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Can a Mississippi governor expand Medicaid on his own? Depends on who you ask.

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Editor's note: Mississippi interviewed two Deep South governors about why they chose to champion and pass Medicaid expansion in their states and what the outcomes have been. Those articles will publish on August 24.

Brandon Presley, the Democratic nominee for governor, has at times spoken of expanding Medicaid through executive action without approval of the Republican-controlled Mississippi should he win the November general election.

“Day 1, I'm going to expand Medicaid so that 220,000 working can get access to affordable healthcare,” Presley wrote on social in July.

At other times, perhaps recognizing the obstacles such a solo effort to expand Medicaid might face, Presley has indicated he would work with the Legislature, which he has said he believes would be amenable to Medicaid expansion.

As nearly half of the 's rural hospitals are at risk of closing and hospitals across the state are laying off staff or cutting services because of budget problems, Medicaid expansion has become a key campaign issue in 2023.

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Forty states and the District of Columbia have expanded Medicaid, a federal opt-in program that provides health care coverage to poor Americans who can't otherwise afford it themselves. Two of Mississippi's neighbors, Arkansas and Louisiana, have expanded Medicaid with great success and improved outcomes.

But leaders in Mississippi, the poorest state in America with one of the nation's highest percentages of uninsured residents, have resisted expansion for more than 10 years — despite the fact that it would bring more than $1 billion per year in new funds to the state and directly hospitals.

READ MORE: FAQ: What is Medicaid expansion, really?

In some states, such as Louisiana, expansion was done through executive orders instead of by approval of the Legislature. But there are questions about whether a governor in Mississippi could expand Medicaid without legislative approval.

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Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who is seeking reelection and faces Presley in the November general election, has long opposed expanding Medicaid.

The Division of Medicaid, which is under the statutory direction and purview of the governor, takes the position that Medicaid expansion requires legislative approval.

“State law defines who can be eligible for Medicaid in Mississippi. Our understanding is that a governor is not authorized to unilaterally establish a new Medicaid coverage group through an executive order or a federal demonstration waiver,” said Matt Westerfield, a spokesperson for the state's Division of Medicaid.

State Sen. Kevin Blackwell, R-Southaven, who chairs the Senate's Medicaid Committee, referred questions about whether a governor could expand Medicaid on his or her own to the Division of Medicaid. His House counterpart, Joey Hood, R-Ackerman, could not be reached for comment.

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Former state Rep. Steve Holland, who for years was considered one of the leading authorities in the Legislature on Medicaid issues as the longtime chair of Public Health Committee, said the governor has considerable authority over the Medicaid program. After all, Medicaid is a division within the governor's office.

Still, Holland said, “We have the most codified Medicaid program in the country. We have put all the eligibility requirements in law … I know Brandon (Presley) as well as anyone. If he is fortunate enough to be elected governor, he is smooth enough and prepared enough to begin immediately to expand Medicaid. And I think he can work with the Legislature to do that.”

READ MORE: Nearly half of rural hospitals at risk of closure in Mississippi, new data shows

The Presley campaign has cited the ability of the Division of Medicaid — hence the governor — to seek a federal waiver to alter the state Medicaid program. A campaign spokesperson said the governor would have authority to seek the waiver under state law, though waivers are granted for only five years and they normally are granted in coordination with the Legislature, which often must provide funding to pay for the waiver.

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Holland said state law provides the Division of Medicaid under the governor significant flexibility to seek waivers from the federal government to enact programs that are not codified in state law.

The bottom line is that if there was an effort to expand Medicaid through the waiver program, an appropriation by the Legislature to fund the program most likely still would be needed. But if a governor did expand Medicaid and figure out a way to pay for the program without the Legislature, it likely would result in litigation and be left to the state courts to determine whether it was legal.

Specific sections of state law define who is eligible for Medicaid based on income levels and health issues. In general terms, in Mississippi only poor pregnant women, poor , the disabled, certain groups of the elderly and some groups who fall into extreme poverty categories and are providing care for family members on Medicaid are eligible for Medicaid coverage.

Most able-bodied people are not eligible for Medicaid in Mississippi.

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With Medicaid expansion, those earning up to 138% of the federal poverty level — or about $18,750 annually — would be eligible for coverage. The intent with Medicaid expansion is to provide health care to primarily the working poor who cannot afford private insurance and who are not provided coverage by their employers.

The most clear cut way to expand Medicaid would be for the Legislature to approve a bill to incorporate the new eligibility requirements in state law.

Whether it would be feasible for the Legislature to agree to such a change in state law is the unknown question. If Presley is elected, Mississippians will find out.

At least in the current Legislature, there is a significant appetite to at least consider the merits of expansion. Last legislative session, Mississippi Today surveyed most of the 174 lawmakers and asked them directly if they supported Medicaid expansion.

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In response, majority in the House said they either supported Medicaid expansion or remained undecided. One vote shy of a voting majority in the Senate said the same.

Just 21 of the House members surveyed, or 18% of the House, said they outright opposed Medicaid expansion. And just 18 of the Senate members surveyed, or 38% of the Senate, said they outright opposed it.

READ MORE: Few Mississippi lawmakers outright oppose Medicaid expansion

Holland, who served in the Legislature until 2020, says he believes Presley could get Medicaid expansion through the Legislature even with a Republican supermajority.

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“Tate Reeves and (House Speaker) Philip Gunn were the two blocking it. Period.” said Holland. Gunn is not seeking re-election this year.

“In my final years in the House I had so many Republicans to me and say expanding Medicaid is the right thing to do,” Holland said.

Another option would be for the Legislature to reauthorize the ballot initiative program that was ruled unconstitutional in 2021 by the state Supreme Court. Through the initiative process, people can gather signatures to bypass the Legislature and place issues directly on the ballot.

When the initiative process was ruled invalid, there was an effort underway to gather the required number of signatures to place Medicaid expansion on the ballot. The Mississippi Hospital Association was one of the sponsors of the Medicaid expansion initiative proposal and had hoped to have enough signatures to place the proposal on the 2022 ballot.

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Multiple polls have indicated strong among Mississippi voters for Medicaid expansion.

So far, legislative efforts to revive the initiative have been unsuccessful.

READ MORE: Mississippi leaving more than $1 billion per year on table by rejecting Medicaid expansion

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative , with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.

But the Legislature, which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new , to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the lawsuit – for Public Schools – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a free school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband infrastructure.”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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