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Texas A&M, Jimbo Fisher must lead the world in dollars spent per victory

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football coach Lane Kiffin talks about his Saturday opponent, the A&M Aggies, as if he is describing the 1972 Miami Dolphins, the only perfect team in pro football history.

“These guys are absolutely loaded,” Kiffin said of the Aggies. “It's actually a mind-blowing collection of talent. As you watch them offensively, defensively, return , special teams, it really is an NFL roster – height, weight, speed, explosiveness.”

Rick Cleveland

The Ole Miss coach said A&M has “receivers that can score at any time and great running backs. Their defense is playing as well as anyone in the country. The collection of defensive linemen has to be one of the best ever. And Edgerrin Cooper (linebacker) is playing like the SEC Player of the Year. … They've done a phenomenal job of getting a collection of players that are extremely elite and talented.”

Well, don't look now, but that same “mind-blowing” and “extremely elite” Texas A&M talent will roll into Oxford with a 5-3 record, coming off a 5-7 season last year. That's right: The Aggies are 10-10 over their past 20 .

Indeed, you can make the case that Texas A&M spends more money per victory than any school in NCAA history and surely more than those perfect 1972 Dolphins. Fisher famously is in the third year of a fully guaranteed, 10-year, $95 million contract. If the Aggie administration doesn't like the fact that A&M is 10-10 over the last 20 games and 8-9 in games away from home under Fisher, well, he can be bought out. It would only cost them $77 million. That's a lot of oil, even at 's prices.

Texas A&M also pays its football assistants a total of nearly $7 million a year. The school recently spent $485 million rebuilding and refurbishing Kyle Field. The Bright Football Complex, where the Aggies train, has been updated to the tune of $20.8 million. And we haven't even gotten to NIL money, which A&M clearly spends lavishly. As the old saying goes, pretty soon, we'll be talking about some real money.

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So, what do you think? Is A&M getting a good return on its investment? We can put this in simpler terms. Appalachian spent $8.5 million on football last year. That's coaches' salaries, travel, equipment, expenses, everything. Texas A&M paid its head coach more than App State's entire annual football budget. Final score from College Station on Sept. 10, 2022: App State 17, Texas A&M 14. App State went on to finish fourth in the Sun Belt.

Remember, Kevin Sumlin was fired after achieving a 51-26 record at Texas A&M. That's a winning percentage of 66.2%. Jimbo Fisher is 44-24, a winning percentage of 64.7%. A&M bought out the remainder of Sumlin's contract for $10.4 million. So the Aggies paid Sumlin more than $10 million not to coach. They are paying Fisher roughly $100 million to coach. Sumlin won a higher percentage of games. Frankly, Texas A&M is college football's poster child for fiscal profligacy.

That said, the Aggies are as dangerous as they are under-achieving. Anybody who follows college football recruiting even a little has to know how stacked the Aggie talent is. Here's a sample: Four years ago, McKinnley of (Lucedale) was the most highly recruited high school football player in Mississippi, a 6--3, 325-pound defensive lineman who threw people around like rag dolls. (I thought he was as good as I had ever seen in this state.) When Mississippi beat Alabama in the annual all-star game that December of 2019, Jackson was the MVP. Yes, a defensive lineman was the MVP. Alabama and LSU wanted him. So did Georgia. So did everybody else. Texas A&M got him. Now a senior starter at nose tackle and a captain, Jackson nevertheless ranks fourth among Aggie defensive linemen in tackles, tackles for loss and sacks. In other words, A&M has several more like him.

So why isn't Texas A&M kicking butts and taking names? Why did they lose to Miami by 15 points? Why are the Aggies unranked? Why, again, are they a mundane 10-10 over their last 20? Why are they 3-point underdogs at Oxford Saturday?

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There's a bottom line here. Fisher – and his boss Ross Bjork, formerly of Ole Miss – know what it is. Fisher isn't getting it done.

Yes, you say, but Ole Miss pays Kiffin $9 million a year. That's a lot of money in Oxford, Mississippi. And you are right. Currently, at least, and no matter what happens Saturday, the Rebels are getting a whole lot more for their money.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=301826

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Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with Mississippi 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating for vouchers.

But the , which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new law, to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the – Parents for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal government or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational funding away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in , sewer or broadband .”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the , pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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