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Attorneys drop hints that feds are eyeing former Gov. Phil Bryant in welfare investigation

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Attorneys drop hints that feds are eyeing former Gov. Phil Bryant in welfare investigation

Perpetrators in the Mississippi welfare scandal are cooperating with federal prosecutors.

High-profile confirm that a federal investigation into the misspending continues. Top defendants in the civil case have implored state prosecutors to pursue their boss, former Gov. Phil Bryant, who they say was responsible for much of the scandal.

But federal prosecutors are keeping quiet about their ongoing probe into the $77 million in welfare funds squandered while Bryant was governor.

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And they're demanding others keep quiet, too, according to a recent court filing.

“John Davis knows of the extent of personal involvement of former Governor Bryant and Governor (Tate) Reeves and the massive waste of taxpayer money,” attorney Jim Waide wrote in a Jan. 12 motion to dismiss the state's massive parallel criminal case. “John Davis refuses to answer discovery because the FBI has directed him to keep silent.”

Meanwhile, attorneys for people accused of perpetuating the scheme — and even someone who committed fraud in an unrelated case — say they've taken all the blame for actions Bryant took, too.

“The landscape is very uneven out here, and if you're not powerful and you don't have powerful friends, then you are not protected,” said Lisa Ross, a defense attorney in the unrelated fraud case. “All the people with power get the benefit of the doubt.”

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Davis, the former director of the Mississippi Department of Human Services, pleaded guilty in September to a combined 20 state and federal counts of fraud, conspiracy, or and has agreed to aid the prosecution in the ongoing investigation, delaying his sentencing. He is a key witness.

“John Davis is critical because the ladder continues to move up,” Hinds County District Attorney Jody Owens said after Davis pleaded guilty.

Up the ladder from Davis is Bryant, the former governor who appointed him, and potentially Reeves, the current governor who served as lieutenant governor at the time of the known misspending.

Bryant's spokesperson, Denton Gibbes, told Mississippi on Friday that the former governor has not been interviewed or even contacted by federal authorities.

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Most of the stolen funds came from the nation's welfare program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families or TANF. Bryant — who has been tied to the now infamous illegal spending on former NFL quarterback Brett Favre's pet projects but has not faced any civil or criminal charges — oversaw the welfare agency during the heist.

“As policy director of MDHS, former Governor Bryant adopted policies of spending only a minuscule portion of TANF funds for payments to needy families, of foregoing competitive bidding, and of distributing massive amounts of TANF funds through private conduits,” Waide wrote in the recent filing. “These negligent policies foreseeably caused all of the misexpenditures alleged in the First Amended Complaint.”

Waide also pointed to communication in which Davis described the illegal transfer of $1.3 million in welfare funds to a celebrity fitness camp by former athlete Paul Lacoste as “the Lt. Gov's fitness issue,” referring to then-Lt. Gov. Reeves.

Records show that Reeves and Favre discussed the University of Southern Mississippi volleyball stadium, which was built with $5 million in welfare funds, in early 2020. Those texts, as well as Reeves' decision to fire the attorney who originally attempted to investigate that purchase, have also raised questions about his involvement. Reeves' texts prior to becoming governor are not considered public records because the Legislature exempted itself from Mississippi's Public Records Act, so any communication he had with Favre during the scandal, when he was lieutenant governor, has not been released.

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Waide is representing Austin Smith, Davis' nephew and one of dozens of defendants in the state's civil litigation that attempts to claw back misspent or ill-gotten public funds. The state has accused Smith of taking more than $426,000 in primarily TANF funds to teach coding skills to needy students and failing to conduct the work — an allegation Smith denies.

Owens and State Auditor Shad White, who initially investigated the case, have recently confirmed to Mississippi Today that the federal investigation is ongoing.

“I would speak more generally on this point and say anytime you see sentencing withheld, the reason you withhold sentencing is to get information from those people,” White said. “So, those folks are going to be talking to prosecutors and are talking to prosecutors.”

Under Bryant, the welfare department essentially privatized the TANF program by pushing tens of millions of the grant funds to two nonprofits, including Mississippi Community Education Center founded by Nancy New, a politically connected educator and friend of Deborah Bryant, the governor's wife. Virtually all of the misspending occurred under the umbrella of this nonprofit-run program, called Families First for Mississippi.

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Gov. Bryant was so involved in Families First that he described the privatized program as “us” in a never-before-published text message to New, one of the primary criminal and civil defendants in the case.

In the fall of 2018, shortly after the launch of a new judicial initiative called Family First aimed at preventing the need for Child Protection Services to separate families, there was much confusion between the two entities because of the similar name, shared logo and overlapping members.

Bryant texted New on Nov. 1, 2018, a photo that PR specialist Becky Russell, whose daughter worked on the initiative, took with Attorney General Jim Hood, the Democratic candidate for governor who ran against Gov. Tate Reeves. Reeves was lieutenant governor at the time and gearing up to run for governor in 2019.

“Jim Hood is a strong supporter of the Mississippi's Family First Initiative-Believes in the approach that Mississippi must first fix families in order to fix foster care,” Russell wrote in a tweet containing the photo.

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“Not good,” Bryant wrote to New with a screenshot of the tweet. “The LtGov will not like this at all.”

“Omg! That makes me sick,” New responded. “The Family First Initiative is causing so much confusion. Just not good.”

The messages some insight into the conflict between various officials working on child welfare in the state, exclusively detailed in a July article by Mississippi Today, and the political nature of the programs.

At the time, Mississippi Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who worked with Deborah Bryant to launch the Family First initiative months earlier, was distancing herself from Families First for Mississippi because “it was obvious they were not what they had held themselves out to be,” Beam recently told Mississippi Today.

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Beam said welfare officials promised to build a database, which they estimated to cost $5 million – the same amount that went to the volleyball stadium – that could connect needy families to resources in their communities and collect data that could be used to better meet needs in the future. But by the time of Bryant and New's text exchange, Beam said she knew the computer system wasn't going to materialize. “They were lying,” Beam said.

The two factions hid their infighting behind closed doors while advertising to the public that they were making generational change for families in Mississippi.

Bryant asked New if the entity represented in Russell's tweet was the privatized welfare program known as Families First for Mississippi, before correcting himself. “Oh that's Dawn Beam..” he said, referring to the separate judicial initiative.

New explained to Bryant that Beam initially wanted the judicial initiative and Families First to “complement each other,” but then decided New's program would not be as involved.

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“Thanks. Just glad that not us..” Bryant texted, referring to Families First.

New also expressed her frustrations to Bryant when the investigation into her nonprofit's spending began in 2019. New was squabbling with another nonprofit called Family Resource Center of North Mississippi, which ran Families First for Mississippi in the northern part of the state. The nonprofits, which were affiliated with opposite political parties, had to compete for funding from the welfare department, especially after learning their would be cut in early 2019. At one point, one of the defendants in the welfare case alleges, Bryant threatened to cut funding to Family Resource Center because of its director's support for Hood.

“Sorry to have bothered you. I just wanted to share that I have no choice but to stand up for myself,” New texted Bryant in October of 2019, the same month auditor's investigators raided her nonprofit offices. “I have tried my best to stay about all this mess that north ms and others started over a year ago. I was not only put in the middle but now I am being dragged through the mud. I have run MDHS grants for 24 years to end up being treated like crap by them now. It's completely wrong.”

“Go get em..” Bryant responded.

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Texts in the months following reveal that Bryant spoke with New about her legal troubles, which she described as “my whole life's work go(ing) down the drain.”

“Will b glad to facilitate a meeting,” Bryant responded.

“Waiting to hear back from Lucien,” New said, likely referring to Mississippi GOP Chair and consultant Lucien Smith.

Smith did not return calls or texts from Mississippi Today.

New and her son Jess New Bryant on Friday, Dec. 13, 2019, after which, she said “All of this ‘crazy making' is just way too much and hoping will end soon. Thank you for listening. I always value your input and guidance.”

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“I am always here when you need me to listen. Keep the faith…” he texted.

New would be arrested seven weeks later.

The newly revealed texts were recently entered into discovery, joining hundreds of thousands of pages of communication existing in the criminal and civil cases. Key communication that has not been released include text messages between Davis and Bryant prior to February of 2019.

New also pleaded guilty and has agreed to cooperate with the prosecution. Her attorney in the civil case, Gerry Bufkin, has similarly blasted the state for not including Bryant as a defendant in the case. Bufkin and Waide are both fighting with Bryant over subpoenas for the former governor's communication, which would include some of the messages between Bryant and Davis.

Text messages uncovered by Mississippi Today in April of 2022, which covered February to June of 2019, reveal how Bryant steered Davis to award welfare grants to his favored vendors.

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The texts show Bryant was in talks about two of Favre's pet projects – a pharmaceutical startup and a new volleyball stadium at University of Southern Mississippi – that illegally received a total of more than $8 million in welfare funds. Even Favre is facing civil charges for his role in the scandal while Bryant is not. Favre told Bryant when his pharmaceutical venture, Prevacus, began receiving funds from the state and the governor even agreed by text to accept stock in the company after leaving office.

In mid-2019, Bryant relayed a small tip of suspected fraud brought forward by an employee of Mississippi Department of Human Services to Auditor White, whom Bryant initially appointed to the office. White was also Bryant's former campaign .

Bryant was discussing a future working relationship with Prevacus and setting up meetings just one day before White arrested the nonprofit officials who funneled the money to the company.

In a recent unsuccessful appeal attempt, defense attorney Ross criticized White for failing to equitably pursue fraud suspects, namely former Gov. Bryant and current Gov. Reeves. She echoes the sentiments from some Mississippians who believe White has unfairly targeted lower-level offenses, leading to record-making demands for repayment, for political gain – an assertion White rejects.

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Ross represented Toni Johnson, a Democratic Hinds County Election Commissioner who recently pleaded guilty to embezzlement and was sentenced to 20 years for using private grant funds to purchase two personal televisions.

“White bragged in the email that his office ‘has pursued aggressive consequences for embezzlers regardless of whether they were or Democrats.' Text messages published by Mississippi Today belie White's claim that he pursues public corruption ‘regardless of whether they were Republicans or Democrats,'” Ross wrote in a Jan. 6 petition for interlocutory appeal. “The text messages show former governor Phil Bryant and Governor Tate Reeves directed public employees to unlawfully divert $94 million of Temporary Assistance to Needy Families funds to Brett Favre and other friends of Phil Bryant and Governor Reeves. At the behest of White, Hinds County District Attorney Jody Owens has doggedly pursued Johnson about the misuse of private funding but has buried his head in the sand when it comes to the alleged involvement of Bryant and Governor Reeves and others in a $94 million heist of public funds.”

(The state auditor's 2020 report questioned $94 million worth of welfare agency spending while forensic auditors found $77 million in unallowable purchases. The state has relied on the forensic audit to determine which funds to claw back.)

Favre also alleged in his motion to dismiss the civil case that the state has neglected the roles of Bryant, and even White, in the welfare scandal.

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White recently explained to Mississippi Today that his office conducts investigations, but it does not decide who to prosecute.

“We have a system with multiple players who look at the facts of a situation, and then the system itself comes to a conclusion about who is held accountable, not just the state auditor,” White said. “And some people believe that out there that I am investigator, judge, jury, executioner. Democracy is not set up that way. It's not supposed to be set up that way.”

Asked if he thinks Bryant's role in welfare spending warrants further investigation, White said, “I think everybody top to bottom is going to be thoroughly investigated, period, all the way down to the janitor at DHS.”

Owens called Ross' claims of selective prosecution “baseless.”

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“An allegation of other wrong doings doesn't exonerate her client and the prosecution of the News and Davis or evidence that we prosecute all cases,” Owens said in a text to Mississippi Today.

Overseeing prosecution on the federal side is the U.S. Attorney's Office in the southern district of Mississippi, which is without a permanent U.S. attorney. President Joe Biden selected Todd Gee, current deputy chief of the Public Integrity Section of the U.S. Department of Justice, for the position, but he failed to secure the blessing of Mississippi Sens. Roger Wicker and Cindy Hyde-Smith. The new Congress is now waiting for Biden to re-nominate the position.

The criminal case is running parallel to the civil case Mississippi Department of Human Services has filed against 46 people or organizations.

Several defendants have filed motions to dismiss or requests to stay the case while the criminal investigation continues. In his recent motion to dismiss, Waide argues that Davis has evidence crucial to Smith's defense, but that he won't share it due to the ongoing investigation. Davis' plea deal keeps him out of Mississippi's notoriously harsh state prisons.

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MDHS filed its initial complaint in May and an amended complaint, adding several new defendants, in December.

Other recent filings in the civil suit include memorandums in support of motions to dismiss from retired WWE wrestler Ted DiBiase Sr. and Lacoste, the former football player and fitness coach. DiBiase argued that his ministry, Heart of David, conducted the TANF activities it was hired to perform and that the contract was no secret to the agency. Lacoste argues that he didn't know the money he received came from TANF and therefore can't be held liable. Attorney Garrig Shields, a former deputy director at MDHS who was added to the suit in December, filed a 94-page answer denying the allegations against him. Another defendant Nick Coughlin, one of the welfare contractors and former reality TV contestant who also worked for the Attorney General's Office, also filed a lengthy answer denying the state's claims.

Hinds County Circuit Court Judge Faye Peterson has not scheduled hearings to address several pending motions in the case, including Bryant's motions to quash subpoenas against him.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Experts dispel fears that Medicaid expansion is too costly for Mississippi

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mississippitoday.org – Kate Royals and Sophia Paffenroth – 2024-04-26 10:58:24

National studies and experts in Medicaid expansion states refute concerns voiced in Mississippi's legislative conference committee that costs to the would exceed projections.

Among those dispelling that fear are experts and a former governor in Kentucky – one state Mississippi conferee and Senate Medicaid Chairman Kevin Blackwell referred to as an example of where expansion has been expensive.

One study in the National Bureau of Economic Research that analyzed state budget data over an eight-year period found that changes in state spending were “modest and non-significant” after Medicaid expansion, and “state projections (of cost) in the aggregate were reasonably accurate, with expansion states projecting average Medicaid spending from 2014-2018 within 2 percent of the actual amounts, and in fact overestimating Medicaid spending in most years.”

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Senate negotiators on Tuesday said they fear more people than estimated would enroll in Medicaid under expansion, and that this would result in higher-than-estimated costs to the state. 

House Medicaid Chairwoman Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, reiterated that multiple studies – including one done this month on expansion's potential impact in Mississippi by a nonpartisan research organization – found that traditional expansion would result in savings to the state, not increased costs.

Rep. Missy McGee, R-Hattiesburg, in talks regarding Medicaid expansion during a public meeting at the state Capitol, Tuesday, April 23, 2023. Credit: Vickie D. King/

The study found that traditional expansion – insuring those making up to 138% of the federal poverty level or about $20,000 annually for an individual – would cost the state nothing in the first four years of implementation, and roughly $3 million the year. It would stimulate the economy, putting about $1.2 billion into circulation that the state would not see otherwise and creating 11,000 new jobs in Mississippi, in addition to providing health insurance for poor working people and cutting uncompensated care costs for state- and locally owned hospitals by 60% each year. 

While Medicaid enrollment after expansion could exceed projections, that possibility was taken into account by Hilltop's report, which estimated 95% of enrollees would be newly eligible. According to the study, about 200,000 would enroll in Medicaid post-expansion. 

Sen. Brice Wiggins, R-Pascagoula, said he believes the Senate's original plan is a pragmatic proposal that offers savings – “whereas 44 other states have not been that,” he said, referencing the 40 – not 44 – expansion states. The original Senate plan covers fewer people than the House plan, includes a stringent work requirement unlikely to be approved by the federal , and doesn't qualify for increased federal funding.

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Blackwell also made a similar comment, asking his House counterpart “Have any of (the states) – I guess how many exceeded the number of population they estimated at onset? I think 40.”

Blackwell later offhandedly told a reporter he heard from a fellow lawmaker in Kentucky expansion had been expensive.

Asked what their sources were regarding their statements about Medicaid expansion costs, Wiggins referred questions to fellow conferee Sen. Nicole Boyd, R-Oxford, who declined to comment. Blackwell said he was unable to any sources because they “are still working on the bill” and suggested the reporter read an opinion piece by a conservative columnist whose past views have aligned with those of Gov. Tate Reeves, a Medicaid expansion opponent. 

Dr. Ben Sommers, a health economist and primary care physician based in Boston, is the author of the National Bureau of Economic Research study that found minimal changes in state spending in expansion states. He shared three additional publications with Mississippi that show there is no evidence of expansion negatively impacting state budgets.  

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“There's a difference between saying that enrollment was higher than expected and that the state budget impact was worse than expected. More people enrolling than projected doesn't mean that states lost money … expansion states were able to bring in 90% federal funding which often replaced things like behavioral health and uncompensated care spending that the state was previously paying for with 100% state dollars,” Sommers told Mississippi Today.

Morgan Henderson, one of the authors on the Hilltop report, echoed Sommers. And even with a lower matching rate from the federal government in current years, Henderson, who has a PhD in economics, believes the costs to states are still offset by other benefits.  

“Higher enrollment than expected in the expansion group can lead to higher costs than expected, but this relationship likely won't be one-for-one. More new enrollees can also mean more cost offsets – such as premium tax revenue and other state tax revenue due to the increased economic activity in the state – which significantly mitigate the costs of expansion,” he told Mississippi Today.

Experts and a former governor in Kentucky – one state Blackwell referred to as an example of where expansion has been costly – said that Sommers' and Henderson's characterizations are accurate for what their state experienced post-expansion. 

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A study published by the University of Louisville Commonwealth Institute of Kentucky found that while Kentucky did experience an increase in its Medicaid budget, the increase has been offset by other benefits, such as savings in general state funds “related to care for vulnerable groups who were ineligible for Medicaid prior to expansion.” 

Expansion funneled $2.9 billion into the state's health care system within the first two years, which reduced costs of care and collections for medical debts, the study said.

Even if the number of enrollees is higher than originally estimated, that doesn't necessarily bode poorly for the state's budget, Sommers said. On top of the 90% federal match and the increased federal incentives for newly expanded states, the leftover portion the state is responsible for under expansion is mitigated by increased tax revenue, reduced uncompensated care costs to hospitals, and other program cost offsets, Sommers explained.

While the state does put up a small amount of money for each new enrollee under expansion, it is less expensive than the amount of money the state pays pre-expansion to cover uninsured individuals who seek care in emergency rooms and inpatient hospital settings – the most expensive places to care and often the only option for uninsured people.

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Mississippi hospitals incur around $600 million in uncompensated care annually. Kentucky's hospitals saw a 64% decrease in uncompensated care costs from 2013 to 2017, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

“Everybody's got heartburn over people ‘getting something they don't deserve,'” Dr. Dustin Gentry, a rural physician from Louisville, Mississippi, and self-described conservative, said. “But they're getting it anyway. They go to the ER, they get care, they don't pay for it, but that doesn't bother anybody. But if they get Medicaid, which will actually pay the hospitals for the work they do, all of a sudden everybody's got heartburn.”

One report estimates that nearly half of all Mississippi's rural hospitals are at risk of closure.

And while the original House and the Senate plans both cover those in the coverage gap – those making too much to qualify for Medicaid currently but too little to afford private insurance plans – the House proposal would draw down $1 billion federal dollars the original Senate plan would not, since it is not considered true “expansion” according to the Affordable Care Act. That means the state would have to shell out more money, receiving its typical 77% federal match instead of 90%, and would not qualify for the additional funds that would make expansion free to the state for the first four years under the House plan. 

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In the last 10 years, as 40 states have chosen to expand Medicaid to cover the working poor, the poorest and sickest state has held out. 

After leaving House conferees alone at the negotiating table Thursday afternoon, the Senate announced its own compromise plan Friday morning. The option extends coverage to those making up to 138% of the federal poverty level and draws down the maximum amount of federal dollars available.

Lawmakers have until Monday to pass a final bill, according to current deadlines.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi company listed among the ‘Dirty Dozen’

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A chicken processing company and a staffing agency that a teenager to clean machines at a Hattiesburg plant, leading to his , have landed on a national list of unsafe and reckless employers.

The National Council for Occupational Safety and Health assembled its “Dirty Dozen” list compiled through nominations and released its Thursday during Workers' Memorial .

“These are unsafe and reckless employers, risking the lives of workers and communities by failing to eliminate known, preventable hazards – and in at least one case, actively lobbying against better protections for workers,” the report states.

More than half of the companies included on the list have locations in Mississippi.

Marc-Jac Poultry and Onin Staffing

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Onin Staffing hired 16-year-old Duvan Perez and placed him at the Mar-Jac Poultry plant in Hattiesburg. The night of July 14, 2023, he died after being pulled into a deboning machine.

Federal law prohibits children from working in dangerous conditions such as meat processing plants, especially because of the machinery. In January, OSHA cited Mar-Jac for 17 violations relating to the teenager's death and proposed over $212,000 in penalties.

Duvan Perez, 16, a Hattiesburg middle-schooler, was killed July 14, 2023, while cleaning a deboning machine at Mar-Jac Poultry. Credit: Courtesy of the 's attorney, Seth Hunter

Mar-Jac said it relied on Onin to verify employees' age, qualifications and , and Onin denied being Duvan's employer, according to court records. An attorney for Mar-Jac told NBC News the teenager used identification of a 32-year-old man to get the job.

In February, Duvan's mother filed a wrongful death lawsuit against Mar-Jac and Onin in the Forrest County Circuit Court. Responding to the complaint, both companies denied most of the allegations.

“The plaintiff's decedent's negligence was the sole and/or proximate contributing cause of plaintiff's injuries,” Mar-Jac states in its response to the complaint.

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Since 2020, two other workers have died at the Hattiesburg poultry plant, and workers have suffered amputations and other injuries, according to court records.

To date, OSHA has cited Mar-Jac nearly 40 times for violations in the past decade, according to agency records.

Tyson Foods

The company has operations across the country, including two mills in Carthage and Ceres, as well as hatcheries, feed mills, truck and other offices across Mississippi.

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The report said six workers have died since 2019 and over 140 have been from ammonia leaks, none of them in Mississippi. The gas is often used to refrigerate meat, and according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, exposure to the gas in high doses can be fatal.

The report also said the company is under investigation for child labor violations, assigning children to work in dangerous high-risk , which is illegal.

In the past decade, OSHA has issued over 300 citations against Tyson, according to agency records.

When asked about what it takes to get companies with a poor history of worker safety to protect employees, Jessica Martinez, co-executive director of COSH, said change is needed from all fronts, including having government agencies like Occupational Health and Safety Administration conduct routine inspections.

She said workers are too fearful to complain. “They need these jobs for survival. Workers are fearful of losing their jobs,” she said.

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Uber and Lyft

Nationwide, over 80 drivers for the rideshare apps have been killed on the job since 2017, according to Gig Workers Rising. The report says this is a sign that drivers are pressured to accept unsafe riders.

Internal documents have shown 24,000 “alleged assaults and threats of assault” against Uber drivers, and workers of color and immigrants experience most of the danger, according to the report.

JC Muhammad, a Lyft driver and organizer with the Chicago Gig Alliance, was physically assaulted by a passenger, and said the companies need a complete overhaul in how they protect drivers, including verification of passenger identification.

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In his situation, another person, allegedly the mother of the passenger, called for the ride. There was no verification for the person, and the passenger did not have an ID. Muhammad said he had no way to report what happened to police because he lacked the necessary information.

“We've had drivers robbed, assaulted, shot at,” he said during a Thursday press conference. “There are no protections, no protocols.”

In Mississippi, several drivers have been injured, including a woman grabbed by a drunk passenger in Ocean Springs in 2019; a man assaulted by his passenger in Oxford in 2021 and a woman driver shot in the head by a passenger in in 2023.

Two other companies included in the report are Waffle House and Walmart, which were cited for inadequate security to protect workers and customers and a lack of worker protections. Both have locations in Mississippi and have had incidents occur here, including shootings and fights.

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This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Isabelle Taft named as Livingston Award finalist

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mississippitoday.org – Mississippi – 2024-04-26 09:45:16

Former reporter Isabelle Taft has been named as a 2024 Livingston Award finalist in the local division for her investigation into Mississippi's practice of jailing people who have not been charged with a crime and are in need of mental health treatment.

The award recognizes the best reporting by young journalists.

Isabelle Taft is a reporter and member of the Community Health Team at Mississippi Today, Friday, Jan. 28, 2022.

Committed to Jail,” a 2023 Mississippi Today and ProPublica investigation, revealed that Mississippi counties jail hundreds of people without criminal charges every year, for days or weeks at a time, solely because they may need mental health treatment — a practice that has resulted in 14 deaths since 2006 and is unique in scope in the United States. Taft was named as a finalist along with ProPublica counterparts Agnel Philip and Mollie Simon.

Mississippi Today found that in just 19 of the 's 82 counties, people were jailed without charges more than 2,000 times over four years. Taft spoke with 14 Mississippians about their experiences in jail and learned that people detained for being sick are generally treated the same as people accused of crimes. She obtained Mississippi of Investigation reports on jail deaths and pored over lawsuits and clips to identify 15 people who died after being jailed during this process since 2006, (including the most recent in January, after the original was published). And she surveyed behavioral health and disability rights advocates in all 50 states to show that Mississippi stands alone.

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Taft was selected from thousands of applicants as a 2024-2025 fellow at The New York Times beginning this summer. She will national news.

The winner will be announced in June.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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