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Judge extends tempoary hold on separate court district in Jackson

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A federal judge will continue to block House Bill 1020 from becoming in a lawsuit challenging the legislation's creation of a separate court district within .

U.S. District Court Judge Henry Wingate held a six-hour hearing Monday to consider two motions: whether to Mississippi Supreme Court Chief Justice Michael Randolph from the lawsuit and a request by the state to extend a temporary restraining order that prevents Randolph from appointing four special temporary judges under HB 1020.

Wingate said he will issue an order Tuesday about the temporary restraining order he granted last , but he did not set a date for the order to end. HB 1020 is set to become law July 1, but it directs the chief justice to appoint judges 15 days after signing, which was April 21.

“We're glad the court is ensuring the rights of Hinds County to continue to be protected,” said Joe Schottenfeld, assistant general counsel for the NAACP, which is representing the plaintiffs.

The lawsuit filed on behalf of Jackson residents argues HB 1020 violates the U.S. Constitution for race discrimination. On Monday, arguments focused on the chief justice's ability to appoint temporary judges.

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Carroll Rhodes, the plaintiffs' attorney, argued that the appointment of judges to the Hinds County Circuit Court violates the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution because residents would not get to elect judges from their own community like residents in other parts of the state served by other circuit courts.

“Why did the , through House Bill 1020, single out Hinds County?” Rhodes said. “Why single out Hinds County from being different from the rest of the state?”

Rex Shannon, who is representing the 's office, said a 14th Amendment equal protection argument doesn't apply because Hinds County is unique because it contains the Capitol, it has a bigger population and it is experiencing a higher rate.

The state has an interest in addressing those issues, and he reiterated that the purpose of HB 1020 was to address crime and resources to the Hinds County Circuit Court to work through its backlog.

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Mark Nelson, a private attorney representing Randolph, said the appointments are a judicial act covered by judicial immunity, while Rhodes said it is an administrative act not covered by judicial immunity.

Nelson cautioned the court that a ruling against judicial immunity for the chief justice could open the door for civil action against judges and a against judges making any appointments, such as experts, defense for indigent defendants and court interpreters.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Mississippi Today

Podcast: The controversial day that Robert Kennedy came to the University of Mississippi

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Retired U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Edward Ellington talks with 's Bobby Harrison and Geoff Pender about former U.S. Robert Kennedy's speech at the University of Mississippi less than four years after the riots that occurred after the integration of the school. Ellington, who at the time headed the Speaker's as a school student, recalls the controversy leading up to the speech. 


This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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Mississippi Today

On this day in 1961

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mississippitoday.org – Jerry Mitchell – 2024-05-20 07:00:00

MAY 20, 1961

In this 1961 , leader John Lewis, left, stands next to James Zwerg, a Fisk student. Both were attacked during the Rides. Credit: AP

A white mob of more than 300, Klansmen, attacked Freedom Riders at the Greyhound Bus Station in Montgomery, Alabama. Future Congressman John Lewis was among them. 

“An angry mob came out of nowhere, hundreds of people, with bricks and balls, chains,” Lewis recalled. 

After beating on the riders, the mob turned on reporters and then Justice Department official John Seigenthaler, who was beaten unconscious and left in the street after helping two riders. 

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“Then they turned on my colleagues and started beating us and beat us so severely, we were left bloodied and unconscious in the streets of Montgomery,” Lewis recalled. 

As the mob headed his way, Freedom Rider James Zwerg said he asked for God to be with him, and “I felt absolutely surrounded by love. I knew that whether I lived or died, I was going to be OK.” 

The mob beat him so badly that his suit was soaked in blood. 

“There was nothing particularly heroic in what I did,” he said. “If you want to about heroism, consider the Black man who probably saved my . This man in coveralls, just off of work, happened to walk by as my beating was going on and said ‘Stop beating that kid. If you want to beat someone, beat me.' And they did. He was still unconscious when I left the hospital.” 

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To quell the violence, Robert Kennedy sent in 450 federal marshals.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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2024 Mississippi legislative session not good for private school voucher supporters

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mississippitoday.org – Bobby Harrison – 2024-05-19 14:11:52

Despite a recent Mississippi Supreme Court ruling allowing $10 million in public money to be spent on private schools, 2024 has not been a good year for those supporting school vouchers.

School-choice supporters were hopeful during the 2024 legislative , with new House Speaker Jason White at times indicating support for vouchers.

But the , which recently completed its session, did not pass any new voucher bills. In fact, it placed tighter restrictions on some of the limited laws the state has in place allowing public money to be spent on private schools.

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Notably, the Legislature passed a bill that provides significantly more oversight of a program that provides a limited number of scholarships or vouchers for special-needs children to attend private schools.

Going forward, thanks to the new , to receive the vouchers a parent must certify that their child will be attending a private school that offers the special needs educational services that will the child. And the school must report information on the academic progress of the child receiving the funds.

Also, efforts to expand another state program that provides tax credits for the benefit of private schools was defeated. Legislation that would have expanded the tax credits offered by the Children's Promise Act from $8 million a year to $24 million to benefit private schools was defeated. Private schools are supposed to educate low income students and students with special needs to receive the benefit of the tax credits. The legislation expanding the Children's Promise Act was defeated after it was reported that no state agency knew how many students who fit into the categories of poverty and other specific needs were being educated in the schools receiving funds through the tax credits.

Interestingly, the Legislature did not expand the Children's Promise Act but also did not place more oversight on the private schools receiving the tax credit funds.

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The bright spot for those supporting vouchers was the early May state Supreme Court ruling. But, in reality, the Supreme Court ruling was not as good for supporters of vouchers as it might appear on the surface.

The Supreme Court did not say in the ruling whether school vouchers are constitutional. Instead, the state's highest court ruled that the group that brought the – Parents for – did not have standing to pursue the legal action.

The Supreme Court justices did not give any indication that they were ready to say they were going to ignore the Mississippi Constitution's plain language that prohibits public funds from being provided “to any school that at the time of receiving such appropriation is not conducted as a school.”

In addition to finding Parents for Public Schools did not have standing to bring the lawsuit, the court said another key reason for its ruling was the fact that the funds the private schools were receiving were federal, not state funds.  The public funds at the center of the lawsuit were federal COVID-19 relief dollars.

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Right or wrong, The court appeared to make a distinction between federal money and state general funds. And in reality, the circumstances are unique in that seldom does the state receive federal money with so few strings attached that it can be awarded to private schools.

The majority opinion written by Northern District Supreme Justice Robert Chamberlin and joined by six justices states, “These specific federal funds were never earmarked by either the federal or the state for educational purposes, have not been commingled with state education funds, are not for educational purposes and therefore cannot be said to have harmed PPS (Parents for Public Schools) by taking finite government educational away from public schools.”

And Southern District Supreme Court Justice Dawn Beam, who joined the majority opinion, wrote separately “ to reiterate that we are not ruling on state funds but (ARPA) funds … The ARPA funds were given to the state to be used in four possible ways, three of which were directly related to the COVID -19 health emergency and one of which was to make necessary investments in water, sewer or broadband infrastructure.”

Granted, many public school advocates lamented the decision, pointing out that federal funds are indeed public or taxpayer money and those federal funds could have been used to help struggling public schools.

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Two justices – James Kitchens and Leslie King, both of the Central District, agreed with that argument.

But, importantly, a decidedly conservative-leaning Mississippi Supreme Court stopped far short – at least for the time being – of circumventing state constitutional language that plainly states that public funds are not to go to private schools.

And a decidedly conservative Mississippi Legislature chose not to expand voucher programs during the 2024 session.

This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

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