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Abortion Bans Fuel a Rise in High-Risk Patients Heading to Illinois Hospitals

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Kristen Schorsch, WBEZ Chicago
Thu, 14 Sep 2023 09:00:00 +0000

When she was around 22 weeks pregnant, the patient found out that the son she was carrying didn't have kidneys and his lungs wouldn't develop. If he survived the birth, he would struggle to breathe and die within hours.

The patient had a crushing decision to make: continue the pregnancy — which could be a risk to her and her ability to have children in the future — or have an abortion.

“I don't think I stopped crying for an entire two weeks,” she said. “The whole world felt heavy. … It's not something anybody should have to go through. It's not easy losing somebody you love.”

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KFF Health News is not disclosing the woman's name or the name of the community where she lives, because she fears harm if her identity becomes known. She lives in Missouri, which has one of the strictest abortion bans in the nation. KFF Health News confirmed details of her experience.

After the fetal diagnosis, the patient's Missouri doctors told her that her life wasn't in immediate danger, but they also pointed out the risks of carrying the pregnancy to term. And in her family, there's a history of hemorrhaging while giving birth. If she started to bleed, her doctors said, she might lose her uterus, too. The patient said this possibility was devastating. She's a young mom who wants more children.

So she chose to get an abortion. Her Missouri doctors told her it was the safest option — but they wouldn't provide one.

The patient had to Missouri and cross the border to Illinois, which has become a legal haven for abortion rights. Because of her complicated pregnancy, she received the abortion in a hospital.

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Since the Dobbs decision overturned Roe v. Wade on June 24, 2022, determining who can get an abortion and where has been complicated by medically ambiguous language in new laws that ban or restrict abortion. Doctors in those states fear they could lose their medical licenses or wind up in jail.

Amid these changes, physicians in abortion havens such as Illinois are stepping up to fill the void and provide care to as many as possible.

But getting each medically complex patient connected to a doctor and a hospital has been logistically complicated. In response to the growing demand, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, a Democrat, recently launched a state program with a goal to get patients who show up at clinics, yet need a higher level of abortion care, connected more quickly with Illinois hospitals. Providers will call a hotline to reach nurses who will handle the logistics.

There is little concrete data on how many more patients are traveling to other states for abortions at hospitals. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention tracks some abortion data regarding out-of-state patients but doesn't collect it based on the type of facility they're performed in.

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Hospitals are a “black box” for abortion-related data, according to Rachel Jones, a longtime researcher at the nonprofit Guttmacher Institute.

Even before Roe fell, it was hard to wade through the hospital bureaucracy to understand more comprehensively how abortion care was provided, Jones said. Guttmacher has tracked hospital-based abortions in the past but doesn't have updated figures since Dobbs.

#WeCount, widely considered a reliable tracker of shifts in abortion care over the past year, doesn't break out hospital data separately. #WeCount co-chair Ushma Upadhyay said the data would have gaps anyway. She said it's been difficult to get providers in banned states to report what's happening.

The Uncertainties Behind Life Exceptions

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All 15 states that ban abortions do allow exceptions to save the life of the pregnant person, according to tracking from the health policy nonprofit KFF. But exactly when the person's life is considered at risk is open to interpretation.

“It's very, very difficult to get an exception,” said Alina Salganicoff, director of women's health policy at KFF. “It's like, ‘How imminent is this threat?' And in many cases, patients can't wait until they're about to die before they get an abortion.”

The latest ban — in Indiana — took effect at the end of August.

In 2020, when Roe was still the law of the land, only 3% of abortions typically occurred in hospitals. Now, OB-GYNs in Chicago and other places across the U.S. that protect abortion rights say out-of-state patients are increasingly showing up to get abortion care at hospitals.

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Those more complex procedures and hospital stays often bring higher medical bills. More patients now need covering the expensive price tag of the procedures, according to medical providers and abortion funds that provide financial assistance.

The patient from Missouri made her way to Laura Laursen, an OB-GYN at Rush University Medical Center in Chicago, in May. The number of out-of-state abortions at Rush has quadrupled since Roe was overturned, Laursen said.

Laursen received the patient's consent to discuss her case with NPR and KFF Health News. She recalled the patient was frustrated about having to jump through so many hoops to get the abortion, and stressed about the cost of being in a hospital.

“The biggest thing was just making for her to express those emotions,” Laursen said. “Making sure that she felt comfortable with all the decisions she was making. And trying to make her feel as empowered as possible.”

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The patient's life wasn't immediately threatened, but it was safer for her to have an abortion than remain pregnant, Laursen said.

“I'm constantly hearing stories from my partners across the country of trying to figure out what counts as imminent danger,” Laursen said. “We're trying to prevent danger. We're not trying to get to the point where someone's an emergency.”

Sending Patients Over State Lines for Care

Jennifer McIntosh is an OB-GYN in Milwaukee who specializes in high-risk patients. Because of Wisconsin's abortion ban, she's referring more patients out of state.

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“It's really awful,” McIntosh said, recalling difficult conversations with patients who wanted to be pregnant, but whose babies faced dire outcomes.

She would tell them: “Yes, it's very reasonable to get an abortion. But oh, by the way, it's illegal in your own state. So now on top of this terrible news, I'm going to tell you that you have to figure out how to leave the state to get an abortion.”

In some cases, McIntosh can provide an abortion if the medical risk is significant enough to satisfy Wisconsin's life-of-the-mother exception. But it feels legally risky, she said.

“Am I worried that someone might think that it doesn't satisfy that?” McIntosh said. “Absolutely, that terrifies me.”

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Jonah Fleisher‘s phone is often ringing and buzzing with texts. An OB-GYN who specializes in abortion and contraception at the University of Illinois health system, near Rush hospital in Chicago, Fleisher is frequently asked to see how quickly he can squeeze in another patient from another state.

Since Roe fell, Fleisher estimated, the health system is treating at least three times as many patients who are traveling from other states for abortion care.

He worries about the “invisible” patients who live in states with abortion bans and never make it to his hospital. They may have medical problems that complicate their pregnancies yet don't know how to navigate the logistics required to make their way over state lines to his exam room, or don't have the financial resources.

“I know that some number of those women are not going to make it through birth and postpartum,” Fleisher said. “More than the stress of somebody who's actually making it to see me, that's the thing that causes me more stress.”

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Medical costs, in addition to travel, are a big obstacle for high-risk patients seeking abortion care at hospitals. The patient from Missouri owed around $6,000 for her hospital stay, Laursen said. Her bill was covered by local and national abortion funds. Some hospital bills can reach into the tens of thousands of dollars for more complicated procedures, according to the funds.

The Chicago Abortion Fund pledged to just over $440,000 in hospital bills for 224 patients in the year following Dobbs, according to Meghan Daniel, CAF's director of services. Those bills were primarily for out-of-state patients. By comparison, in the year that preceded Dobbs, CAF helped cover just over $11,000 for 27 patients.

This increase in patients needing financial help for out-of-state abortion care is happening across the nation.

In many cases, patients have a hard time accessing abortion care, and the delays push them further into their pregnancies until they need to have the procedure in a hospital, said Melissa Fowler, chief program officer at the National Abortion Federation. And that costs much more.

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“We're seeing more cases right now [of] people who are later in gestation,” Fowler said. “More adolescents who are later in gestation, who are showing up at hospitals because this is really their last resort. They've been referred all over.”

All of this raises questions about how long these funds can afford to help.

“The current financial way in which people are paying for their abortions I fear is not sustainable,” Fleisher said.

Nonprofit hospitals could help. In return for getting tax breaks, they have financial assistance policies for people who are uninsured or can't afford their medical bills. But the policy at UI Health in Chicago, for example, covers only Illinois . UI Health spokesperson Jackie Carey said that for other patients, those who live in other states, the hospital offers discounts if they don't have insurance, or if their insurance won't pay.

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Laursen argues out-of-state Medicaid plans and insurance companies should be picking up the tab.

“Whose responsibility is this?” she asked.

Not Ready to Let Go

Back in Missouri, the patient has a special room dedicated to her son. She brought home a recording of his heartbeat and keeps his remains in a heart-shaped casket. She talks to her son, tells him how much she loves him.

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“I'm just not ready to let him go,” the patient said. “Even though they're not here on Earth anymore, you still see them in your dreams.”

She's working on healing emotionally and physically. And while she's thankful that she was able to travel to Illinois for care, the experience made her angry with her home state.

“There's a lot of good people out there who go through a lot of unfortunate situations like me who need abortion care,” the patient said. “To have that taken away by the , it just doesn't feel right.”

This article is from a partnership that includes WBEZ, NPR, and KFF Health News.

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——————————
By: Kristen Schorsch, WBEZ Chicago
Title: Abortion Bans Fuel a Rise in High-Risk Patients Heading to Illinois Hospitals
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/hospital-abortions-npr-partnership/
Published Date: Thu, 14 Sep 2023 09:00:00 +0000

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Toxic Gas Adds to a Long History of Pollution in Southwest Memphis

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Andy Miller
Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

MEMPHIS, Tenn. — For many years, Rose Sims had no idea what was going on inside a nondescript brick building on Florida Street a couple of miles from her modest one-story home on the southwestern side of town.

Like other , she got an unwelcome surprise in October 2022 at a public forum held by the Environmental Protection Agency at the historic Monumental Baptist Church, known for its role in the movement. The EPA notified the predominantly Black community that Sterilization Services of Tennessee —which began operations in the brick building in the 1970s — had been emitting unacceptably high levels of ethylene oxide, a toxic gas commonly used to disinfect medical devices.

Airborne emissions of the colorless gas can increase the risk of certain medical conditions, including breast cancer. Sims, who is 59 and Black, said she developed breast cancer in 2019, despite having no family history of it, and she suspects ethylene oxide was a contributing factor.

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“I used to be outside a lot. I was in good health. All of a sudden, I got breast cancer,” she said.

Local advocates say the emissions are part of a pattern of environmental racism. The term is often applied when populated primarily by racial and ethnic minorities and members of low-socioeconomic backgrounds, like southwest Memphis, are burdened with a disproportionate amount of health hazards.

The drivers of environmental racism include the promise of tax breaks for industry to locate a facility in a heavily minority community, said Malini Ranganathan, an urban geographer at American University in Washington, D.C. The cheaper cost of land also is a factor, as is the concept of NIMBY — or “not in my backyard” — in which power brokers steer possible polluters to poorer areas of .

A manager at Sterilization Services' corporate office in Richmond, Virginia, declined to answer questions from KFF Health . An attorney with Leitner, Williams, Dooley & Napolitan, a law firm that represents the company, also declined to comment. Sterilization Services, in a legal filing asking for an ethylene oxide-related to be dismissed, said the use of the gas, which sterilizes about half the medical devices in the U.S., is highly regulated to ensure public safety.

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Besides southwest Memphis, there are nearly two dozen locales, mostly small cities — from Athens, , to Groveland, Florida, and Ardmore, Oklahoma — where the EPA said in 2022 that plants sterilizing medical devices emit the gas at unusually high levels, potentially increasing a person's risk of developing cancer.

The pollution issue is so bad in southwest Memphis that even though Sterilization Services planned to close shop by April 30, local community leaders have been hesitant to celebrate. In a letter last year to a local Congress member, the company said it has always complied with federal, , and local regulations. The reason for its closure, it said, was a problem with renewing the building lease.

But many residents see it as just one small win in a bigger battle over environmental safety in the neighborhood.

“It's still a cesspool of pollution,'' said Yolonda Spinks, of the environmental advocacy organization Memphis Community Against Pollution, about a host of hazards the community faces.

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The air in this part of the has long been considered dangerous. An oil refinery spews a steady plume of white smoke. A coal plant has leaked ash into the ground and the groundwater. The coal plant was replaced by a natural gas power plant, and now the Tennessee Valley Authority, which provides electricity for local power companies, plans to build a new gas plant there. A continual stream of heavy trucks chug along nearby highways and roads. Other transportation sources of air pollution include the Memphis International Airport and barge traffic on the nearby Mississippi River.

Lead contamination is also a concern, not just in drinking water but in the soil from now-closed lead smelters, said Chunrong Jia, a professor of environmental health at the University of Memphis. Almost all the heavy industry in Shelby County — and the associated pollutants — are located in southwest Memphis, Jia added.

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Sources of pollution are often “clustered in particular communities,” said Darya Minovi, a senior analyst with the Union of Concerned Scientists, a nonprofit that advocates for environmental justice. When it comes to sterilizing facilities that emit ethylene oxide, areas inhabited largely by Black, Hispanic, low-income, and non-English-speaking people are disproportionately exposed, the group has found.

Four sites that the EPA labeled high-risk are in low-income areas of Puerto Rico. Seven sterilizer plants operate in that U.S. territory.

The EPA, responding to public concerns and to deepened scientific understanding of the hazards of ethylene oxide, recently released rules that the agency said would greatly reduce emissions of the toxic gas from sterilizing facilities.

KeShaun Pearson, who was born and raised in south Memphis and has been active in fighting environmental threats, said he is frustrated that companies with dangerous emissions are allowed to create “toxic soup” in minority communities.

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In the area where the sterilization plant is located, 87% of the residents are people of color, and, according to the Southern Environmental Law Center, life expectancy there is about 10 years lower than the average for the county and state. The population within 5 miles of the sterilizer plant is mostly low-income, according to the Union of Concerned Scientists.

Pearson was part of Memphis Community Against the Pipeline, a group formed in 2020 to stop a crude oil pipeline that would have run through Boxtown, a neighborhood established by emancipated slaves and freedmen after the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863.

That campaign, which received public support from former Vice President Al Gore and actress-activist Jane Fonda, succeeded. After the ethylene oxide danger surfaced in 2022, the group changed the last word of its name from “pipeline” to “pollution.”

Besides breast and lymphoid cancers, animal studies have linked inhaling the gas to tumors of the brain, lungs, connective tissue, uterus, and mammary glands.

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Last year, with the help of the Southern Environmental Law Center, the south Memphis community group urged the Shelby County Health Department to declare the ethylene oxide situation a public health emergency and shut down the sterilizing plant. But the health department said the company had complied with its existing air permit and with the EPA's rules and regulations.

A health department spokesperson, Joan Carr, said Shelby County enforces EPA regulations to ensure that companies comply with the federal Clean Air Act and that the agency has five air monitoring stations around the county to detect levels of other pollutants.

When the county and the Tennessee Department of Health did a cancer cluster study in 2023, the agencies found no evidence of the clustering of high rates of leukemia, non-Hodgkin lymphoma, or breast or stomach cancer near the facility. There were “hot and cold spots” of breast cancer found, but the study said it could not conclude that the clusters were linked to the facility.

Scientists have criticized the study's methodology, saying it did not follow the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's recommendations for designing a cancer cluster investigation.

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Meanwhile, several people have sued the sterilizing company, their health has been affected by the ethylene oxide emissions. In a lawsuit seeking class-action status, Reginaé Kendrick, 21, said she was diagnosed with a brain tumor at age 6. Chemotherapy and radiation have stunted her growth, destroyed her hair follicles, and prevented her from going through puberty, said her mother, Robbie Kendrick.

In response to proposed stricter EPA regulations, meanwhile, the Tennessee attorney general helped lead 19 other state AGs in urging the agency to “forgo or defer regulating the use of EtO by commercial sterilizers.”

Sims said she's glad her neighborhood will have one less thing to worry about once Sterilization Services departs. But her feelings about the closure remain tempered.

“Hope they don't go to another residential area,” she said.

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——————————
By: Andy Miller
Title: Toxic Gas Adds to a Long History of Pollution in Southwest Memphis
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/toxic-ethylene-oxide-gas-southwest-memphis/
Published Date: Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Sign Here? Financial Agreements May Leave Doctors in the Driver’s Seat

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Katheryn Houghton
Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Cass Smith-Collins jumped through hoops to get the surgery that would match his chest to his gender.

Living in Las Vegas and then 50, he finally felt safe enough to out as a transgender man. He had his wife's support and a doctor's letter showing he had a long history of gender dysphoria, the psychological distress felt when one's sex assigned at birth and gender identity don't match.

Although in-network providers were available, Smith-Collins selected Florida-based surgeon Charles Garramone, who markets himself as an early developer of female-to-male top surgery and says that he does not contract with insurance. Smith-Collins said he was willing to pay more to go out-of-network.

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“I had one shot to get the chest that I should have been born with, and I wasn't going to it to someone who was not an expert at his craft,” he said.

Smith-Collins arranged to spend a week in Florida and contacted friends there who could help him recover from the outpatient procedure, he said.

Garramone's practice required that the patient agree to its financial policies, according to documents shared by Smith-Collins. One document stated that “full payment” of Garramone's surgical fees is required four weeks in advance of surgery and that all payments to the practice are “non-refundable.”

Smith-Collins said he and his wife dipped into their retirement savings to cover the approximately $14,000 upfront. With prior authorization from his insurer in hand saying the procedure would be “covered,” he thought his insurance would reimburse anything he paid beyond his out-of-pocket maximum for out-of-network care: $6,900.

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The day before surgery, Smith-Collins signed another agreement from the surgeon's practice, outlining how it would file an out-of-network claim with his insurance. Any insurance payment would be received by the doctor, it said.

The procedure went well. Smith-Collins went home happy and relieved.

Then the bill came. Or in this case: The reimbursement didn't.

The Patient: Cass Smith-Collins, now 52, who has employer-based coverage through UnitedHealthcare.

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Medical Services: Double-incision top surgery with nipple grafts, plus lab work.

Service Provider: Aesthetic Plastic Surgery Institute, doing business as The Garramone Center, which is owned by Garramone, according to Florida public records.

Total Bill: The surgeon's practice billed the patient and insurance a total of $120,987 for his work. It charged the patient about $14,000 upfront — which included $300 for lab work and a $1,000 reservation fee — and then billed the patient's insurer an additional $106,687.

The surgeon later wrote the patient that the upfront fee was for the “cosmetic” portion of the surgery, while the insurance charge was for the “reconstructive” part. Initially, the insurer paid $2,193.54 toward the surgeon's claim, and the patient received no reimbursement.

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After KFF Health began this story, the insurer reprocessed the surgeon's claim and increased its payment to the practice to $97,738.46. Smith-Collins then received a reimbursement from Garramone of $7,245.

What Gives: Many write to Bill of the Month each year with their own tangled billing question. In many cases — including this one — the short answer is that the patient misunderstood their insurance coverage.

Smith-Collins was in a confusing situation. UnitedHealthcare said his out-of-network surgery would be “covered,” then it later told Smith-Collins it didn't owe the reimbursement he had counted on. Then, after KFF Health News began reporting, he received a reimbursement.

Adding to the confusion were the practice's financial polices, which set a pre-surgery payment deadline, gave the doctor control of any insurance payment, and left the patient vulnerable to more bills (though, fortunately, he received none).

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Agreeing to an out-of-network provider's own financial policy — which generally protects its ability to get paid and may be littered with confusing insurance and legal jargon — can create a binding contract that leaves a patient owing. In short, it can put the doctor in the driver's seat, steering the money.

The agreement Smith-Collins signed the day before surgery says that the patient understands he is receiving out-of-network care and “may be responsible for additional costs for all services provided” by the out-of-network practice.

Federal billing protections shield patients from big, out-of-network bills — but not in cases in which the patient knowingly chose out-of-network care. Smith-Collins could have been on the hook for the difference between what his out-of-network doctor and insurer said the procedure should cost: nearly $102,000.

Emails show Smith-Collins had a couple of weeks to a version of the practice's out-of-network agreement before he signed it. But he said he likely hadn't read the entire document because he was focused on his surgery and willing to agree to just about anything to get it.

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“Surgery is an emotional experience for anyone, and that's not an ideal time for anyone to sign a complex legal agreement,” said Marianne Udow-Phillips, a health policy instructor at the University of Michigan School of Public Health.

Udow-Phillips, who reviewed the agreement, said it includes complicated terms that could confuse consumers.

Another provision in the agreement says the surgeon's upfront charges are “a separate fee that is not related to charges made to your insurance.”

Months after his procedure, having received no reimbursement, Smith-Collins contacted his surgeon, he said. Garramone replied to him in an email, explaining that UnitedHealthcare had paid for the “reconstructive aspect of the surgery” — while the thousands of dollars Smith-Collins paid upfront was for the “cosmetic portion.”

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Filing an insurance claim had initially led to a payment for Garramone, but no refund for Smith-Collins.

Garramone did not respond to questions from KFF Health News for this article or to repeated requests for an interview.

Smith-Collins had miscalculated how much his insurance would pay for an out-of-network surgeon.

Documents show that before the procedure Smith-Collins received a receipt from Garramone's practice marked “final payment” with a zero balance due, as well as prior authorization from UnitedHealthcare stating that the surgery performed by Garramone would be “covered.”

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More from Bill of the Month


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But out-of-network providers aren't limited in what they can charge, and insurers don't have a minimum they must pay.

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An explanation of benefits, or EOB, statement shows Garramone submitted a claim to UnitedHealthcare for more than $106,000. Of that, UnitedHealthcare determined the maximum it would pay — known as the “ amount” — was about $4,400. A UnitedHealthcare representative later told Smith-Collins in an email that the total was based on what Medicare would have paid for the procedure.

Smith-Collins' upfront charges of roughly $14,000 went well beyond the price the insurer deemed fair, and UnitedHealthcare wasn't going to pay the difference. By UnitedHealthcare's math, Smith-Collins' share of its allowed amount was about $2,200, which is what counted toward his out-of-pocket costs. That meant, in the insurer's eyes, Smith-Collins still hadn't reached his $6,900 maximum for the year, so no refund.

Neither UnitedHealthcare nor the surgeon provided KFF Health News with billing codes, making it difficult to compare the surgeon's charges to cost estimates for the procedure.

Garramone's website says his fee varies depending on the size and difficulty of the procedure. The site says his prices reflect his experience and adds that “cheaper” may to “very poor results.”

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Though he spent more than he expected, Smith-Collins said he'll never regret the procedure. He said he had lived with of suicide since youth, having realized at a young age that his body didn't match his identity and feared others would target him for being trans.

“It was a lifesaving thing,” he said. “I jumped through whatever hoops they wanted me to go through so I could get that surgery, so that I could finally be who I was.”

The Resolution: Smith-Collins submitted two appeals with his insurer, asking UnitedHealthcare to reimburse him for what he spent beyond his out-of-pocket maximum. The insurer denied both appeals, finding its payments were correct based on the terms of his plan, and said his case was not eligible for a third, outside review.

But after being contacted by KFF Health News, UnitedHealthcare reprocessed Garramone's roughly $106,000 claim and increased its payment to the practice to $97,738.46.

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Maria Gordon Shydlo, a UnitedHealthcare spokesperson, told KFF Health News the company's initial determination was correct, but that it had reprocessed the claim so that Smith-Collins is “only” responsible for his patient share: $6,755.

“We are disappointed that this non-contracted provider elected to charge the member so much,” she said.

After that new payment, Garramone gave Smith-Collins a $7,245 refund in mid-April.

The Takeaway: Udow-Phillips, who worked in health insurance for decades and led provider services for Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan, said she had never seen a provider agreement like the one Smith-Collins signed.

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Patients should consult a lawyer before signing any out-of-network agreements, she said, and they should make sure they understand prior authorization letters from insurers.

The prior authorization Smith-Collins received “doesn't say covered in full, and it doesn't say covered at what rate,” Udow-Phillips said, adding later, “I am sure [Smith-Collins] thought the prior authorization was for the cost of the procedure.”

Patients can seek in-network care to feel more secure about what insurance will cover and what their might charge.

But for those who have a specific out-of-network doctor in mind, there are ways to try to avoid sticker shock, said Sabrina Corlette, a research professor and co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University:

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  • Patients should always ask insurers to define what “covered” means, specifically whether that means payment in full and for what expenses. And before making an upfront payment, patients should ask their insurer how much of that total it would reimburse.
  • Patients also can ask their provider to agree in advance to accept any insurance reimbursement as payment in full, though there's no requirement that they do so.
  • And patients can try asking their insurer to provide an exact dollar estimate for their out-of-pocket costs and ask if they are refundable should insurance pick up the tab.

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by KFF Health News and NPR that dissects and explains medical bills. Do you have an interesting medical bill you want to share with us? Tell us about it!

——————————
By: Katheryn Houghton
Title: Sign Here? Financial Agreements May Leave Doctors in the Driver's Seat
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/financial-agreements-out-of-network-doctors-top-surgery-bill-of-the-month-april-2024/
Published Date: Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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An Arm and a Leg: The Hack

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Dan Weissmann
Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

When Change Healthcare, a subsidiary of UnitedHealth Group, got hit by a cyberattack this winter, a big chunk of the nation's doctors, pharmacists, hospitals, and therapists stopped getting paid. The hack also limited providers' ability to share medical records and other information critical to patient care.

The cyberattack revealed an often overlooked part of how is paid for in the United States and raised concerns for antitrust advocates about how large UnitedHealth has grown.

Host Dan Weissmann speaks with reporters Brittany Trang of Stat News and Maureen Tkacik of The American Prospect about their reporting on the hack and what it says about antitrust enforcement of health care companies.

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Dan Weissmann


@danweissmann

Host and producer of “An Arm and a Leg.” Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago's WBEZ. His work also appears on All Things Considered, Marketplace, the BBC, 99 Percent Invisible, and Reveal, from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

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Transcript: The Hack

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Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there. 

Brittany Trang is a reporter at STAT News– that's a health care news outlet. We talked with Brittany's colleague Bob Herman in our last episode. Like Bob, she's been covering the business of health care. 

And for Brittany, this story starts with Bob flagging a story to their team. He… 

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Brittany Trang: Dropped a link in the chat that said like, hey guys, I think we should write about this, question mark, and nobody replied, 

Dan: The story was about a cyber-attack against a company called Change Healthcare. 

Brittany Trang: I was like that sounds like a startup and I was like who cares about some sort of health tech startup 

Dan: But Bob kept bringing it up. 

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Brittany Trang: And I finally clicked on the link, and I was like, oh no, this is a big deal. This touches most of the American healthcare system. 

Dan: Yeah, and it's no joke. Change Healthcare is what's called a data clearinghouse. And it's a big one. It's an important part of health care's financial plumbing. Someone had gone in and basically hijacked their computer system and said, Unless we get $22 million dollars, we're not giving it back. So Change went offline, and a huge chunk of the country's Pharmacists, doctors, therapists, hospitals just stopped getting paid. And Change Healthcare stayed offline for weeks and weeks. As we record this, seven weeks in, big parts of it remain offline. And here's this other thing: Change Healthcare is not a startup. It's been around for like 20 years. And in late 2022, Change got purchased by another company– a company that's starting to become a real recurring character on this show: UnitedHealth Group.

You may remember: They're the country's biggest insurance company AND they've got their hands in just about every other part of health care, in a big way. For instance, they're the very biggest employer of physicians in the country, by a huge margin. They've got their own bank, which– among other things– offers payday loans to doctors. And they have a huge collection of companies that do back-end services. In our last episode we heard about Navi Health— and how, under United's ownership, insurance companies have been using NaviHealth's algorithm to cut off care for people in nursing homes. [Boy, yeah– that was a fun story…] And as we've been learning: When one company like this gets so big, their problems– like this cyber-attack– become everybody's problem. And in this case, everybody's problem seems to create an opportunity for United. We'll break down how THAT could possibly work, but obviously it doesn't seem like the way a lot of us would WANT things to work.. And we'll end up talking about what we can maybe do about it. Not “we” as in a bunch of individuals trying to tackle an opponent this big. Good luck with that. But “we” as in the “We the people” of the United States Constitution. We may already be on the case. 

This is An Arm and a Leg– a show about why health care costs so freaking much, and what we can maybe do about it. I'm Dan Weissmann. I'm a reporter, and I like a challenge. So our job on this show is to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American , and bring you a show that's entertaining, empowering, and useful. 

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We'll start with an attempt to answer what you'd think would be a simple question: What does Change Healthcare do?

Here's Brittany Trang from STAT News again. 

Brittany Trang: It's kind of like Visa or Mastercard or something. Like, when you go to the grocery store and you pay with a credit card, you are not putting your money directly into the pockets of the grocery store. There's a middleman in there and change is that middleman, but for a ton of different things.

Dan: Like insurance claims. Brittany says hospitals and doctors offices often don't submit claims directly to insurance companies. They send the claim to a middleman like Change. And then Change figures out where that claim needs to go next. Like: I'm sending a bunch of mail– I put it all in one mailbox, and the post office figures out how to get it where it goes. Except of course, there's no paper here, no envelopes, no physical packages: All those claims are basically data. Which is why a company like Change is called a data clearinghouse. And even if a given provider uses some other clearinghouse– and of course there are others– Change may still be involved. Because INSURANCE companies like Aetna also use Change as a place to COLLECT claims from providers. On that side, Change is kind of like a post-office box. But claims are just one of the types of data that Change handles. For instance… 

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Brittany Trang: when you went to the pharmacy counter or when you would check in at the doctor's office and they take your insurance information and figure out like what you're going to pay for this visit. Both of those processes were messed up. 

Dan: Yeah, and there's more! Prior authorizations– like when your doctor checks in advance to make sure your insurance company is OK with paying for whatever. Those all go through companies like Change. So, if change is offline, do they do your MRI, or your surgery– and just hope it doesn't get denied when Change comes back? And once claims get approved, data for payments goes through Change too. So payments– a lot of payments– just stopped going out. Here's Brittany Trang. 

Brittany Trang: it's just kind of flabbergasting how big this is. This collapsed most of healthcare in some way or another. 

Dan: Overall, the numbers are wild: Change reportedly processes 1.5 trillion dollars a year in claims. Maybe a third of everything that happens in healthcare. According to the American Hospital Association, 94 percent of hospitals said they were affected. Some more than others. Not all providers use Change as their primary clearinghouse. But lots do. And for them, everything just stopped. 

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Brittany Trang: I talked to one provider she's like, Oh, I can, I can talk. I'm, here today and tomorrow before we close. And I was like, before we close for spring break. And she said, no, we have 3 and 13 cents left in our bank account. Brittany says that provider got a last minute reprieve– an emergency loan from United. There have been two or three rounds of these loans so far, plus some advance payments from Medicare. But as the outage has dragged on– it started in February, and we're recording this seven weeks later– it's hard to know if those are going to be enough. At the end of March, I talked with Emily Benson. She runs a therapy practice in a Minneapolis suburb. Eight clinicians, mostly treating kids. She says the practice does maybe 70 or 80 thousand dollars worth of business a month. But then in February… Emily Benson: essentially everything went dark for us. 

Dan: United publicly acknowledged the Change hack on February 21st. But Emily Benson says she didn't actually get a heads-up until almost a week later. 

Emily Benson: a lot of alarm bells went off, that was the end of the month. And so a lot of payments came due 

Dan: Her rent. Paychecks for her colleagues, and herself. 

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Emily Benson: I mean, I was in a panic. Y'know, I didn't know where I was going to go. 

Dan: She says she usually gets two payments a week from insurance, with everything passing through Change. But it's not just the payments from insurance. Change also provides the documents that say how much an insurance company is GOING to pay for any given claim. 

Emily Benson: That's a critical document because that tells me what does the family owe us. And then the beneficiary is also going to get that information. So they're not surprised by what we charge them. So now every week we're stacking up and stacking up these amounts that the family's going to owe us. 

Dan: By the time we talked, Emily Benson had gotten two loans from United. About 40,000 each: maybe a month's worth of billing for her, between the two loans. 

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Emily Benson: That first one was wiped out. Pretty quickly because now we're on week five I'm working on the second, um, installment that I got from united. But, you know, that's half gone now too. So I don't know what the next step is. We're nowhere near. Getting claims processing yet and so. I'm kind of panicking Yeah. 

Emily Benson: it looks like the terms are within 45 days. You have to pay back that temporary loan. How am I going to do that if I don't have claims coming? 

Dan: God. 

Emily Benson: I'm still panicking. 

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Dan: I'll bet. Oh my God. You're very, you're very calm for somebody in this situation. 

Emily Benson: Well, you know, I've had a lot of therapy of my own. That's how you become a therapist. So panicking doesn't help anyone. 

Dan: I guess that's, I'll take that under advisement. 

Dan: So, to pay back those loans– which are supposed to be repaid within 45 days– Emily Benson is gonna have to start getting paid again. As we spoke, she'd had been living without for filing claims and getting paid for five weeks. And even when those systems get moving again, she's not gonna see all that money right away.

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Emily Benson: Imagine the backlog and the clog. Five weeks worth of insurance claims I mean, we're looking at a major traffic jam.

Dan: Oh myGod.Andif everybody were to work double time for the next five weeks, then it would be 10 weeks. But people can't really work double time. 

Emily Benson: When you say that out loud, 

Dan: Sorry. 

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Emily Benson: I don't feel as grounded, 

Dan: I'm so sorry. 

Emily Benson: but, but, but it's probably realistic. 

Dan: Other news outlets are talking to providers like Emily Benson all over the country. We're recording this in mid-April. United hasn't responded to our questions on this story, but their website says “We're determined to make this right.” It says they've put out 4 point 7 billion dollars in emergency loans to providers so far. And it says that for the vast majority of Change Healthcare's services, a restoration date is “still pending.” We have no idea what's going to happen. What it'll mean for our doctors, our therapists, our local hospitals. And look, there are elements of this story that go beyond health care. How many of us have personal health information– maybe financial information– that got seized by who the heck knows who in this? And yes, United's getting some heat. They got a list of pointed questions from U.S. Representative Jamie Raskin. Their is supposed to testify in a Senate hearing at the end of April. But as we'll get into in a minute, this disaster– United's disaster– could turn out to have a silver lining– for United: An opportunity to keep on growing. And that opportunity arises precisely because they're so big, and doing so much business in so many parts of the medical-industrial complex. Which doesn't sound great. It raises questions about the, uh, potential downsides for a lot of people, when individual companies get this freaking big. And it raises questions about what we can maybe do about it. And the answer is: Maybe more than we think. That's all coming right up. 

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This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That's a nonprofit newsroom covering health care in America. Their reporters do amazing work, and we're honored to be in cahoots with them. So, as we've seen, a company like United is so big that their problems become everybody's problem. And at least in one case that I've seen so far, everybody's problem can become United's opportunity. That's what happened in Oregon, and a reporter from Washington, DC, was in a position to make it a national story. 

Maureen Tkacik: My name is Maureen Tkacik, but you can call me Mo and I am the Investigations Editor at the American Prospect, and a Senior Fellow at the American Economic Liberties Project. 

Dan: The Prospect is a politically-progressive news magazine, and the Economic Liberties Project is a non-profit that pushes an anti-monopoly agenda. A lot of Mo's reporting looks at how financial behemoths are looking like monopolists– especially in health care. So… 

Maureen Tkacik: have come to know United Healthcare, pretty well, over past, year or so, 

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Dan: Looking at, for instance, how they gobble up medical practices. And as we mentioned, that kind of gobbling has made United the biggest employer of physicians in the country– by huge margins– in just the last few years. About one doc in ten now works for them, as employees or “affiliates.” As we've reported before, big players– like United, like big hospital systems, and like private equity groups– have been gobbling up medical practices for years. And: that kind of consolidation often to us paying more– and often for lousier healthcare. Moe Tkacik has been reporting on that kind of gobbling– and recently, she'd been looking at how the of Oregon had been trying to slow it down. Then, in January 2024, a good-size medical group in Corvallis, Oregon said they were ready for United to gobble them up. The group is called the Corvallis Clinic, and it's got more than a hundred docs. But United and the Clinic would have to go through a whole process to get approval from state regulators. That process includes: regulators asking the public for comments on the transaction. And in this case… 

Maureen Tkacik: they were. inundated with comments. 

Dan: Like 378 of them in just a few weeks. And the comments were overwhelmingly AGAINST the sale. In February, the regulators sent United and Corvallis a 5-page list of conditions under which they might approve a deal. A source of Moe's sent me the document, which he got through a public-records request. The conditions are like, to not reduce service levels in the community for at least 10 years. To keep accepting non-United insurance. And to submit to a lot of monitoring. Then, as negotiations were starting, Change Healthcare went offline. And in early March, Moe got a tip: The clinic and United were gonna make an end run around this process. She talked with an anonymous insider at the clinic. Who told her: It turns out that all of the clinic's billing had been connected to Change. 

Maureen Tkacik: So we're talking about just a calamitous cash crunch. Their revenue came to a standstill 

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Dan: And by the time Moe's insider source learned what was up– this had been going on for two weeks. 

Maureen Tkacik: this source said that , Thursday, they all had a meeting and they were not sure they were going to be able to open their doors the following Monday. 

Dan: That was Thursday March 7. The next day, March 8th, lawyers for Corvallis Clinic filed an application for an emergency exemption from the normal process. A week later, they got that exemption. And this time regulators had not demanded any conditions. As Moe's story laid out, United's problem– the Change Healthcare hack– became everybody's problem, including Corvallis. And their problem seemed to have become United's opportunity. To gobble up the practice without having to agree to any conditions from pesky regulators. And a postscript to the Corvallis Clinic story: Shortly after regulators approved that deal, United sent notices to thousands of patients at another clinic it had taken over in nearby Eugene, saying basically: We don't have a doctor for you anymore. Goodbye and good luck. News reports said that clinic had lost more than 30 doctors since United took over. And among the public comments urging regulators to kibosh the Corvallis clinic, a bunch of people cited lousy experiences at that Eugene clinic under United's ownership. This is the kind of thing that Moe Tkacik and her colleagues at the American Economic Liberties Project– and what's become a kind of anti-monopoly movement– want to change. And here's where this episode becomes maybe just a little less of a horror story, and maybe a little more of an action movie. Because the anti-monopoly movement has gotten a big backer in the last three years: The Biden Administration. In 2017, a woman named Lina Khan made a name for herself in legal circles when she published a paper arguing that Amazon had become the kind of super-dominant company that antitrust laws were designed to constrain. Lina Khan was a student when she published that paper. In 2021, Joe Biden appointed her to lead the Federal Trade Commission. The FTC and the Department of Justice split the job of antitrust enforcement, and they've both become super-aggressive. They've filed big lawsuits against Google, Amazon, and– in March of this year– Apple. And gotten a fair amount of attention. As we were writing up this episode, Jon Stewart interviewed Lina Khan on “The Daily Show.” And here's how she described her approach in that conversation. 

LK: We've really focused on how companies are behaving. Are they behaving in ways that suggest they can harm their customers, harm their suppliers, harm their workers, and get away with it? And that type of too big to care type approach is really what ends up signaling that a company has monopoly power because they can start mistreating you, but they know you're stuck. 

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Dan: Earlier this year, the Wall Street Journal reported that Lina Khan's allies– antitrust folks at the Department of Justice are investigating United. Neither the Justice Department nor United has commented on that report. Meaning: Nobody's denied it. So far, some of the Biden administration's antitrust lawsuits have pan out, and some haven't. Actually, in 2021, the Justice Department sued to prevent UnitedHealth Group from buying Change Healthcare. That one, they lost. But when the sued to block Penguin Random House from buying another giant publisher, Simon and Schuster, they won. And as Lina Khan told Jon Stewart, she and her colleagues aren't just suing to prevent mergers. They sued to get infamous Pharma Bro Martin Skhreli banned for life from the pharma trade. And they won. And they're looking at other ways big companies, especially in health care, screw people. 

LK: Just to give you one example, inhalers. They've been around for decades, but they still cost hundreds of dollars. So our staff took a close look and we've realized the, some of the patents that had been listed for these inhalers were improper. There were bogus. And so we sent hundreds of warning letters around these patents. And in the last few weeks, we've seen companies deal list these patents and three out of the four major manufacturers have now said, Within a couple of months, they're going to cap how much Americans pay to just 35. 

Dan: I think we should start paying a lot more attention to what Lina Khan and her colleagues are up to– and what their chances are. I've started reading up, and getting in touch with folks who are in this fight, and who are watching it closely. Because this is looking like the kind of action movie I kind of like. Meanwhile, I'm posting a link to Jon Stewart's interview with Lina Khan wherever you're listening to this. I'll have a few other links for you in our newsletter– you can sign up for that at arm and a leg show dot com, slash, newsletter. And I'll catch you in a few weeks. Till then, take care of yourself. 

This episode of an arm and a leg was produced by me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta, and edited by Ellen Weiss. Big thanks this time to the novelist, journalist and activist Cory Doctorow, who has been writing about the antitrust revival for years, breaking down complex, technical stories in clear, accessible ways. Thanks to professor Spencer Waller from the Loyola Chicago law school for talking about antitrust with me. And thanks to Dr. John Santa in Oregon– for sharing material he got via a public-records request to the state, and for his observations. Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard. Our music is by Dave Weiner and blue dot sessions. Extra music in this episode from Epidemic Sound. Gabrielle Healy is our managing editor for audience. She edits the first aid kit newsletter. Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. Sarah Ballama is our operations manager. And Armand a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That's a national newsroom producing in depth journalism about healthcare in America and a core program at KFF, an independent source of health policy research, polling and journalism. Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at KFF Health News. He's editorial liaison to this show. And thanks to the Institute for Nonprofit News for serving as our fiscal sponsor, allowing us to accept tax exempt donations. You can learn more about INN at INN. org. Finally, thanks to everybody who supports this show financially– you can join in any time at arm and a leg show dot com, slash, support– and thanks for listening.

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“An Arm and a Leg” is a co-production of KFF Health News and Public Road Productions.

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——————————
By: Dan Weissmann
Title: An Arm and a Leg: The Hack
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/the-hack/
Published Date: Tue, 30 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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