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Welfare head pleaded guilty to federal charges one year ago. What’s happened since?

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Welfare head pleaded guilty to federal charges one year ago. What’s happened since?

One year ago today, a former Mississippi state agency director stood before a state and federal judge and admitted to steering federal welfare funds to enrich the sons of a wealthy retired WWE wrestler.

The crimes represent just a sliver of a larger scandal inside a welfare agency that, under the direction of former Gov. Phil Bryant, systematically prioritized federal grant spending on pet projects over people.

“This is often what happens when you have a political party, whether it’s Republican or Democrat, so dominating a state that they think they’re invincible, that they can do anything,” said Doug Jones, a former U.S. senator and U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Alabama.

Auditors accused John Davis, the now 55-year-old disgraced career government bureaucrat, of creating a culture of fear and secrecy at his agency between 2016 and 2019, frittering away at least $77 million in funds that were supposed to assist the state’s poorest residents.

But zooming out, records and text messages obtained by Mississippi Today show that Davis took his direction from the governor who appointed him. While the scandal took place, Bryant often met with Davis about the administration of the federally funded welfare grant and liked what the director was doing. Having agreed to cooperate with prosecutors, Davis is now a key witness in the case.

When the State Auditor’s Office and the Hinds County District Attorney first announced the arrests of Davis and five others in early 2020, they promised to work with their federal partners to fully investigate and pursue every person responsible for what they called the largest public embezzlement case in state history.

Since then, Mississippi Today has surfaced text messages showing that Bryant planned on entering into business with the Florida-based pharmaceutical company at the center of the initial indictments. The texts show that former NFL quarterback Brett Favre briefed Bryant about the funds that welfare officials channeled into the drug startup, Prevacus, and sought the then-governor’s help securing more grants for a new volleyball stadium at University of Southern Mississippi.

Six people ensnared in the case, including Favre, have alleged Bryant approved or even directed some of the spending decisions in question — allegations Bryant has denied.

“We’re still looking through records and text messages as we continue to move up,” Hinds County District Attorney Jody Owens told reporters after Davis’ plea hearing on Sept. 22, 2022, months after Mississippi Today exposed texts between Bryant and the welfare director. “We also continue to work with the federal authorities in Washington and in Mississippi. John Davis is critical because the ladder continues to move up.”

No one in any position above Davis has been charged. Since the 2020 state arrests, federal authorities have charged just two additional people, bringing the total number of state or federal criminal defendants to eight. Bryant and Favre are not facing criminal charges.

Bryant’s attorney Billy Quin said in a statement to Mississippi Today on Thursday that Bryant has not been interviewed by investigators on the case.

READ MORE: Allegations against former Gov. Phil Bryant from Brett Favre, Nancy New, Paul Lacoste, Austin Smith, Teddy DiBiase and Christi Webb

The seven who have pleaded guilty to crimes within the welfare scandal remain free under cooperation agreements with prosecutors. The government has suspended sentencing until it decides it no longer needs the defendants’ cooperation for potential cases against others. Federal authorities have been silent about the progress of their investigation or who else they may be looking at charging. 

“It’s not unusual for their sentencing to be postponed until the full extent of their cooperation is known, and that could be trial testimony,” said Jones, who has followed developments in the welfare case from his neighboring state. “So this could be a ways to go before we see anybody being sentenced.”

The September 2022 federal bill of information against Davis — a charging document to which he pleaded guilty after waiving a formal indictment — represented the first criminal charges the federal government filed within the welfare case, more than two years after the state arrests. Charges against Davis mostly deal with welfare money he pushed to professional wrestling brothers Brett and Ted “Teddy” DiBiase Jr.

Federal prosecutors struck plea deals with nonprofit founder Nancy New and her son Zach New months earlier in April of 2022, but those charges related to public education funds that the News fraudulently obtained for their private schools.

In March of this year, the U.S. Attorney’s Office secured guilty pleas from Brett DiBiase, who went to a luxury rehab facility on the welfare program’s dime, and Christi Webb, director of another nonprofit that contracted with the state. It also indicted Teddy DiBiase, who pleaded not guilty, in April. It has not publicly filed new charges since then.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Southern District of Mississippi, which has been handling the case, has not had a permanent U.S. Attorney at its helm since early 2021 and has been waiting more than a year for the U.S. Senate to confirm President Joe Biden’s nomination Todd Gee. On Wednesday, Sen. J.D. Vance of Ohio again single-handedly blocked the Senate’s confirmations of all U.S. Department of Justice appointments, including Gee, because of the current criminal cases they are bringing against former President Donald Trump.

Separate from the criminal cases, 20 people, including Favre, are facing state civil charges. That lawsuit attempts to recoup $77 million from people or entities it says are liable for the misspending, which mostly occurred through two nonprofits running a program called Families First for Mississippi. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the federal agency that administers the welfare grant, or Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, has said that it will require the state to return any misspent funds out of its own budget, but it has been waiting to see what happens with ongoing criminal and civil proceedings before taking action.

U.S. Congressman Bennie Thompson, a Democrat from Mississippi, said he has asked the federal agency for its assessment of the state of Mississippi’s fitness to manage these funds in the future, but he has not received a response.

“The fact that public funds were directed (away) from the original intent … is egregious, especially when the money is intended for vulnerable families to try to prepare them for a better life, and that money just does not get to them,” Thompson said.

Several people or entities named in the civil suit have pushed back on the prevailing public narrative that they callously looted money from the poor.

The DiBiase family, for example, says they were carrying out the mission of the agency when Davis hired them to conduct multi-million-dollar motivational courses or preach the gospel to low-income teens. Paul Lacoste, a fitness trainer whose company received a $1.3 million contract through Families First, says he met about his program with Davis, Bryant, and officials from the federal office, who all supported the concept of offering exercise classes as part of the welfare agency’s approach to strengthening Mississippi families. Lobaki, a software company that received $795,000 through Families First to conduct a virtual reality academy, says the vocational training it was contracted to perform fits the welfare program’s purpose of “ending the dependence of needy parents on government benefits.”

“It was the government that chose to run this program this way. And it was not a secret,” Teddy DiBiase Jr.’s criminal defense attorney, Scott Gilbert, told Mississippi Today earlier this year. “… So what this boils down to is do people feel like this was an appropriate use of TANF money or other money to carry out the function of government? That’s a fair question, and that’s a question that reasonable people absolutely can disagree about. But it’s not a crime.”

Ultimately, the federal government has given state politicians broad leeway to spend federal TANF dollars based on their philosophy about poverty and what constitutes helping people, including the boot-straps approach of intentionally withholding government assistance. Gov. Bryant, who oversaw the welfare department and set its agenda during the time the scandal occurred, preferred the “Families First” programming of parenting and fatherhood classes, bullying prevention, abstinence education and anti-obesity initiatives. But Bryant never asked the agency for outcomes to show what those programs accomplished or how they prevented or moved families out of poverty.

“You would think the state is the safeguard for handling funds like this, but when you have people who are the custodian of these funds at the state level who have unclean missions in life, then you have what you have,” Thompson said.

Over time, the purchases attached to those nebulous services morphed into things like a 15-acre horse ranch for former USM running back Marcus Dupree, the construction of a volleyball stadium, lobbying expenses, sports camps for young athletes and star-studded high school rallies. At the same time, from 2016 to 2020, the state cut the number of families receiving monthly assistance in half, from nearly 6,000 to 2,600, with virtually no concern from state leadership.

“There is a culture. Whether or not legally it rises to federal cases, and goes that high up, from a criminal standpoint, it may or may not. But it certainly is morally corrupt what they did and people ought to pay a political price for it,” Jones said.

From 2020 to 2022, under Gov. Tate Reeves, the caseload of families dropped another 1,000 while the state has left over $100 million in welfare funds unspent. Current agency director Bob Anderson told lawmakers last year that the state was still not tracking the outcomes for families receiving services through TANF subgrantees.

The criminal investigation may have halted the actual fraud, but so far it has made little difference to the very poor families seeking help through the program, or to Mississippians looking for answers about how things went so wrong.

When Hinds County Circuit Court Judge Adrienne Wooten asked Davis at his plea hearing last year why he would break the law to enrich Brett DiBiase, all he could muster was, “Very, very bad judgment,” followed by a long pause and then, “I shouldn’t have done it.”

Davis’ state guilty plea to 18 counts of fraud or conspiracy came with a prison sentence of 32 years — a fact featured prominently in news headlines — but that’s nowhere near the time he’ll actually serve. In the generous joint plea agreement between federal and state prosecutors and Davis, the looming federal sentence of no more than 15 years in federal prison on two counts supersedes the state sentence.

The deal all but ensures he’ll never face a criminal trial or see the inside of one Mississippi’s notoriously harsh state prisons. The other defendants received similar deals. Wooten seemed to leave the courtroom unsatisfied.

“Even with the questions that have been asked,” she said by the end of the hearing, “this court is still not understanding what actually took place and more importantly, what would’ve caused you to perform these particular acts.”

As the historic case enters its fourth year, the same could be said for the public.

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June 21, 2019

Investigation begins

Mississippi State Auditor’s Office begins investigation into fraud at the Mississippi Department of Human Services

February 4, 2020

Grand jury indicts six people

Hinds County grand jury indicts six people — former MDHS Director John Davis, nonprofit founder Nancy New and her son Zach New, former professional wrestler Brett DiBiase, nonprofit accountant Anne McGrew and former MDHS procurement officer Gregory “Latimer” Smith.

February 5, 2020

The case goes public

Agents from the auditor’s office arrest six people, making the case public. The charges alleges they stole a total of $4 million from the welfare department, $2 million of which went to a pharmaceutical company called Prevacus. The venture involved both former Gov. Phil Bryant and former NFL quarterback Brett Favre, Mississippi Today uncovered shortly after the arrests

February 6, 2020

State Auditor and the FBI

State Auditor Shad White says he turned over all investigative materials to the FBI, but then-U.S. Attorney Mike Hurst says state authorities did not reach out to his office about the investigation and that he learned about the indictment from media reports

May 4, 2020

Annual audit released

The auditor releases an annual audit questioning $94 million in federal grant fund purchases, including $1.1 million New’s nonprofit paid directly to Favre

June 22, 2020

First known court action

Agents from the Money Laundering and Asset Recovery Section of the U.S. Department of Justice in Washington filed a complaint for civil forfeiture to seize the Madison home of former professional wrestler Ted “Teddy” DiBiase. This is the DOJ’s first known court action in the welfare case

December 17, 2020

Brett DiBiase faces state charges

Brett DiBiase pleads guilty to state charges

March 16, 2021

Nancy and Zach New indicted

A federal grand jury indicts Nancy and Zach New on separate charges that their private schools, called New Summit, defrauded the Mississippi Department of Education out of $2 million, later increased to $4 million

October 1, 2021

Forensic audit released

MDHS releases its forensic audit confirming much of the suspected welfare misspending

October 11, 2021

McGrew pleads guilty

Anne McGrew pleads guilty to state charges

April 4, 2022

“The Backchannel” is published

Mississippi Today begins publishing its investigative series, “The Backchannel,” which, for the first time, reveals text messages between Bryant and Favre showing that the athlete offered stock in Prevacus to the governor in exchange for his help growing the company; that Favre told Bryant when Prevacus started receiving funds from the welfare operators; and that Bryant agreed to accept a company package after leaving office, right before the initial arrests in early 2020

April 20, 2022

The News face federal charges

Nancy and Zach New plead guilty to federal charges related to their private school funding scheme

April 22, 2022

The News face state charges

Nancy and Zach New plead guilty to state charges related to the welfare scandal. Zach New’s charges include funneling welfare money to the University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation to build a volleyball stadium

May 9, 2022

MDHS files civil lawsuit

MDHS files a civil lawsuit against 35 people or companies, including Favre, to recoup $24 million in misspent welfare funds. On the direction of Gov. Tate Reeves’ office, the suit does not target the volleyball stadium or University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation

July 22, 2022

Brad Pigott fired

Reeves’s office and MDHS fire Brad Pigott, the lawyer it hired to craft the civil suit, about a week after Pigott subpoenaed University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation for its communication with former Gov. Bryant, among others

September 22, 2022

John Davis pleads guilty

John Davis pleads guilty to state and federal charges

October 3, 2022

Latimer Smith avoids prosecution

Latimer Smith receives pre-trial diversion, allowing him to avoid prosecution

December 5, 2022

MDHS amends charges

MDHS amends charges in the civil lawsuit, adding the USM volleyball stadium scheme and nine new people or companies, bringing the total attempted recovery to $77 million and number of defendants to 44

March 2, 2023

Brett DiBiase faces federal charges

Brett DiBiase pleads guilty to federal charges

March 16, 2023

Christi Webb faces federal charges

Christi Webb pleads guilty to federal charges, the first criminal charges she’s faced

April 20, 2023

Ted “Teddy” DiBiase Jr. pleads not guilty

Ted “Teddy” DiBiase Jr. pleads not guilty to federal charges, the first criminal charges he’s faced

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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https://www.biloxinewsevents.com/?p=290003

Mississippi Today

How state law allows private schools to ‘double dip’ by using two public programs for the same students

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mississippitoday.org – @BobbyHarrison9 – 2025-05-04 06:00:00

The Mississippi Legislature’s insistence of not requiring oversight has resulted in a way for private schools to “double dip,” or receive money from two separate state programs to educate the same handful of students.

There is currently no mechanism in state law to allow state officials to determine whether double dipping is occurring. More importantly, there is nothing in state law to prevent double dipping from occurring.

So, maybe the private schools are double dipping and maybe they are not. And this is not an effort to demonize private schools — many of which are doing stellar work — but to point out the lack of state oversight and to question the wisdom of sending public funds to private schools.

There are two primary programs in Mississippi that provide public funds and state tax credit funds to private schools: the Education Scholarship Account and the Children’s Promise Act.

The programs overlap in terms of the children the private schools must educate to receive the state benefits. To receive money through an Education Scholarship Account of up to $7,829 per year to attend a private school, a student must be designated as a special needs student. The special needs designation could be the result of a physical, mental or emotional issue. An attention deficit disorder, for instance, could result in a special needs designation.

On the other hand, students who make private schools eligible to receive the Children’s Promise Act tax credit benefits must have “a chronic illness or physical, intellectual, developmental or emotional disability” or be eligible for the free lunch program or be a foster child.

No more than $3 million per year can be spent through the Education Scholarship Account while the Children’s Promise Act is capped at $9 million annually.

The bottom line is that state officials do not know how many students the private schools are serving through the Children’s Promise Act state tax credits.

The Mississippi Department of Revenue, which has a certain amount of oversight of the Children’s Promise Act funds, has said in the past it knew the number of children being served in the first year a school received the state tax credit funds, but the agency does not know whether the number of students being served in following years changes.

In short, there is nothing in state law that would prevent a private school from receiving the maximum benefit of $405,000 annually while enrolling only one child fitting the definition that would make the school eligible to receive the tax credit funds.

There is a little more oversight of the Education Scholarship Account funds, though that oversight has been slow and has only occurred after a legislative watchdog group pointed out the lax oversight.

If a school has fewer than 10 students receiving the ESA funds, the state Department of Education will not release the exact number, citing privacy concerns. But the Department of Education has released the amount of ESA funds each school received during the 2023-24 school year.

According to that information, multiple schools receiving those ESA funds but educating fewer than 10 ESA students also are receiving significant Children’s Promise Act tax credit funds. According to the Department of Revenue, as of January, six schools had received the maximum tax credit funds of $405,000 for calendar year 2024.

Three of those schools also received Education Scholarship Account funds for fewer than 10 students. For instance, one private school received $16,461 in Education Scholarship Account funds, or most likely money for two students.

If the students receiving the ESA funds were the same ones making the school eligible for the $405,000 in tax credit funds, that would mean the state was paying $210,730 per student whereas the average per pupil spending in the public schools is about $11,500 per pupil in state and local funding.

Of course, state law does not prohibit private schools from educating only one child with special needs and being eligible for the maximum tax credit benefit of $405,000 annually.

Perhaps it seems far-fetched that a private school would be educating only one child to be eligible to receive up to $405,000 in tax credit funds.

But it also seems far-fetched that for years the students receiving the Education Scholarship Account funds were mandated by state law to use the money to go to schools equipped to meet their special education needs. Yet, research by the Legislature’s Performance Evaluation and Expenditure Review Committee (PEER) found the students were going to private schools that in some instances did not have any special education teachers and in some cases the students were still getting those services from the public schools.

Perhaps the Legislature’s PEER Committee needs to do some more research to determine whether double dipping is occurring.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post How state law allows private schools to 'double dip' by using two public programs for the same students appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article presents a critical examination of Mississippi state law and the potential for private schools to receive funds from multiple public programs, with little oversight. The tone is analytical, raising questions about the effectiveness and transparency of the system, without offering a strong ideological stance. The language is factual, with a focus on state law and fiscal policy rather than promoting a political agenda. Although the article critiques the absence of proper oversight, it avoids demonizing private schools, instead advocating for more legislative scrutiny. The piece sticks to the reporting of facts, with a call for further investigation into the issue.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1850, Shadrach Minkins escaped from slavery

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mississippitoday.org – @MSTODAYnews – 2025-05-03 07:00:00

May 3, 1850

Shadrach Minkins, right, worked at the Cornhill Coffee House and Tavern, believed to have been located in the highlighted area.

Shadrach Minkins, already separated from his family, escaped from the Norfolk, Virginia, home, where he was enslaved. He made his way to Boston, where he did odd jobs until he began working as a waiter at Taft’s Cornhill Coffee House. 

Months later, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act, which gave authorities the power to go into free states and arrest Black Americans who had escaped slavery. 

A slave catcher named John Caphart arrived in Boston with papers for Minkins. While serving breakfast at the coffee house, federal authorities arrested Minkins. 

Several local lawyers, including Robert Morris, volunteered to represent him. Three days later, a group of abolitionists, led by African-American abolitionist Lewis Hayden, broke into the Boston courthouse and rescued a surprised Minkins. 

“The rescuers headed north along Court Street, 200 or more following like the tail of a comet,” author Gary Collison wrote. They guided him across the Charles River to the Cambridge home of the Rev. Joseph C. Lovejoy, whose brother, Elijah, had been lynched by a pro-slavery mob in Illinois in 1837. 

Another Black leader, John J. Smith, helped Minkins get a wagon with horses, and from Cambridge, Hayden, Smith and Minkins traveled to Concord, where Minkins stayed with the Bigelow family, which guided him to the Underground Railroad, making his way to Montreal, spending the rest of his life in Canada as a free man. 

Abolitionists cheered his escape, and President Millard Fillmore fumed. Morris, Hayden and others were charged, but sympathetic juries acquitted them. Meanwhile in Montreal, Minkins met fellow fugitives, married, had four children and continued to work as a waiter before operating his own restaurants. 

He ended his career running a barbershop before dying in 1875. A play performed in Boston in 2016 told the dramatic story of his escape.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post On this day in 1850, Shadrach Minkins escaped from slavery appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article presents a historical recount of Shadrach Minkins’ escape from slavery and the role abolitionists played in his rescue. The content is fact-based, focusing on a historical event without promoting a particular ideological stance. While it centers on the abolitionist movement and highlights the moral victory of Minkins’ escape, it does so in a narrative style rather than advocating for any contemporary political agenda. The tone is neutral, and the article adheres to factual recounting of historical events, making it centrist in its approach to the subject matter.

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Mississippi Today

Ghost town of Orwood residents provide lessons for today by working with scientists in 1800s to combat yellow fever

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mississippitoday.org – @BobbyHarrison9 – 2025-05-02 09:36:00

Editor’s note: This essay is part of Mississippi Today Ideas, a platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share fact-based ideas about our state’s past, present and future. You can read more about the section here.


Given recent policy changes threatening the future of medical research and news of Mississippi’s falling childhood vaccination rates, I fear we are ignoring lessons learned the hard way. 

One of those lessons occurred during a yellow fever outbreak in the summer of 1898 when a community of honest citizens in Orwood, then a hamlet in southwest Lafayette County, helped a team of physicians change the direction of public health for Mississippi and the rest of the country.

I first heard about their story listening to a documentary about yellow fever with my husband, a virologist, who teaches at the University of Mississippi. The video mentioned an unnamed doctor in Mississippi who had advanced a theory linking mosquitoes and yellow fever.

The story I uncovered models the honesty and trust in medical science we need today to keep our families and communities healthy. 

***

Yellow fever was a problem in the South throughout the 1800s. Its initial symptoms — fever, body aches and severe headache — were followed by jaundice and in some cases internal bleeding leading to death. The jaundice left the skin tinged with yellow, thus the name “yellow fever.”  

Shirley Gray

In early August 1898, a young woman named Sallie Wilson Gray (no relation to the author) developed chills and a fever while visiting at her uncle’s home in Taylor. Her uncle immediately sent her home to be cared for by her family in Orwood, about 10 miles away.  

Days later, Sallie’s uncle in Taylor died from what proved to be yellow fever. Family members wiped black vomit, a sign of internal bleeding, from his body as he lay in his coffin. 

Sallie had now brought the same illness home to Orwood. 

***

I learned about yellow fever in seventh grade when we studied the 1878 yellow fever epidemic, the worst to strike the Mississippi River Valley. That year, Mississippi reported almost 17,000 cases and more than 4,000 deaths. I didn’t realize, though, how yellow fever continued to appear year after year. 

Physicians had a basic understanding of bacteria after the Civil War, but they didn’t recognize viruses, which proved to be the cause of yellow fever, until later in the 1900s. One popular theory suggested yellow fever spread on fomites—inanimate surfaces—like bedding, clothing and furniture. Panic often followed news of a yellow fever outbreak. Health officials established quarantines, closed roads, river ports and train stations, hoping to curb the spread of infections. 

The fear of what was not known then about yellow fever reminded me of the early days of the COVID pandemic when fear spread through rumors and unconfirmed anecdotes on social media. 

***

Sallie’s sisters and brothers in Orwood soon developed the same symptoms as Sallie. By September, 30-plus people in Taylor and Orwood showed signs of the disease and new cases were reported outside the local area. In response, three interstate railroads shut down and Memphis halted train traffic coming into the city. In Starkville, the president of Mississippi A&M (now Mississippi State University) posted a column of guards along its roads. In mid-October, officials placed all of Mississippi under quarantine as thousands fled the state. 

Months earlier, the governor of Mississippi, recognizing the heavy toll yellow fever often brought to his state, had sent a team of Board of Health physicians to Cuba, the center for yellow fever research. There the group met with Dr. Walter Reed, the Army physician directing the American research interests on the island. Reed pursued a theory that mosquitos transmitted the disease, but his experiments to establish that link repeatedly failed. The Mississippi team, including Dr. Henry Gant, a Water Valley doctor, returned home, still hopeful that science could soon solve the yellow fever mystery.

Gant immediately responded when he learned about the outbreak in Taylor. So did Dr. Henry Rose Carter, a field epidemiologist who served as the quarantine officer at Ship Island and who investigated yellow fever outbreaks throughout the South. 

Committed to the same rigorous scientific process that epidemiologists use today, Carter looked for patterns in how diseases spread within clusters of people. With yellow fever, he needed to identify the first person to develop the disease in a specific area and then trace everybody and everything that the person came into contact with.  

Over and over again, unreliable sources or conflicting pieces of data prevented Carter from finding a pattern. People, suspicious of government intervention and scared of the consequences of yellow fever, often distorted the truth. 

Fortunately for us today, the people of Orwood proved to be different. The people, Carter wrote, were “honest enough to tell the truth” and cooperated with efforts to trace the infection of each case.

Working with Carter, Gant moved from house to house in Orwood, instructing families to quarantine at home, though their natural inclination was to care for their neighbors. He also questioned each person, recording data for Gant’s analysis. 

Unlike diseases that produce low-grade fevers, an abrupt and high fever often characterizes a case of yellow fever. For that reason, many of the people Gant interviewed reported the day their infections started and also the time their fevers ignited: Mr. G. W. McMillan, sickened on Aug. 29 at noon.  Mrs. Rogers, Sept. 4, 10:00 am. 

Collecting this detailed information about time proved essential for Carter’s study and he cheered Gant’s ability to gather such reliable data. “A greater tribute to the good faith of the community, or to its confidence in Dr. Gant, can scarcely be given,” he wrote. 

Studying the Orwood data, Carter recognized a consistent time interval between cases, about two weeks between the first case and the development of secondary cases. This meant that the infection did not immediately spread from person-to-person but required time to incubate. He called this the period of extrinsic incubation.

I’ve read Carter’s scientific report with the results of the Orwood study, the same report that persuaded Walter Reed to alter his experimental process. Waiting 10-14 days before introducing infected mosquitos to healthy volunteers, Reed successfully demonstrated the transmission of yellow fever from mosquito to human. 

With the development of mosquito control procedures, the fever soon vanished in the U.S. and Caribbean. Today a vaccine can protect those travelling or living where the disease remains a threat.

***

Sallie and her siblings were among the lucky, surviving their infections with only lingering weakness and fatigue. When frosts fell in north Mississippi in early November 1898, the number of fever cases quickly fell. In total, officials confirmed 2,478 cases across the state. Those who died totaled 114.

Reed later acknowledged that the “work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host in yellow fever than everything else put together.”  

***

My husband and I drove from our home in Oxford to Taylor and then Orwood on a hot muggy day in August, probably experiencing the same weather conditions as Sallie. Orwood is a ghost town today, but we found the cemetery where Sallie’s uncle is buried, adjacent to the wood-planked Presbyterian Church that still stands. 

Walking those grounds emphasized for me what the neighbors who once lived in Orwood taught us. Honesty and rigorous scientific inquiry — and not political rhetoric or unproven claims — are the tools we must trust to combat disease and dispel fear.


Bio: Shirley Wimbish Gray lives in Oxford. A retired writing instructor and science editor, she writes about what is often overlooked or forgotten, particularly in the American South. Her recent essays have appeared in Earth Island, Brevity Blog and Persimmon Tree. 

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Ghost town of Orwood residents provide lessons for today by working with scientists in 1800s to combat yellow fever appeared first on mississippitoday.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

This article does not present a clear ideological stance but rather focuses on a historical account of a yellow fever outbreak in 1898 and its connection to scientific advancements. The content emphasizes the importance of honesty, scientific inquiry, and collaboration, contrasting it with political rhetoric and unproven claims. The mention of contemporary issues, like Mississippi’s falling childhood vaccination rates and recent policy changes affecting medical research, introduces a subtle critique of current trends in public health. However, the tone remains balanced, and the piece refrains from offering a partisan viewpoint, focusing instead on lessons learned from history and the value of scientific rigor. The discussion of current events is presented more as a concern for public health rather than a partisan critique.

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