Mississippi Today
Advocates for death row inmates challenge ‘fixation with snuffing them out’
Advocates who oppose the death penalty and are organizing to halt further executions in the state stood outside the Mississippi Supreme Court Wednesday to send a message to the justices and the attorney general: Stand down.
They said Mississippi is headed down a deadly road with the scheduled June 25 execution of 79-year-old Richard Jordan, the state’s oldest and longest-serving death row inmate. In the past several years, Attorney General Lynn Fitch has also asked the court to set execution dates for Willie Manning, Robert Simon and Charles Crawford.
“These folks on death row are humans, and we can’t continue to be human if we continue to have a fixation on snuffing them out,” said the Rev. Jeff Hood, a spiritual adviser to death row inmates across the country who has also communicated with those in Mississippi’s death row.
The Arkansas resident has witnessed nine executions since 2022, which is when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that they could be allowed into the chamber if the inmate requested it.
His work is based on meeting the death row inmates where they are and helping members of the public see that executions don’t have to be the answer. He said his faith is centered around the idea of helping “who is ostracized the most” as a way to serve God.
Hood directly addressed justices of the Mississippi Supreme Court and elected officials like Fitch and Gov. Tate Reeves, saying they can support and approve executions, but they have never had to witness one or carry one out.
He described the worst execution he witnessed, that of Kenneth Smith in Alabama, who struggled against the restraints and his veins looked like “a million ants under his skin.” That sentence was carried out using nitrogen gas – an execution method Mississippi has allowed if lethal injection is not available.
For lethal injections, he saw how the drugs flowed in through a line into the person’s body and how their breathing began to labor. Jordan is a lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the drugs used for lethal injection.
Mitzi Magleby, a Mississippi-based prison reform advocate, began to tear up when she shared how a looming execution weighs heavily on the death row inmates. It’s extremely depressing and it affects their mental health, but she said they try their best to keep their spirits up.
She said to consider the person Jordan has become since entering prison nearly 50 years ago. He’s held a job for most of that time, he’s stayed out of trouble and has changed for the better.
“We know his life is worth saving,” she said.
Abraham Bonowitz, co-founder and executive director of Death Penalty Action, hosted a virtual version of the Wednesday press conference. He noted that Jordan is one of six people who have a scheduled execution in the month of June.
Bonowitz talked about how Jordan is a Vietnam War veteran with three tours of duty, and with the recent passing of Memorial Day, he asked people to consider the effect of combat.
Jordan returned from the war and didn’t receive the support and services, which Bonowitz said is an experience of other veterans, some of whom ended up in prison or worse. A 2015 Death Penalty Information Center report estimated that at least 300 veterans were on death row.
Jordan asked the U.S. Supreme Court in March to hear his case and that petition for writ of certiorari is awaiting a decision. That petition centers around his access to a mental health expert separate from the prosecution to develop and present sentencing mitigation as an indigent defendant, which was established as a constitutional right through the U.S. Supreme Court’s Ake v. Oklahoma decision.
The petition states he was not diagnosed as suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder resulting from his combat service in Vietnam, but instead incorrectly as having antisocial personality disorder.
Hood said he’s built relationships not just with the death row inmates, but also their families and sometimes the family members of victims. He and Magleby said they consider the impact on families.
“I think 50 years is torture for any family that’s been through this,” Hood said when asked about the family of Edwina Marter, the victim of Jordan’s crime.
With death penalty cases, families are put through years worth of appeals and recurring news stories, which isn’t always the case for those sentenced to life without parole, Magley and Hood said.
Death Penalty Action has started a petition to stop Jordan’s execution, and as of Wednesday it has received 840 signatures. It’s a similar petition that the organization uses to collect signatures for all pending executions, including other death row inmates whose executions have not yet been scheduled.
Bonowitz said the plan is to deliver signatures of the petition to the governor and the organization is encouraging people to call his office asking for him to halt the execution.
Members of churches and community groups can also take action by ringing bells at the time of the scheduled execution, which is through a project called For Whom the Bells Tolls.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Advocates for death row inmates challenge 'fixation with snuffing them out' appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a perspective that is sympathetic to death row inmates and critical of the use of the death penalty, emphasizing humanizing narratives and concerns about mental health, veteran status, and lengthy incarceration. The tone and framing suggest an ideological leaning that questions capital punishment and advocates for prison reform, which aligns with a Center-Left viewpoint. However, the article mainly reports on the advocates’ positions and activities without overtly attacking opposing views or government officials, maintaining a largely factual and respectful presentation. The focus on reform and human rights influences the overall left-leaning tone.
Mississippi Today
House passes bill that threatens Mississippi’s Medicaid funding, then skedaddles, leaves Senate holding bag
Senate leaders on Thursday realized improper spending of $1.9 million in the Health Department’s budget bill sent over by the House could jeopardize $1.2 billion in federal Medicaid money for Mississippi.
But after it passed the measure Wednesday night — despite having been warned about the problem — the House went home. It declared its work for a special session to set a state budget done, and the Senate could either concur, or … lump it.
It left the Senate holding the bag.
The Senate was left with some onerous choices: Pass a bill with a known disastrous flaw and hope the governor can fix it with a line-item veto, stay in Jackson with senators twiddling their thumbs at taxpayer expense until the House is by law forced to return in three days, or kill the bill. This would leave the Health Department without a state budget as the new budget year looms on July 1, and the governor would have to force lawmakers back into yet another special session to fix it, at taxpayer cost.
After hours of debating what to do and talking with the governor’s office, the Senate opted for the former option — it sent the flawed bill to Reeves after securing his promise that he would veto the element of the legislation that jeopardized Medicaid funding.
“I think today, if we were in the grocery store business, we’d be hearing over the intercom system, ‘cleanup on aisle five, cleanup on aisle seven, cleanup on aisle 14.’ It’s been a mess. We’ve been doing a lot of cleanup today,” said Senate Medicaid Chairman Kevin Blackwell, a Republican from Southhaven. “The governor has assured us he will line-item veto this bill … I’m going to trust him, he’s never lied to me.”
The move allowed senators to pass the state budget and conclude the special legislative session, but only after senators on Thursday plodded through the passage of numerous bills the House had sent over after it pulled an all-nighter and left town. They complained the House had sent numerous jacked-up bills over and then skedaddled, leaving little recourse to fix problems.
In this case, the problem was the House’s Health Department budget proposal, which allocated $1.9 million to Methodist Rehabilitation Center. This would make the center whole after paying more in provider taxes than it is receiving in directed payments from Medicaid.
But the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services deems this improper and says certain entities cannot be exempted in such a way. Provider taxes must be imposed uniformly to meet federal law and CMS regulatory standards. This means the tax must be applied across the board as it relates to similar providers of that type.
To meet these requirements, states attest they will not refund certain providers and, in essence, hold them harmless from the tax. Providing a special appropriation to reimburse one hospital for the tax they pay appears to violate these requirements, which could jeopardize the provider tax for all hospitals in Mississippi.
Provider taxes, which are helping prop up hospitals in Mississippi without Medicaid expansion, are under extreme scrutiny in Congress right now because of issues like this.
The bill originated in Republican Rep. Clay Deweese’s budget subcommittee. Deweese could not be reached for comment on Thursday.
House Public Health Chairman Sam Creekmore, R-New Albany, said he found out about the issue after the bill passed out of committee in the House on Wednesday, before it came before the full House for a vote.
“We were so late in the game when we discovered it, it had already passed through appropriations,” Creekmore said. “It was in Clay’s committee, of course I had some influence over that, but it was Clay’s call to let it ride.”
Neither House Speaker Jason White nor Gov. Tate Reeves on Thursday immediately responded to requests for comment.
Senate leaders on Thursday said they were in communication with the governor’s office and he had assured them he would line-item veto the House’s SNAFU.
In a social media post on Thursday afternoon, Reeves did not mention the health budget error, but he acknowledged he had meetings with Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann throughout the day about “concerning” items in some bills. He urged senators to knowingly pass the bills with errors so he could issue a veto and end the special session on Thursday.
“We have identified a few minor items that are concerning in a few — of the over 100 — bills that must be passed,” Reeves said. “I believe it is important that the Senate pass these bills as is to get the Session completed … and I will use my constitutional authority to deal with the concerning items to protect Mississippi citizens, businesses, and taxpayers. The best thing for taxpayers is no doubt for the Special Session to be wrapped up today, and I appreciate everyone working with us to get that accomplished.”
Some senators lamented that setting a budget, controlling the state’s purse strings, is the domain of the Legislature, not the executive branch, and they bristled at the idea of Reeves having to fix problems through vetoes because the House left and refused further parlay.
The saga marked the second instance in recent months where a consequential error evaded the notice of lawmakers and threw a wrench in the legislative process.
During this year’s regular legislative session, the Senate accidentally passed a typo-riddled bill to eliminate the state income tax. Instead of a long, cautious phase-out of the income tax, the Senate accidentally approved a phase-out that would happen at a much faster clip, as the House had wanted. The House leadership realized the Senate’s error and ran with it. Reeves later signed the typo tax bill into law.
More broadly, rank-and-file lawmakers in recent years, both Democrat and Republican, have complained they aren’t provided budget details or drafts of major bills in time to vet and debate them. Senators on Thursday said there were numerous other bills sent from the House with errors or changes that had not been agreed to by both chambers.
“We need to remember that this is the same legislative session where we inadvertently, or advertently, sent over legislation with a typo in it, figured out there was a typo in the legislation, and it was still sent to the governor and signed as is,” said Sen. Rod Hickman, a Democrat from Macon. “And now we’re saying we’re going to trust this same process to fix an error that we all know about, and we’re all on the record knowing about, that could jeopardize this entire (Medicaid) program.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post House passes bill that threatens Mississippi's Medicaid funding, then skedaddles, leaves Senate holding bag appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
This article presents a factual report on a legislative budgeting issue in Mississippi without promoting a particular ideological viewpoint. It covers mistakes made by the House, Senate, and Governor’s office with a balanced tone, highlighting procedural errors and the practical consequences for Medicaid funding. The language remains neutral, reporting statements and reactions from both Republican and Democratic lawmakers without editorializing. While it notes criticisms from senators and outlines government dysfunction, it refrains from assigning blame ideologically or using charged language, thereby adhering to objective, straightforward coverage of political process challenges.
Mississippi Today
In Jackson’s ‘white Republican bastion,’ population changes shape council race
Jasmine Barnes has been following the headlines about dysfunction in Jackson’s City Hall since college, taking notes on government meeting minutes and financial records.
The auditor at the Mississippi Department of Transportation had wanted to run for city council for years, but she started seriously considering it after purchasing her first family home in Northpointe, a northeast Jackson neighborhood, in 2019.
It seemed to her like the city could use her accounting expertise, but she was uncertain if a young Black woman could be a viable candidate in Ward 1, an area long known as Jackson’s “white Republican bastion.”
“I knew that if you’re gonna run against a white Republican in a ward like this, you’re gonna have to have your A-game,” she said.
In an attempt to convince Barnes, her campaign manager and friend sent out a poll in late December, asking frequent voters in the ward if they were satisfied with the incumbent Ashby Foote, the founder of a financial services company who was elected to the council in 2014 as a Republican and has not faced a serious challenger since.
Over half of respondents said they would consider somebody else, Barnes said.
Now, as Ward 1 residents start voting for the June 3 general election, Barnes and fellow challenger, independent Grace Greene, are creating stiff competition for Foote who is also running as an independent.
The hotly contested race reflects what political observers and ward residents have known for years now: Northeast Jackson is not quite the “white Republican bastion” it once was.
In 2024, Ward 1 was recorded as having 1,000 more Black residents than white, a ratio of nearly 50% to 45%, after redistricting prompted by the 2020 census. That same year, the ward voted overwhelmingly for Kamala Harris over Donald Trump during the presidential election.
To be sure, Ward 1 is still the city’s whitest ward, home to influential Republican donors who live in some of the most exclusive neighborhoods in the state. And these voters carry greater weight in municipal races, where turnout is lower, a trend that historically favors the affluent and conservative. In this year’s Democratic primary, Ward 1 recorded the highest voter turnout in the city – 30% versus 23% citywide – leading some pundits to cry Republican interference.
Jackson’s demographics by U.S. Census block group
Hover over each dot to learn more.
Ward 1 is economically diverse, with some of Jackson’s biggest mansions as well as several apartment complexes.
But many of the ward’s civically engaged residents, regardless of race, political party or the nexis of the two, are united by shared interests, such as preserving property values in an area that has not suffered as much as other parts of the city from population loss, crime or divestment but where there is financially more at stake.
“I’m gonna go back to: We need help,” Madeline Cannon, a Ward 1 resident for nearly 60 years, said as she was leaving a candidate forum at the Briarwood Presbyterian Church last week. “Right now, I’m looking for a leader. I am a Democrat. I’ve been a Democrat all my life. But we’re just looking for a leader.”
For residents, their relationships with their council person matters much more, Cannon said, than political party.
Greene said she recently experienced this firsthand at a meet-and-greet at the Country Club of Jackson hosted by a friend who is involved with the neighborhood association. Greene was prepared for residents to ask her questions about Rodney DePriest, a white businessman who is running as an independent candidate for mayor.
Instead, Greene said nearly everyone wanted to know if she knew Horhn, who had just secured the Democratic nomination.
“Then some of the people who were coming up to me, introducing themselves to me were like, ‘We’ve already spoken to John Horhn about this, we’re doing this … or we worked with John for years about this or he’s been supportive about this in the Senate, whatever business or philanthropic thing these people had worked on, and it was very obvious they had good relationships with him and a respect for him,” she said, “and like, in their minds, it was almost settled, even though we had a general election.”
When Jackson adopted a mayor-council form of government and created the city’s seven wards 40 years ago, Ward 1 voters elected a Democrat. But ever since 1993, when insurance agency president Derwood Boyles stepped down, Ward 1 has been represented by a Republican.
Political scientist Steve Rozman, a retired Tougaloo College professor who lived in north Jackson for years, has a few possible explanations for why northeast Jackson became and has remained the whitest, wealthiest and most conservative part of the city.
Jackson was developed as a segregated city, and Rozman speculated the city’s desirable land was close to the Pearl River. Indeed, one of Jackson’s most premier neighborhoods, Eastover, was developed in 1949 by Leland Speed Sr., a former mayor of Jackson, on a horse farm on low-lying land near the river.
“Whites set up on the land that they regarded as best in the area,” he said. “A lot of the Black neighborhoods historically have not been near the Pearl River. With the municipal water system, maybe it was advantageous under more primitive conditions to be near water.”
As the 20th century wore on, factors like redlining, higher property values and significant opposition from racist white people would have kept Black Jacksonians from purchasing homes in the city’s northeast until the 1990s and 2000s, Rozman said.
Today, northeast Jackson is home to large apartment complexes near County Line Road and I-55 as well as a growing Hispanic population, a diversity that Barnes said people don’t often acknowledge. Instead, folks still tend to associate northeast Jackson with its tennis courts, private schools and gated neighborhoods.
“I don’t know if it’s like a perception thing,” she said.
In reality, the ward’s demographics represent a marked shift from 1992, when Ward 1 was 92% white, according to the Northside Sun.
Back then, Ward 1 was one of three majority white wards in the city, along with wards 4 and 6 in southwestern Jackson. But by 2000, before the city had even received the final Census tally, Ward 1’s councilperson, Ben Allen, was telling his constituents that would no longer be possible.
“It would be very difficult for us to get three white wards, unless some fancy gerrymandering goes on,” Allen told the Northside Sun.
Come 2002, redistricting dropped Ward 1’s white population to 76%, according to newspaper archives. The balance would shift again in 2010, to 55.9% white and 39.7% Black.
With the exception of a few closely contested special elections, the ward has remained a Republican stronghold this century, as Democrats often failed to field any candidates. But when they did, the race could be close: In 2014, Foote was elected by a little over 100 votes against construction attorney Dorsey Carson. It was technically a nonpartisan special election, and Carson, a Democrat, reportedly “strayed from discussing his political affiliation,” while Foote emphasized his conservative values.
Now the sole Republican on the council, Foote said when it came time for him to participate in drawing new ward lines last year, he didn’t do so with his reelection chances in mind in part because the process did not affect his constituency’s racial balance.
Of the couple thousand voters that Ward 1 had to give up, Foote said they were about 50-50 Black-white.
Instead, Foote said his goal was to keep the shape and cohesiveness of Ward 1 “in a way that made logical sense and not get gerrymandered into something that looks like a lizard or whatever.”

The distant cousin of author Shelby Foote moved to Jackson in 1980. In 1999, he bought a home with his wife on Calnita Place, close to Jackson Academy — a feature Foote said he didn’t appreciate at the time because his children attended other schools, but has since come to see as protecting his property values.
Plus, the cul de sac was good for his dog, Skip, a Jack Russell mix.
“Your dog’s life expectancy goes up,” Foote said jokingly.
As she has canvassed the ward, Barnes said she’s loved walking through the neighborhoods close to Jackson Academy.
“I was like, man, this is a really cool community, and I just kind of love that aspect of kids walking by themselves because they feel safe enough to do that,” she said.
That’s not the only similarity between Democrat and Republican in the Ward 1 race. When Barnes reads news articles about the city, she often ends up finding herself asking the same questions as Foote about financial transparency and accountability.
“Jackson is in a vulnerable position, but we’re not a vulnerable city,” she said. “We have a lot that we can do internally to build our credibility, build our leverage first, and then we can go out and seek other resources.”
Foote noted that if he were to lose reelection, the lack of a Republican on Jackson’s city council would not impact the issues of the day.
“It’s not really about Republican values or Democrat values,” he said. “It’s really about let’s get the roads fixed, let’s make sure we have running water, let’s make sure the garbage is picked up, and let’s make sure we do it in a cost efficient manner.”
At the same time, Foote has touted in campaign materials that he is endorsed by the Hinds County Republican Party. He said his first run for office was financed by a generous donation from Billy Mounger, an architect of the state’s GOP who was good friends with Foote’s father.
Greene, an entrepreneur who has worked as a doula, an online reseller, and an economic developer in Peru, said she chose to run as an independent so that residents of Ward 1, regardless of their political affiliation, will know she supports them.
Greene moved to the ward in 2020 with her family after looking at homes in Belhaven, Fondren and LOHO, the neighborhood just outside of Eastover. They landed on a home in Heatherwood in part because it had an attached garage, a feature the older homes in Fondren lack.

Plus, she wanted to raise her kids, who are enrolled in Jackson Public Schools, in a diverse environment, a decision she has talked about with other white residents during the campaign.
“There was somebody in the neighborhood who knew me from childhood and he made a comment about the changing demographics of the neighborhood. He said how initially he thought it was going to be a negative thing, but it just turned out to not be a negative thing. I just told him, I said, ‘Well that was a positive to us when we moved here,’” she said during an interview at her office in Highland Village.
Greene also noted that everyone in the ward is impacted by the city’s actions, regardless of whether they live in an apartment or a gated community. For instance, she said she had two kids in diapers with no trash pick up for 18 days in 2023.
“That was a leveler across the city, cause no matter where you lived, no one had trash pickup, and we all had to figure out what to do with this,” she said. “And the fact that there was truly, really no explanation to the citizens as to why this was happening? There was no response when we reached out about it.”
Another leveler? When it’s the state versus Jackson, that includes the Republicans who live here, too.
Foote shared a story about the controversy surrounding the Smith-Wills Stadium. At one point, frustrated by what he characterized as a lack of transparency from the city administration around a deal to forgive $500,000 in past-due rent from the stadium’s vendor, Foote said he asked Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s office for an opinion on whether the vote the council took to do so was legal.
Even though Fitch is a fellow Republican, Foote said her office told him it would be a conflict of interest to opine on his question, since Fitch is representing the state in its fight to take the stadium.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post In Jackson’s 'white Republican bastion,' population changes shape council race appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a primarily factual report on the evolving political and demographic landscape of Jackson’s Ward 1 council race. It highlights the shifting racial makeup and political affiliations without overtly endorsing any candidate or ideology. The framing, however, subtly emphasizes the significance of demographic changes and increasing Black voter presence, which often aligns with a center-left perspective focusing on representation and equity. The tone remains balanced by including voices across the political spectrum and stressing practical governance issues over partisan divides. Overall, the coverage leans slightly center-left through its attention to diversity and community impact.
Mississippi Today
Longtime voting rights advocate David Jordan retiring from Mississippi Senate
One of Mississippi’s longest-serving current state senators, who published a memoir about how education helped him move from picking cotton to teaching science to making laws at the state Capitol, is resigning.
Democratic Sen. David Jordan of Greenwood is a retired educator who has served in the state Senate since 1993. His district serves parts of Leflore, Panola and Tallahatchie counties.
“I hate to leave, but my wife of 71 years … she needs me home,” Jordan, 92, told his colleagues during a special legislative session Wednesday. He said he will resign by the end of June.
As a member of the Legislative Black Caucus, Jordan has pushed to protect voting rights and increase funding for Mississippi’s three historically Black universities. He was also instrumental in legislators’ decision in 2020 to remove a Confederate battle emblem that had been on the state flag since 1894.
Senators gave Jordan standing ovations Wednesday as they adopted a resolution honoring his service.
“Today, we gather to honor a man whose life and career have been a testament to unwavering dedication, profound wisdom and an unyielding commitment to justice,” said Senate Democratic Leader Derrick Simmons of Greenville.
Jordan’s parents were sharecroppers in Leflore County near Greenwood, and Mississippi was strictly segregated during his early years.
Simmons said Jordan has been an inspiration and “a pillar of strength during a time of profound change” in Mississippi and the United States.
Jordan helped secure $150,000 from the state for a 9-foot-tall bronze statue of Emmett Till that was unveiled in Greenwood in October 2022.
Till, 14, was Black and had traveled from his home in Chicago in August 1955 to spend time with relatives in the Mississippi Delta. Wheeler Parker, who was 16 at the time and had traveled with his cousin Till from Chicago, said he heard Till whistle at a white woman shopkeeper outside a country store in Money.
White men kidnapped Till from his great uncle’s rural home four nights later. They tortured and shot the teenager, then tossed his body into the Tallahatchie River, weighted down by a cotton gin fan.
The lynching became a catalyst for the Civil Rights Movement after Till’s mother insisted on an open-casket funeral in Chicago and Jet magazine published a photo of his mutilated body.
In his 2014 memoir, “David L. Jordan: From the Mississippi Cotton Fields to the State Senate,” Jordan recalled being a college freshman in 1955 and going to the Tallahatchie County Courthouse in Sumner to watch part of the trial of the two white men charged in the killing of Till. An all-white jury quickly acquitted J.W. Milam and his half-brother Roy Bryant, the husband of shopkeeper Carolyn Bryant.
“I could tell by the actions of the jury that they were not serious,” Jordan said in a 2017 video interview in the Florida State University archives.
Jordan has long been active in the Greenwood Voters League, which works to encourage Black participation in elections.
He became one of the first Black members of the Greenwood City Council when he was elected to that office in 1985. He served 36 years on the council before choosing not to seek reelection in 2021.
He was able to serve in two elected offices simultaneously because Mississippi law allowed one person to hold two offices in the same branch of government. The council seat and the Senate seat are both in the legislative branch.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Longtime voting rights advocate David Jordan retiring from Mississippi Senate appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a largely factual and respectful profile of Democratic Senator David Jordan, highlighting his long career as a voting rights advocate and civil rights supporter. The tone is positive toward Jordan’s efforts, particularly emphasizing his work on historically Black universities, voting rights, and removing the Confederate emblem from the state flag. While the coverage is favorable to Jordan’s progressive achievements, it does not overtly push a partisan agenda or critique opposing views. The article’s focus on civil rights and social justice aligns somewhat with center-left values, but it remains primarily biographical and commemorative rather than ideological.
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