Mississippi Today
Only hope for legislative Democrats in November: ending Republican supermajorities
Even though all 122 legislative districts will be on the November ballot, Democrats have no chance of wrestling control from the Republican majority later this fall.
Democrats are not challenging in enough legislative seats to gain control.
Instead, the best the minority Democratic Party can hope for — if they draw a straight flush and win all their races — is to erase the Republican supermajorities in the House and Senate.
Currently, Republicans hold a 36-16 advantage in the Senate. On Nov. 7, Democrats have candidates competing in four Senate seats currently held by Republicans. Republicans, meanwhile, have candidates running in four seats currently held by Democrats.
If Democrats win the four Senate seats where they are challenging Republicans and win the four races where they are being challenged by Republicans, they would theoretically have enough votes to uphold a governor's veto. If Democrat Brandon Presley were to upset Republican incumbent Gov. Tate Reeves on Nov. 7, that veto-related power would be a big deal. It takes a two-thirds supermajority, which Republicans currently enjoy, to override a governor's veto.
Democrats, if they are extremely lucky, also could end the Republicans' two-thirds supermajority in the House. Currently, Republicans hold 77 seats in the House compared to 40 for the Democrats (and three independents). There are two vacancies. But the two vacancies will be filled by Democrats who already have won primary elections and do not face November opposition.
On the other hand, thanks to legislative redistricting, Republicans are likely to win two of the House seats currently held by Democrats who are not seeking reelection. Republicans already have won one of those districts, including District 33 currently held by Rep. Tommy Reynolds. And in the other, District 75 currently held by Rep. Tom Miles, there is no Democrat running. In District 75, the Republican faces only third-party opposition.
In addition, a Democrat could capture the seat currently held by independent Rep. Michael Ted Evans, who is not running for reelection in his east Mississippi District 45.
If the Democrats capture all 12 seats where they are challenging Republicans and win Evans' seat, they would have 53 members — far short of a majority in the 122-member chamber. But the Republican majority would be lower than the current supermajority. Of course, it is unlikely that Democrats will win all those seats and hold on to the four seats where they are being challenged by Republicans.
House Minority Leader Robert Johnson, D-Natchez, said legislative Democrats in Mississippi have faced numerous challenges this election cycle. The state Democratic Party, Johnson said, didn't have money to recruit candidates. And they also face less-than-favorable maps thanks to the legislative redistricting plan adopted earlier this year by the Republican supermajorities in the House and Senate.
Johnson called the redistricting plan “egregious” for legislative Democrats.
“We have new leadership,” Johnson said of the Mississippi Democratic Party. “I am looking at this as a marathon, not a sprint. I think we will be in better shape in the future.”
There also are multiple third-party candidates competing this election cycle. Any win by those candidates could slightly alter the balance of power.
But perhaps the most telling aspect of this year's legislative races is that 40% of the incumbents are unopposed in both the party primary and the general election.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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Mississippi Today
Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi
Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with Mississippi Today's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Ole Miss Speaker's Bureau as a law school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Did you miss our previous article…
https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=359978
Mississippi Today
On this day in 1961
MAY 20, 1961
A white mob of more than 300, including Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them.
“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled.
After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders.
“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled.
As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.”
The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood.
“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to talk about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my life. This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.”
To quell the violence, Attorney General Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters
Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.
School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative session, with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.
But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.
Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.
Going forward, thanks to the new law, to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will help the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.
Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.
Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.
The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.
The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the lawsuit – Parents for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.
The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”
In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds. The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.
Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.
The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal government or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational funding away from public schools.”
And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 health emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband infrastructure.”
Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.
Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.
But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.
And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
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