAMS will resume,” De Souza said. “The department is assessing the challenges and feasibility of continuing operations if that does not occur.”
Hamad said some states might be willing to allocate state dollars to the programs to keep them running, but the states that have some of the worst maternal and infant health outcomes — such as Arkansas, Mississippi and Alabama — are the least likely to have the political will to do that. And it would still make the data less robust and valuable than it was before.
“If one state is asking about how often you breastfed in the last week, and another one is asking about the last month, then we won’t have comparable data across states,” she said.
Project 2025, anti-abortion groups have criticized CDC data collection
Jacqueline Wolf, professor emeritus of social medicine at Ohio University, has studied the history of breastfeeding and childbirth practices and said the rates of maternal and infant death were high in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. For every breastfed baby, 15 raw milk-fed babies died. Wolf said 13% of babies didn’t live to their 1st birthday, and more than half were dying from diarrhea.
To help determine what was causing those deaths and prevent it, public health specialists created detailed forms and collected information from families about a mother’s age, the parents’ occupations, race, income level, household conditions, and how the babies were fed.
Researchers at that time were able to determine that babies who weren’t breastfed were getting sick from unpasteurized milk and tainted water supply, and more than half were dying from diarrhea. Through public health reforms, like requiring cow’s milk to be pasteurized, sold in individual sterile bottles and kept cold during shipping, infant death rates dropped, Wolf said.
Health officials also increased education campaigns around the issue. Today, PRAMS uses survey data the same way.
“These were detectives,” Wolf said. “That’s what public health really is, detective work, which is why this data is so important.”
Project 2025, the blueprint document of directives for the next Republican presidential administration crafted by conservative group Heritage Foundation in 2024 and closely followed by President Donald Trump and his cabinet, details plans for the CDC’s data collection efforts. Page 453 of the 900-page document, written by Heritage Foundation executive Roger Severino says it’s proper for the CDC to collect and publish data related to disease and injury, but the agency should not make public health recommendations and policies based on that data because it is “an inescapably political function.”
The agency should be separated into two, Severino wrote, with one agency responsible for public health with a “severely confined ability to make policy recommendations.”
“The CDC can and should make assessments as to the health costs and benefits of health interventions, but it has limited to no capacity to measure the social costs or benefits they may entail,” the document says.
On page 455, Severino says the CDC should also eliminate programs and projects that “do not respect human life” and undermine family formation. It does not name PRAMS as a program that does this, but says the agency should ensure it is not promoting abortion as health care.
Hamrick, of Students for Life of America, told States Newsroom in an email that because there is no national abortion reporting act that tracks outcomes for women who end a pregnancy, assumptions in current reports “taint the outcomes.” Hamrick said the CDC has done a poor job of getting a complete picture of pregnancy risks, including the risk of preterm birth after having an abortion.
“Taxpayers don’t have money to waste on purely political messaging,” Hamrick said.
Without data, researcher worries policy recommendations will be easier to dismiss
If researchers like Laura Norton-Cruz don’t have PRAMS data moving forward, she said they will be operating in the dark in many ways, using anecdotal and clinical data that is not as reliable and accurate as the anonymous surveying. That can make it more difficult to push for funding and program changes from lawmakers as well.
“Moms need safe housing and domestic violence resources, moms need health care and breastfeeding support, and if we can’t show that, then they can justify not providing those things, knowing that those most affected by not having those things will be groups who are already marginalized,” Norton-Cruz said.
While HHS did not cite the administration’s ongoing efforts to remove any content from the federal government that acknowledges disparities in race or gender as its motivation for cutting the PRAMS team, researchers who spoke with States Newsroom think that could be the underlying reason.
Wolf said race matters in data collection just as much as household economics or class, and it is just as relevant today as it was when PRAMS was established, as maternal death rates for Black women and other women of color are disproportionately high in a number of states. Those states are also often the poorest and have higher infant mortality rates.
Wolf recalled that during Trump’s first term in 2020, the first year of COVID, the administration ordered the CDC to stop publishing public data about the pandemic. She sees a parallel to today.
“I fear that is exactly what’s going on with PRAMS,” she said. “To pretend like you don’t have the data, so the problem doesn’t exist, is just about the worst response you can think of, because more and more mothers and babies are going to get hurt.”
States Newsroom state outlet reporters Anna Kaminski, Danielle Prokop and Emma Murphy contributed to this report.
Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.
The post Researchers say moms and babies are ‘going to get hurt’ by federal pregnancy data team cuts appeared first on alabamareflector.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Left-Leaning
The content presents a perspective that emphasizes the importance of public health data, particularly in the context of maternal and infant health, and criticizes the cuts made by the Trump administration to the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS). It highlights the negative impact these cuts could have on vulnerable communities, especially Alaska Natives. The tone is concerned and urgent, focusing on the need for comprehensive data to support health initiatives.
While it acknowledges the perspective of critics from anti-abortion groups, the overall framing suggests a defense of public health initiatives often championed by more progressive and left-leaning agendas. The emphasis on systemic inequities regarding race and gender also aligns with a left-leaning viewpoint that advocates for social justice and equity in healthcare access.
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Alabama Legislature sends 2026 ETF, General Fund budgets to Gov. Kay Ivey
by Alander Rocha, Alabama Reflector
April 30, 2025
The Alabama Legislature Tuesday gave final approval to the state’s two budgets for the 2026 fiscal year, but not without a battle.
The Alabama Senate passed a $3.7 billion 2026 General Fund budget late Tuesday night on a 30-0 vote after an hours-long slowdown.
HB 186, sponsored by Rep. Rex Reynolds, R-Huntsville, would provide a 10% increase ($347 million) over the current budget for the 2026 fiscal year, which starts October 1.
“In many cases, you had a reduction in what your request had been. Everyone of us had that … so we’re in a dichotomy here where we have the largest budget we’ve ever had, and yet, we have the tightest constraints and control that we’ve had in recent memory,” said Sen. Greg Albritton, R-Atmore, who chairs the Senate Finance and Taxation General Fund Committee, pointing to Medicaid’s significant budget increase that will bring its budget to over $1 billion.
Sen. Rodger Smitherman, D-Birmingham, asked for the 125-page funding bill to be read in its entirety Tuesday afternoon, which delayed the vote by hours. He said after the Senate adjourned that he didn’t want controversial bills to be passed without deliberation, and that he was afraid the Senate would move to adopt a different set of bills to consider.
“[The House] did have a second calendar, and it was going to be the same thing here in terms of the desire to have a second calendar, and I thought that we need to just work on that particular calendar,” Smitherman said after the Senate adjourned.
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The Alabama Medicaid Agency, which provides health insurance for over 1 million Alabamians, nearly all children, elderly citizens and those with disabilities, will get $1.179 billion from the state, a $223.8 million (19%) increase over this year. Ivey requested $1.184 billion in February, about $5 million more than what the House approved.
The Alabama Department of Corrections, which administers the state prisons, will get a $90.1 million increase (11%) to $826.7 million.
The Alabama Department of Human Resources, which provides child and adult protective services, enforces child support payments and administers food and family assistance, will get $148.9 million from the state in 2026, a $4.7 million (3%) increase from the current budget.
The Alabama Department of Mental Health, which provides mental health care services in the state, will get a $4.7 million increase (2%) to $244 million. The Legislature cut the funding from Ivey’s recommendation by $3.7 million.
But senators also appeared to want to send a message to the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles, which has drawn mounting criticism from Democratic and Republican senators over low parole rates and what senators consider a lack of responsiveness to their questions about the parole process. The Senate cut the board’s funding from $94.5 million to $90.6 million, a 4.1% decrease.
In addition, Sen. Clyde Chambliss, R-Prattville, added an amendment to make funding for the Board of Pardons & Paroles conditional on the board developing parole release guidelines. The amendment passed on a 27-0 vote.
“What they do, as y’all know, they adopt guidelines. Those are supposed to be updated and revised. They have not done that,” he said.
The board has faced backlash after parole rates declined significantly after 2017, when members granted parole to about 54% of applicants. The rates fell as low as 7% at times, according to an analysis by the ACLU of Alabama in 2023, but rebounded to slightly more than 20% within the past year.
The Senate also passed HB 185, also sponsored by Reynolds, which would appropriate $50 million in American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds to the Department of Finance and provide over $12.6 million to the Unified Judicial System.
“This bill is supplemental monies just taking federal money and appropriating it,” Albritton said.
The House concurred with the changes late Tuesday evening, sending the bill to Gov. Kay Ivey.
The Senate also concurred with House changes to SB 112, sponsored by Sen. Arthur Orr, R-Decatur, a nearly $10 billion 2026 Education Trust Fund budget (ETF).
The House changes added $17.6 million to the budget, bringing it to a 6% increase over the 2025 ETF budget. The budget does not contain pay raises for teachers in the 2025-26 fiscal year, which starts Oct. 1. But it includes a $99.2 million increase for the Public Education Employees’ Health Insurance Plan, as well as funding for workman’s compensation for education employees and paid parental leave.
The Senate also concurred with the ETF supplemental funding bills, including SB 113, also sponsored by Orr, a $524 million 2025 supplemental appropriation for education that passed the House with an amendment changing language to clarify dual enrollment programs funding.
The Senate also concurred with House changes to SB 111, sponsored by Orr, which would appropriate $375 million over three years to implement changes to the state’s school funding formula.
The House added an additional $80 million from the Education Opportunity Reserve Fund to the Creating Hope and Opportunity for Our Students’ Education (CHOOSE) Act Fund, a voucher-like program that gives tax credits for non-public school spending, including private school tuition. The first-year cost estimate will go from $100 million to $180 million, an 80% increase. Over two-thirds of applicants to the program are already in private school or are homeschooled.
The story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to include comment from Sen. Rodger Smitherman, D-Birmingham, regarding the procedural delay.
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Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.
The post Alabama Legislature sends 2026 ETF, General Fund budgets to Gov. Kay Ivey appeared first on alabamareflector.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The content primarily reports on the legislative proceedings and budget approval in Alabama, focusing on the specifics of the Senate’s actions, including discussions and amendments. The tone is factual, without clear support or opposition to any political party or position. It details the actions of both Republican and Democratic senators, presenting them neutrally. The mention of funding allocations, including increases for Medicaid and the Department of Corrections, appears to be a straightforward report on the outcome of legislative decisions, without showing favor to any side. The coverage adheres to neutral, factual reporting rather than offering an ideological stance.
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Bail reform bills moving through Alabama Legislature in final days of session
by Ralph Chapoco, Alabama Reflector
April 29, 2025
Two bills that would change Alabama’s bail system are working their way through the Legislature in the waning days of the 2025 session.
The Senate Judiciary Committee hosted a public hearing Wednesday for HB 42, sponsored by Rep. Chris England, D-Tuscaloosa, which gives judges the authority to allow defendants to pay a portion of their total bond to be released from pretrial detention.
HB 410, sponsored by Rep. Shane Stringer, R-Citronelle, which was approved by the House Judiciary Committee, modifies the composition of the Alabama Professional Bail Bonding Board, expands the exemptions for the fees that bail bond companies must pay the court, increases penalties for bail jumping and adds more regulations for bail bond companies when they operate in another state.
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A message was sent to Stringer Monday seeking comment.
HB 42 has passed the House and is awaiting a vote in the Senate Judiciary Committee. The House is scheduled to vote on HB 410 on Tuesday. England’s bill adds three words, “a part of” back into an Alabama statute that were removed when the same Legislature enacted the Alabama Bail Reform Act of 1993.
The removal of the words meant judges in the state could not allow defendants to pay a percentage of their bond to get release from pretrial detention.
“What that translates into is a large amount of money that would normally go to the court system, instead of going to the court system, it goes to a bondsman,” England said to the committee Wednesday.
People can secure their release after an arrest if they pay a bail bond company. The premium, which is typically 10% of the total amount of the bond, is paid to the bail bond company, which then must ensure the individuals go to their court appearances.
The money that people pay when released on a percentage bond would be retained by the court and kept if defendants fail to appear for their court dates.
The Alabama Bail Bond Association has been a vocal opponent of the bill, speaking out against the legislation at a March public hearing and the House Judiciary Committee considered it then and eventually approved the bill a week later.
Victor Howard, vice president of the Alabama Bail Bond Association and bail bond company owner, said that enacting the legislation would reduce accountability for defendants to appear for their court dates.
Chris McNeil, the president of the Alabama Bail Bond Association, suggested Monday in an interview that the rates that people would not appear for court would increase. He also cited records from the Alabama Administrative Office of Courts saying that people who paid cash to be released from pretrial detention in 2022 and 2023 had a failure to appear (FTA) rate of 55%.
“The court just can’t function when you have a failure to appear rate of 55%,” McNeil said Monday. “The bonding companies were averaging about a 14%-15% failure to appear rate. And were able to trim that rate by returning defendants back to court.”
England told the committee that the numbers do not present a fair comparison to percentage bonds.
“The numbers are obviously going to be off because there are more people on smaller offenses with cash bonds versus somebody who is on a large bond with a bondsman,” England said to the committee on Wednesday. “Obviously, there is going to be a higher number of FTAs on smaller cases, traffic tickets, because they all count.”
Jerome Dees, policy director from the Southern Poverty Law Center, supported the legislation.
“The vast majority of times when there was an FTA that was ultimately secured, and the defendant showed up in court, it largely was due to law enforcement bringing that individual in and not the bail bond company,” he said to the committee on Wednesday. “That is not to say that it never happened, but the vast majority of time it was law enforcement bringing that particular individual in.”
McNeil said in an interview Monday he supports HB 410, Stringer’s bill.
“It expands the Alabama Professional Bail Bonding Board by adding a sheriff to the board, adding a layperson, so I think that is very important,” he said.
It also states that any fees that bail bond companies pay to the court that have not been deposited within 90 days and that have an expiration date “shall be deemed uncollected” and will no longer hold the bail bond company responsible for making the payment.
The bill also exempts bail bond companies from fees that the courts or district attorneys have not attempted to collect past one year from the original due date.
HB 410 also adds more conditions such that the bail bond company will not pay a fee, known as forfeiture, to the court when in cases that the defendant fails to appear in court.
McNeil said the bill would cancel that forfeiture payment if someone was not placed in the National Crime Information Center and failed to appear in court, or if the bail bond company brings back a defendant that the jail refuses to accept.
The bill also addresses instances when an individual travels out of state and enhances the penalty for bail jumping, going from a Class A misdemeanor to a Class D felony, punishable by up to 5 years in prison and a $7,500 fine.
YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE.
Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.
The post Bail reform bills moving through Alabama Legislature in final days of session appeared first on alabamareflector.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The content focuses on legislative efforts to reform Alabama’s bail system, highlighting a bill sponsored by a Democratic representative aimed at allowing partial bond payments to reduce the financial burden on defendants. It presents arguments from both supporters and opponents, including the bail bond industry’s concerns and civil rights advocacy perspectives. The article leans slightly left by emphasizing criminal justice reform and the perspective of proponents seeking to reduce penal system inequities, yet it maintains a generally balanced tone by including conservative viewpoints and the legislative process details.
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
7-Year-Old Calls 911, Helps Save Family Member's Life | April 28, 2025 | News 19 at 10 p.m.
SUMMARY: Seven-year-old Maddux Kendrick from New Market showed remarkable bravery by calling 911 when his stepmom, Megan Douglas, who has epilepsy, suffered a seizure on New Year’s Day. While playing video games and watching TV, Maddux noticed Megan fell and was having a seizure. Calmly, he first called Megan’s mother and then 911, providing precise information and helping the operator monitor Megan’s breathing until EMTs arrived. His quick thinking likely saved her life, as she later had another seizure and might have suffered worse alone. Maddux received a Good Samaritan Award for his courage and presence of mind, making his family very proud.

This week’s Hoover’s Hero is a little man who showed big bravery in the face of an emergency.
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