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Colorado Becomes the First State to Ban So-Called Abortion Pill Reversals

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by Claire Cleveland
Thu, 04 May 2023 09:00:00 +0000

In Glenwood Springs, Colorado, registered nurse Katie Laven answers calls from people who've started the two-pill medication abortion regimen and want to stop the process.

“They are just in turmoil,” said Laven, who works at the Abortion Pill Rescue Network and answers some of the roughly 150 calls it says come in each month. “They feel like, ‘Well, maybe an abortion would make it better.' And then they take the abortion pill and they're like, ‘I don't feel better. In fact, I feel much worse that I did that.'”

The Abortion Pill Rescue Network is run by Heartbeat International, an anti-abortion group that promotes a controversial practice called abortion pill reversal, in which a patient is given progesterone within 72 hours of taking mifepristone, the first pill administered in a medication abortion, and before taking misoprostol, the second pill. The organization said more than 4,000 infants have been born since 2013 after people went through the reversal process. KFF Health News couldn't independently verify that number, which Heartbeat International said is based on internal patient data.

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But such interventions may be coming to an end in Colorado, which recently became the first state to ban abortion pill reversals. The Colorado legislature passed a bill to make prescribing any drug in this way medical misconduct, unless three of the state's medical boards find it is a “generally accepted standard of practice.” Democratic Gov. Jared Polis signed the bill into on April 14.

The bill also limits advertising by pregnancy resource centers, which do not offer abortions; rather, they are known to try to talk people out of getting an abortion.

The Colorado 's office, several district attorneys, the Colorado Medical Board, and the Colorado Board of Nursing said they would not enforce the new law until the two medical boards determine whether abortion reversal is “a generally accepted standard of practice,” The Colorado Sun reported.

Pills have emerged as the latest front in the war over abortion since the overturned Roe v. Wade in June 2022. In early April, a federal judge in Texas ruled to halt access to mifepristone nationwide, a decision later stayed by the Supreme Court.

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“The push to promote so-called medication abortion reversal is part of a larger strategy that aims to misinform the public about abortion safety, about the effectiveness of abortion methods, about people who are seeking abortion care and how sure they are of their decision,” said Daniel Grossman, director of Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health (ANSIRH) at the University of California-San Francisco. “All of that misinformation has played an important role in eroding people's rights to this essential component of health care.”

For Laven, the nurse who works for the Abortion Pill Rescue Network hotline, abortion pill reversal is another aspect of patient choice.

“We should not be forcing them to continue,” she said of pregnant people. “We should give them the choice to stop if they want.”

In 2020, medication abortion accounted for more than half of all documented abortions, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research organization that supports abortion rights. During the pandemic, the FDA eliminated a long-standing rule that abortion pills be picked up in person, paving the way for to receive them in the mail.

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There is no comprehensive public data on how often a person takes the first abortion pill then changes their mind. Andrea Trudden, Heartbeat International's vice president of communications and marketing, said in a statement that about 150 women a month start the reversal process through its network, but she did not respond to requests for more details.

“No woman should be forced to complete an abortion she no longer wants,” Trudden said. “Imagine knowing that there is a way you can try to save your baby and not be to. It's not right.”

Abortion rights advocates said patients do sometimes change their minds, even though typically counsel patients beforehand that it's not a reversible process. Doctors can recommend that they induce vomiting if less than an hour has passed since taking mifepristone or else tell them to forgo the second pill, misoprostol. They also cited ANSIRH's Turnaway Study, which tracked more than 600 people who had abortions in the United States for five years afterward, and found that more than 95% felt abortion had been the right decision for them.

Abortion pill reversal is “not based on science,” according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, which says mandates “based on unproven, unethical research” are dangerous to women's health care. By 2021, 14 states had enacted laws that required patients to receive information on abortion pill reversal, largely during pre-abortion counseling, according to a study in the American Journal of Public Health.

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Earlier this month, the Republican-controlled Kansas legislature passed a bill that would require providers to tell patients that medication abortions are reversible once underway. The bill was vetoed by the state's governor then overridden by the legislature. It goes into effect in July.

The practice is also not supported by the American Medical Association, which filed a lawsuit in North Dakota in 2019 challenging two laws that required physicians to tell patients about abortion pill reversal and that abortion terminates “the of a whole, separate, unique, living human being.” That case is pending while a separate lawsuit challenging North Dakota's abortion ban plays out.

Proponents of abortion pill reversal point to a case study led by an anti-abortion physician, George Delgado, president of the Steno Institute, a nonprofit devoted to what the institute calls “pro-life” research. The retrospective analysis reviewed 547 cases and found 64%-68% of patients given progesterone continued their pregnancies after taking mifepristone.

But the study elicited criticism for several reasons, including its methods and lack of safety data. Mifepristone alone is not a very effective abortifacient, according to ANSIRH. In a 1988 study that looked at continued pregnancy in 30 women after they took 200 milligrams of mifepristone, 23% of women continued their pregnancies. The women in that study were no more than seven weeks pregnant.

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Delgado's analysis compared its continued-pregnancy rate, which included women who were anywhere from five to nine weeks pregnant, to that study. Grossman and other authors who reanalyzed the Delgado case at seven weeks gestation found no significant difference in patients who took progesterone reversal treatment and those who took only mifepristone.

“For now, any use of reversal treatment should be considered experimental and offered only in the context of clinical research supervised by an institutional review board,” Grossman and a co-author wrote in a paper in the New England Journal of Medicine.

In 2020, researchers from the University of California-Davis set out to evaluate abortion pill reversal treatment in a controlled trial. That study ended early due to safety concerns. Three women, two in the control group and one in the experimental group who received progesterone, hemorrhaged.

“It's a very small study, so it's hard to draw a definitive conclusion, but it certainly is concerning,” said Grossman. “And it's surprising that all of the reports that have come from Delgado, including the largest case series, don't have any reports of patients heavy bleeding. And that just really makes me concerned that they weren't adequately capturing those kinds of safety outcomes.”

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Delgado, who is a plaintiff in the Texas case against mifepristone, refuted the arguments against his research. He said the case study is one piece of evidence to support abortion pill reversal, alongside other safe uses of progesterone, animal case studies, and the more than 4,000 reversals documented by Heartbeat International.

“Abortion pill reversal has been demonstrated to be safe. It's been demonstrated to be effective,” he said. “And in my experience in talking to women that I've treated, and in talking to other women who have been treated by others, women who are given that to reverse their chemical abortions have expressed great gratitude. And I've never had a woman tell me that she regretted attempting to reverse her chemical abortion.”

Colorado legislators targeted pregnancy resource centers and abortion pill reversal as part of a broader package of abortion rights policy proposals. The other bills in the package protect providers and patients of abortion care and gender-affirming care and expand funding for abortion services, both of which Polis signed into law.

Last year, the Democratic-led legislature passed the Reproductive Health Equity Act, which codified the right to an abortion and contraceptives in state law and declared that an embryo or fetus does not have rights under state law.

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As a result of those protections and bans in neighboring states, Colorado has seen an influx of out-of-state patients seeking abortions. In 2022, 3,835 people from out of state received abortions in Colorado, according to provisional data from the state Department of Public Health and Environment. That is 2,275 more people than state officials recorded the year before.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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By: Claire Cleveland
Title: Colorado Becomes the First State to Ban So-Called Abortion Pill Reversals
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/mifepristone-abortion-pill-reversal-progesterone-colorado-ban/
Published Date: Thu, 04 May 2023 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

Funding Instability Plagues Program That Brings Docs to Underserved Areas

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Michelle Andrews
Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

For Diana Perez, a medical resident at the Health Center of Harlem, the handwritten thank-you note she received from a patient is all the evidence she needs that she has chosen the right training path.

Perez helped the patient, a homeless, West African immigrant who has HIV and other chronic conditions, get the medications and care he needed. She also did the paperwork that documented his medical needs for the nonprofit that helped him apply for asylum and secure housing.

“I really like whole-person care,” said Perez, 31, who has been based at this New York City health center for most of the past three years. “I wanted to learn and train, dealing with the everyday things I will be seeing as a primary care physician and really immersing myself in the community,” she said.

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Few primary care get such extensive community-based outpatient training. The vast majority spend most of their residencies in hospitals. But Perez, who is being trained through the Teaching Health Center Graduate Medical Education program, is among those treating patients in federally qualified health centers and community clinics in medically underserved rural and urban areas around the country. After graduating, these residents are more likely than hospital-trained graduates to stay on and practice locally where they are often desperately needed, research has found.

Amid the long-term shift from inpatient to outpatient medical care, training primary care doctors in outpatient clinics rather than hospitals is a no-brainer, according to Robert Schiller, chief academic officer at the Institute for Family Health, which runs the Harlem THC program and operates dozens of other health center sites in New York. “Care is moving out into the community,” he said, and the THC program is “creating a community-based training , and the community is the classroom.”

Yet because the program, established under the 2010 Affordable Care Act, relies on congressional appropriations for funding, it routinely faces financial uncertainty. Despite bipartisan support, it will run out of funds at the end of December unless lawmakers vote to replenish its coffers — no easy task in the current divided Congress in which gaining passage for any type of legislation has proved difficult. Faced with the prospect of not being able to three years of residency training, several of the 82 THC programs nationwide recently put their residency training programs on hold or are phasing them out.

That's what the DePaul Family and Social Medicine Residency Program in New Orleans East, an area that has been slow to recover after Hurricane in 2005, has done. With a startup grant from the federal Health Resources and Services Administration, the community health center hired staff for the residency program and became accredited last fall. They interviewed more than 50 medical students for residency slots and hoped to enroll their first class of four first-year residents in July. But with funding uncertain, they put the new program on hold this spring, a few weeks before “Match Day,” when residency programs and students are paired.

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“It was incredibly disappointing for many reasons,” said Coleman Pratt, the residency program's director, who was hired two years ago to launch the initiative.

Until we know we've got funding, we're “treading water,” Pratt said.

“In order to have eligible applications in-hand should Congress appropriate new multi-year funds, HRSA will issue a Notice of Funding in late summer for both new and expanded programs to apply to be funded in FY 2025, subject to the availability of appropriations,” said Martin Kramer, an HRSA spokesperson, in an email.

For now, the Teaching Health Center program has $215 million to spend through 2024.

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By contrast, the Centers for Medicare & Services paid hospitals $18 to residency training for doctors in primary care and other specialties. Unlike THC funding, which must be appropriated by Congress, Medicare graduate medical education funding is guaranteed as a federal entitlement program.

Trying to keep THC's three-year residency programs afloat when congressional funding through in fits and starts weighs heavily on the facilities trying to participate. These pressures are now coming to a head.

“Precariousness of funding is a theme,” said Schiller, noting that the Institute for Family Health put its own plans for a new THC in Brooklyn on hold this year.

The misalignment between the health care needs of the American population and the hospital-based medical training most doctors receive is a long-recognized problem. A 2014 report by the National Academies Press noted that “although the GME system has been producing more physicians, it has not produced an increasing proportion of physicians who choose to practice primary care, to provide care to underserved populations, or to locate in rural or other underserved areas.”

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The Teaching Health Center program has demonstrated success in these areas, with program graduates more likely to practice in medically underserved areas after graduation. According to a study that analyzed the practice patterns of family medicine graduates from traditional GME training programs vs. those who participated in the THC program, nearly twice as many THC graduates were practicing in underserved areas three years after graduating, 35.2% vs. 18.6%. In addition, THC graduates were significantly more likely to practice in rural areas, 17.9% vs. 11.8%. They were also more likely to provide substance use treatment, behavioral health care, and outpatient gynecological care than graduates from regular GME programs.

But the lack of reliable, long-term funding is a hurdle to the THC training model's potential, proponents say. For 2024, the Biden administration had proposed three years of mandatory funding, totaling $841 million, to support more than 2,000 residents.

“HRSA is eager to fund new programs and more residents, which is why the President's Budget has proposed multi-year increased funding for the Teaching Health Center program,” Kramer said in an email.

The American Hospital Association supports expanding the THC program “to help address general workforce challenges,” said spokesperson Sharon Cohen in an email.

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The program appeals to residents interested in pursuing primary and community care in underserved areas.

“There's definitely a selection bias in who chooses these [THC] programs,” said Candice Chen, an associate professor of health policy and management at George Washington University.

Hospital primary care programs, for instance, typically fail to fill their primary care residency slots on Match Day. But in the THC program, “every single year, all of the slots match,” said Cristine Serrano, executive director of the American Association of Teaching Health Centers. On Match Day in March, more than 19,000 primary care positions were available; roughly 300 of those were THC positions.

Amanda Fernandez, 30, always wanted to work with medically underserved patients. She did her family medicine residency training at a THC in Hendersonville, North Carolina. She liked it so much that, after graduating last year, the Miami native took a job in Sylva, about 60 miles away.

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Her mostly rural patients are accustomed to feeling like a way station for physicians, who often decamp to bigger metro areas after a few years. But she and her husband, a physician who works at the nearby Cherokee Indian Hospital, bought a house and plan to stay.

“That's why I loved the THC model,” Fernandez said. “You end up practicing in a community similar to the one that you trained in.”

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By: Michelle Andrews
Title: Funding Instability Plagues Program That Brings Docs to Underserved Areas
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/physician-teaching-health-centers-funding-instability-underserved-areas/
Published Date: Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Watch: California Pays Drug Users To Stay Clean

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Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

KFF senior correspondent Angela Hart appeared on Spectrum News 1's “LA Times Today” last to explain how California is to hard-drug users kick their habit by paying them to stay clean.

California was the first to expand access to this cutting-edge addiction treatment, called “contingency management,” in its program. Washington and Montana have since followed.

California is focusing on stimulants like meth and cocaine. Under the program, participants must pee into a cup regularly, and if the urine is of stimulants, they get paid with a gift card, starting at $10 for the first test. The longer they abstain, the more they're paid — up to $599 a year.

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Click here to watch Hart discuss the treatment on “LA Times .”

You can read Hart's in-depth article about California's initiative. She also wrote about national efforts to encourage other states to adopt the novel approach.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

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Title: Watch: California Pays Drug Users To Stay Clean
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/california-pays-drug-users-to-stay-clean--appearance/
Published Date: Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Biden’s on Target About What Repealing ACA Would Mean for Preexisting Condition Protections

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Jacob Gardenswartz
Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

If the Affordable Care Act were terminated, “that would mean over a hundred million Americans will lose protections for preexisting conditions.”

in a campaign advertisement, May 8

President Joe Biden's reelection campaign wants voters to contrast his record on health care policy with his predecessor's. In May, Biden's campaign began airing a monthlong, $14 million campaign targeting swing- voters and minority groups with spots on TV, digital, and radio.

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In the ad, titled “Terminate,” Biden assails former President Donald Trump for his past promises to overturn the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare. Biden also warns of the potential effect if Trump is returned to office and again pursues repeal.

“That would mean over a hundred million Americans will lose protections for preexisting conditions,” Biden said in the ad.

Less than six months from Election Day, polls show Trump narrowly leading Biden in a head-to-head race in most swing states. And voters trust Trump to better handle issues such as , crime, and the by significant margins.

An ABC News/Ipsos poll of about 2,200 adults, released in early May, shows the only major policy issues on which Biden received higher marks than Trump were health care and access. It's no surprise, then, that the campaign is making those topics central to Biden's pitch to voters.

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As such, we dug into the facts surrounding Biden's claim.

Preexisting Condition Calculations

The idea that 100 million Americans are living with one or more preexisting conditions is not new. It was the subject of a back-and-forth between then-candidate Biden and then-President Trump during their previous race, in 2020. After Biden cited that statistic in a presidential debate, Trump responded, “There aren't a hundred million people with preexisting conditions.”

A KFF Health /PolitiFact HealthCheck at the time rated Biden's claim to be “mostly true,” finding a fairly large range of estimates — from 54 million to 135 million — of the number of Americans with preexisting conditions. Estimates on the lower end tend to consider “preexisting conditions” to be more severe chronic conditions such as cancer or cystic fibrosis. Estimates at the spectrum's higher end include people with more common health problems such as asthma and obesity, and behavioral health disorders such as substance use disorder or depression.

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Biden's May ad focuses on how many people would be vulnerable if protections for people with preexisting conditions were lost. This is a matter of some debate. To understand it, we need to break down the protections put in place by the ACA, and those that exist separately.

Before and After

Before the ACA's preexisting condition protections took effect in 2014, insurers in the individual market — people buying coverage for themselves or their families — could charge higher premiums to people with particular conditions, restrict coverage of specific procedures or medications, set annual and lifetime coverage limits on benefits, or deny people coverage.

“There were a number of practices used by insurance companies to essentially protect themselves from the costs associated with people who have preexisting conditions,” said Sabrina Corlette, a co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University and an expert on the health insurance marketplace.

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Insurers providing coverage to large employers could impose long waiting periods before employees' benefits kicked in. And though employer-sponsored plans couldn't discriminate against individual employees based on their health conditions, small-group plans for businesses with fewer than 50 employees could raise costs across the board if large numbers of employees in a given company had such conditions. That could prompt some employers to stop offering coverage.

“The insurer would say, ‘Well, because you have three people with cancer, we are going to raise your premium dramatically,' and therefore make it hard for the small employer to continue to offer coverage to its workers because the coverage is simply unaffordable,” recalled Edwin Park, a research professor at Georgetown University's McCourt School of Public Policy who researches public health insurance markets.

As a result, many people with preexisting conditions experienced what some researchers dubbed “job lock.” People felt trapped in their because they feared they wouldn't be able to get health insurance anywhere else.

Some basic preexisting condition protections exist independent of the ACA. The 1996 Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, for example, restricted how insurers could limit coverage and mandated that employer-sponsored group plans can't refuse to cover someone because of a health condition. Medicare and similarly can't deny coverage based on health background, though age and income-based eligibility requirements mean many Americans don't qualify for that coverage.

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Once the ACA's preexisting condition protections kicked in, plans sold on the individual market had to provide a comprehensive package of benefits to all purchasers, no matter their health status.

Still, some conservatives say Biden's claim overstates how many people are affected by Obamacare protections.

Even if you consider the broadest definition of the number of Americans living with such conditions, “there is zero way you could justify that 100 million people would lose coverage” without ACA protections, said Theo Merkel, who was a Trump administration health policy adviser and is now a senior research fellow with the Paragon Health Institute and a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, a conservative think tank.

Joseph Antos, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, called the ad's preexisting conditions claim “the usual bluster.” To reach 100 million people affected, he said, “you have to assume that a large number of people would lose coverage.” And that's unlikely to happen, he said.

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That's because most people — about 55% of Americans, according to the most recent government data — receive health insurance through their employers. As such, they're protected by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act rules, and their plans likely wouldn't change, at least in the short term, if the ACA went away.

Antos said major insurance companies, which have operated under the ACA for more than a decade, would likely maintain the status quo even without such protections. “The negative publicity would be amazing,” he said.

People who lose their jobs, he said, would be vulnerable.

But Corlette argued that losing ACA protections could to Americans being priced out of their plans, as health insurers again begin medical underwriting in the individual market.

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Park predicted that many businesses could also gradually find themselves priced out of their policies.

“For those firms with older, less healthy workers than other small employers, they would see their premiums rise,” he told KFF Health News.

Moreover, Park said, anytime people lost work or switched jobs, they'd risk losing their insurance, reverting to the old days of job lock.

“In any given year, the number [of people affected] will be much smaller than the 100 million, but all of those 100 million would be at risk of being discriminated against because of their preexisting condition,” Park said.

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Our Ruling

We previously ruled Biden's claim that 100 million Americans have preexisting conditions as in the ballpark, and nothing suggests that's changed. Depending on the definition, the number could be smaller, but it also could be even greater and is likely to have increased since 2014.

Though Biden's claim about the number of people who would be affected if those protections went away seems accurate, it is unclear how a return to the pre-ACA situation would manifest.

On the campaign trail this year, Trump has promised — as he did many times in the past — to replace the health law with something better. But he's never produced a replacement plan. Biden's claim shouldn't be judged based on his lack of specificity.

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We rate Biden's claim Mostly True.

our sources

ABC News/Ipsos Poll, “Six Months Out, a Tight Presidential Race With a Battle Between Issues & Attributes,” May 5, 2024

Avalere, “Repeal of ACA's Pre-Existing Condition Protections Could Affect Health Security of Over 100 Million People,” Oct. 23, 2018

Biden-Harris 2024 campaign email, “NEW AD: Biden-Harris 2024 Launches ‘Terminate' Slamming Trump for Attacks on Health Care,” May 8, 2024

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Center for American Progress, “Number of Americans With Preexisting Conditions by District for the 116th Congress,” Oct. 2, 2019

Census Bureau, “Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2022,” September 2023

CNN, “Trump Administration Gives States New Power to Weaken Obamacare,” Oct. 22, 2018

Department of Health and Human Services, “Health Insurance Coverage for Americans with Pre-Existing Conditions: The Impact of the Affordable Care Act,” Jan. 5, 2017

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Department of Health and Human Services, “The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) of 1996 Helpful Tips,” accessed May 15, 2024

Email exchanges with Biden-Harris 2024 campaign official, May 13-15, 2024

Email exchange with Karoline Leavitt, Trump 2024 campaign national press secretary, May 13, 2024

KFF, “KFF Health Tracking Poll: The Public's Views on the ACA,” May 15, 2024

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KFF, “Recent Trends in Mental Health and Substance Use Concerns Among Adolescents,” Feb. 6, 2024

KFF Health News, “Drowning in a ‘High-Risk Insurance Pool' — At $18,000 a Year,” Feb. 27, 2017

KFF Health News and PolitiFact, “Biden's in the Ballpark on How Many People Have Preexisting Conditions,” Oct. 1, 2020

The New York Times, “Trump Leads in 5 Key States, as Young and Nonwhite Voters Express Discontent With Biden,” May 13, 2024

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Phone interview and email exchanges with Theo Merkel, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and the director of the Private Health Reform Initiative at the Paragon Health Institute, May 14-15, 2024

Phone interview with Edwin Park, a research professor at Georgetown University's McCourt School of Public Policy, May 22, 2024

Phone interview with Sabrina Corlette, a co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University, May 14, 2024

Truthsocial.com, post by @realDonaldTrump, Nov. 25, 2023

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The Wall Street Journal, “Healthcare.gov to Shut Down During Parts of Enrollment Period for Maintenance,” Sept. 23, 2017

Work, Aging and Retirement, “Job Lock, Work, and Psychological Well-Being in the United States,” Feb. 19, 2016

YouTube.com/@CSPAN, “First 2020 Presidential Debate between Donald Trump and Joe Biden,” Sept. 29, 2020

YouTube.com/@JoeBiden, “Terminate” campaign advertisement, May 10, 2024

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Phone interview with Joseph Antos, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, June 5, 2024

Health Affairs, What It Means To Cover Preexisting Conditions, Sept. 11, 2020

KFF, Pre-Existing Conditions and Medical Underwriting in the Individual Insurance Market Prior to the ACA, Dec. 12, 2016

PolitiFact, “Does Trump Want To Repeal the ACA, as Biden Says? Tracking His Changing Stance Over the Years,” June 3, 2024

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——————————
By: Jacob Gardenswartz
Title: Biden's on Target About What Repealing ACA Would Mean for Preexisting Condition Protections
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/fact-check-biden-campaign-ad-repealing-obamacare-preexisting-conditions/
Published Date: Thu, 13 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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