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Mississippi Today

Felony jail time could await law enforcement officers who sexually abuse detainees, parolees under House bill

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Mississippi enforcement who sexually abuse those detained or on supervised release could face up to five years in prison under a bill pending in the Legislature.

For more than a year, the Mississippi Center for Investigative at Mississippi Today and The New York Times have investigated and exposed allegations of sexual assault and abuse involving sheriffs and deputies across the state.

Under Mississippi law, it is a for officers to have sex with those behind bars, but the law does nothing to prohibit officers from sexually exploiting those they arrest or detain.

To close that loophole, state Rep. Dana McLean, R-Columbus, has introduced HB1540, which has been referred to the House Judiciary B Committee. “Someone in a position of trust should be held to a higher standard,” she said.

Jill Collen Jefferson, president of JULIAN, a civil rights and international human rights law firm, said she knows of “many instances when women have ‘consented' to sleeping with law enforcement officials because they were threatened with charges or fines. To me, this bill is a cold look in the mirror for the state, and I hope that it a migration toward acceptance of women's rights across Mississippi and the nation, accompanied by a reining in of law enforcement.”

Shawanda Canady says she was handcuffed and sexually abused by an officer who is now the chief at the Lexington Police Department, now under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice.

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In a sworn statement, Canady said police rushed into her home in Goodman on Sept. 10, 2018, while she was talking to her grandmother on the cellphone.

Police arrested Canady's partner and took him to the patrol car, she said, and that then-Officer Charles Henderson cuffed her hands behind her back and held her captive for more than an hour.

“The streets have been talking about how you have a fat cat and I would like to know what it's like,” she quoted him as saying. “If I asked you to have sex, is it because you want to have sex with me or because you don't want to go to jail?”

Then Henderson digitally penetrated her and asked if she had a condom, she said.

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She moved closer to her cellphone in hopes of speaking to her grandmother, only for Henderson to grab the phone, she said.

“I told him I would wake my kids up if he didn't let me go,” she said. “Henderson then threatened to call DHS [the Department of Human Services].”

In about 15 minutes, her aunt arrived, she said, and Henderson released her.

Afterward, Canady said she complained to the city council.

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A couple of months later, she said Henderson came up to her, shone a flashlight in her face and said, “So, we can buy new cars but not pay fines. Do we need to have another like we did last time?”

She said he then put handcuffs on her and said, “If you keep running your mouth, I'm going to take you to Greenwood so you will never see the light of day again.”

She said she spent the next three weeks in jail.

Lexington City Attorney Katherine Riley said Chief Henderson was “never charged with a crime against Ms. Canady.” She said the Goodman city attorney told her to press charges, but she never did.

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Jefferson replied that when Canady tried to press charges, the Holmes County Justice Court rejected her filing.

Justice Court Clerk Dedra Edwards responded that no one is disallowed from filing, but that if the charge is already filed in municipal court, it can't be filed, too, in justice court because that would constitute double jeopardy.

Jefferson said Canady tried multiple times to press charges, but the city would not do so.

Riley said evidence conflicted with Canady's story about the alleged incident at her car.

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Asked what that video evidence was, she replied, “I have not seen the video and have only heard that it was a video from across the street that showed he did not approach the vehicle as she described. But I cannot verify that information.”

Jefferson said there is “no video evidence of what Henderson did to Ms. Canady in her home, and we know of no video evidence outside of that.”

In a sworn statement, former Officer Maytrice Shields said male officers at the Lexington Police Department used their power to coerce women they detained to have sex.

They threatened to ticket or arrest women who refused to have sex with them, and they would toss tickets in return for sexual favors, she said. The police station would be littered, she said, with “dirty clothes and underwear, among other things.”

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Shields said Chief Henderson began “an inappropriate consensual relationship” after hiring her in December 2022. A sexually harassing atmosphere pervaded the department with some officers joking “about using pink cuffs and sodomizing each other,” she said.

A month later, when she informed Henderson that she wanted to end the relationship, he responded by suspending her. When she tried to turn in her camera, she said he snatched her arm, and when she pulled her arm away, he pushed her and choked her.

She never returned to the station.

Riley said the Holmes County Sheriff's Office investigated Shields' allegation of choking and “determined that the charge was unfounded by the witnesses that were present. … None of the witnesses saw her being choked, specifically the witness behind the dispatcher desk who saw the entire interaction.”

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Jefferson responded that the sheriff's office never really investigated what happened with Shields and what she witnessed.

Former Deputy Kendrick Slaughter said Noxubee County Sheriff Terry Grassaree asked him to tell two women under arrest that, if they would have sex together, their charges would be dropped.

Grassaree faces an April 8 trial in U.S. District Court on allegations he lied to FBI agents when they questioned him about whether he requested sexually explicit photographs or videos from Elizabeth Layne Reed, who was jailed for four years without a trial.

A new federal indictment accuses him of to destroy digital evidence on the cellphone that deputies gave Reed. After receiving nude photographs she took inside the jail, he reportedly wrote back, “Body looks perfect.”

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In 2019, Reed told investigators that she had been coerced into having sex with two deputies who offered her a cellphone in exchange for her compliance. Instead of punishing the deputies, she claimed in a against the county, Grassaree demanded she send him explicit pictures and videos of herself.

“It made me terrified to trust anybody,” she told the Times and Mississippi Today. “Women in jail and prison need to be protected.”

Sheriff Eddie Scott sits for a portrait in his office in West Point, Miss., on June 29, 2023. Credit: Rory Doyle for The New York Times

A few months after Eddie Scott became sheriff of Clay County in 2012, a woman accused him of coercing her into a sexual relationship after she was arrested.

Promising to use his influence in their rural community to keep her out of prison, she said, the lawman drove her to a hog farm to have sex in his patrol car on at least five occasions, and she provided copies of love letters Scott wrote her in prison as proof.

The revelations could have led to an internal investigation, a criminal inquiry or a public reckoning for the newly installed sheriff. Instead, powerful officials in Clay County took no action.

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And the allegations didn't end there.

Amber Jones of West Point said Scott repeatedly took her from the jail to an apartment, where he coerced her to have sex during her eight-month stay in 2017 and 2018. “I felt like I was worthless, like I didn't have any control over my own body,” she said in a 2022 interview. “There was nothing I could do to stop it.”

In sworn testimony, Scott declined to say whether he had ever had sex with her, citing his Fifth Amendment right to avoid self-incrimination.

He also took the Fifth when asked if he tried to have a “threesome” with Jones and another female trusty from the jail.

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Jones said the nightmare for her didn't end when she left jail. She said the sheriff coerced her to send nude photos through Snapchat, the disappearing-photo app.

The sheriff denied these were nude photos. He said they were only “body shots” of Jones' tattoos he has since turned over to the FBI.

After Jones posted on Facebook what she said had happened to her, she was arrested twice on drug charges after she said drugs were planted in her car. A recording of a purported drug dealer appears to corroborate her story.

After Mississippi Today and The Times ran the story on Scott on July 19, the sheriff created a Facebook post where he called the article “completely slanted, one sided and a story without any basis in fact. The article did not mention the fact that in late 2021, I reported these allegations to the local District Attorney's Office, the Mississippi Bureau of Investigations [sic] and requested the allegations be investigated. The article fails to mention that the investigating agencies declined to do anything based on a lack of credible evidence.”

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District Attorney Scott Colom said Sheriff Scott contacted one of his investigators about Jones' allegations and asked if the office could investigate.

The prosecutor said the investigator told the sheriff, “No, we don't have the capability. Ask MBI to investigate.”

Bailey Martin, spokeswoman for the Mississippi Department of Public Safety, said the agency found no record of the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation investigating Sheriff Scott.

Former Parole Board Chairman Steve Pickett, who also served as a deputy sheriff and justice court judge, noted that the new bill extends beyond those in custody to include others who can be sexually abused, such as those still on probation, parole or other supervised release.

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A lot of sentences in Mississippi include lengthy probation periods, he said.

“Folks confuse confinement with jail, but if you have a 10-year probation you are serving, you can be revoked at any time,” he said. “Unfortunately, some bad apples hold positions of power and have control over people who typically have no voice or access to an attorney. They remain vulnerable to those with the power to take their freedom.”

Last year, McClean pushed for a bill to repeal the spousal exception in the rape statute. It became law.

She hopes to do the same thing with this bill on officers. “The fact that it's not criminal has got to be shored up,” she said. “These cases are falling through the cracks.”

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Ilyssa Daly contributed to this , which was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative , with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.

But the , which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new law, to the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will help the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the – Parents for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal government or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband .”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the , pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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