Mississippi Today
House Republicans demonize MAEP school funding formula while relying on its numbers
The ongoing fight over the method state lawmakers will use to determine the amount of money needed to operate Mississippi's public schools has major ramifications.
Yes, the issue is complicated, and the way it's playing out in the Legislature is confusing to say the least.
It is confusing, at least in part, because House leaders are using the existing school funding formula, which they are trying to “scrap” because they say it is inefficient, to decide how much money to put into their new proposal.
House leaders say their goal is to rewrite the long-standing Mississippi Adequate Education Program, which provides the state's share for the basics to operate local schools. But in doing so, they are using the MAEP to ascertain how much money to place in their plan, which they're calling “Investing in the Needs of Students to Prioritize, Impact and Reform Education,” or the INSPIRE Act.
Wait, so why are the folks who want to rewrite the MAEP because they say it is inefficient, outdated and unfair using the MAEP to determine how much money to place in their new funding plan?
Well, the answer to that is simple: their plan does not have a formula to ascertain how much money the schools need.
The INSPIRE Act, would depend on a committee — granted, education professionals who can make educated decisions — to determine the amount of money. But there is no objective formula in the House leadership's plan, like can be found in the MAEP, to ascertain the amount of money. The Legislature, of course, could accept or reject the recommendation of the proposed new committee, just like they have for years ignored the MAEP formula.
Heck, it's reasonable to assume that if the House plan passes and the advisory committee is put in place, the committee would use the MAEP to make its suggestions to legislators.
House leaders could read this and argue that they are not using MAEP to ascertain the amount of money that is in their plan. But they have said that they accepted the funding request from the state Board of Education as the amount of funding that would go into their plan to be allocated to local school district.
Guess what the request from the state Board of Education is based on?
You're correct! It was based on the MAEP formula.
“We had to have a starting point,” said House Education Chair Rob Roberson, R-Starkville, when asked about using the MAEP numbers. “We didn't want to throw the baby out with the bath water.”
It should be noted that the plan put forth by Roberson and his colleagues, including second-term House members Kent McCarty, R-Hattiesburg, and Jansen Owen, R-Poplarville, has many laudable features that appear to provide more funds for poor students and others who would be deemed as costing more money to educate.
That is a good thing, most would agree.
But it also should be noted that many legislators from districts with high poverty, such as Bryant Clark, a Democrat from Holmes County, have been trying for more than a decade to tweak the MAEP to add additional funding for those same students living in poverty.
Those efforts have, time and time again, been blocked by Republican leaders who say MAEP already was too costly.
Even though there are many good features in the House plan in terms of the equity it provides, there are concerns for many in the public education community with repealing an objective formula. Removing an objective funding formula is a big deal.
Since 1953, Mississippi has had an objective funding formula to determine the state's share of the money needed to provide for the basics of operating schools — first the Minimum Education Program, followed by the Adequate Education Program that was passed in 1997.
Eschewing any type of objective funding formula in a state that has had one for nearly three-quarters of a century should be closely vetted and scrutinized, many public education groups contend. Some question whether that vetting and scrutiny has occurred. The specifics of the House plan did not become public until the current session was well underway. Before then, there was a little chatter about the plan, but no specifics were offered.
There is no reason that House leaders could not have taken their plan and incorporated an objective funding formula in it to arrive at their stated goal of providing more equity for Mississippi's schools and students.
For whatever reason they chose not to do so. And even as they're trying to scrap MAEP, they're having to rely on it to push their alternative.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters
Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.
School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.
But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.
Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.
Going forward, thanks to the new law, to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will help the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.
Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.
Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.
The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.
The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the lawsuit – Parents for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.
The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”
In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds. The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.
Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.
The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal government or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational funding away from public schools.”
And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 health emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband infrastructure.”
Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.
Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.
But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.
And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1925
MAY 19, 1925
Malcolm X was born Malcolm Little in Omaha, Nebraska. When he was 14, a teacher asked him what he wanted to be when he grew up and he answered that he wanted to be a lawyer. The teacher chided him, urging him to be realistic. “Why don't you plan on carpentry?”
In prison, he became a follower of Nation of Islam leader Elijah Muhammad. In his speeches, Malcolm X warned Black Americans against self-loathing: “Who taught you to hate the texture of your hair? Who taught you to hate the color of your skin? Who taught you to hate the shape of your nose and the shape of your lips? Who taught you to hate yourself from the top of your head to the soles of your feet? Who taught you to hate your own kind?”
Prior to a 1964 pilgrimage to Mecca, he split with Elijah Muhammad. As a result of that trip, Malcolm X began to accept followers of all races. In 1965, he was assassinated. Denzel Washington was nominated for an Oscar for his portrayal of the civil rights leader in Spike Lee's 1992 award-winning film.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
On this day in 1896
MAY 18, 1896
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled 7-1 in Plessy v. Ferguson that racial segregation on railroads or similar public places was constitutional, forging the “separate but equal” doctrine that remained in place until 1954.
In his dissent that would foreshadow the ruling six decades later in Brown v. Board of Education, Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote that “separate but equal” rail cars were aimed at discriminating against Black Americans.
“In the view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens,” he wrote. “Our Constitution in color-blind and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law … takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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