Mississippi Today
Brett Favre says welfare probe has ignored Gov. Bryant’s role
Brett Favre says welfare probe has ignored Gov. Bryant’s role
Former NFL quarterback Brett Favre nagged former Gov. Phil Bryant for help funding a new volleyball facility at his alma mater and a pharmaceutical start-up he had invested in.
Bryant's subordinates then funneled a total of $7.1 million in federal welfare funds to the two projects, plus another $1.1 million to Favre himself, within what officials have called the worst public fraud scheme in state history.
Favre now says he's receiving all the blame while officials are letting Bryant off the hook.
In a new motion to dismiss civil charges against him, Favre argues the state welfare department, Mississippi Department of Human Services, has neglected the roles of former Gov. Bryant and the auditor Bryant appointed, Shad White, in the misspending of millions of welfare funds.
"MDHS also has ignored the numerous public officials responsible for overseeing MDHS, such as former Governor Dewey Phillip Bryant and current State Auditor Shad White, who, despite his statutory obligation to conduct annual audits of MDHS, did not 'question' MDHS’s transfers of tens of millions of dollars to MCEC (Mississippi Community Education Center) until 2020, nearly five years after those transfers began," reads Favre's motion, filed by his Austin, TX-based attorney Eric Herschmann.
The welfare department's civil suit, filed last May, alleges Favre agreed with MDHS Director John Davis and nonprofit founder Nancy New to transfer $2.1 million in funds from the federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program to a pharmaceutical company called Prevacus, in which Favre was a major stakeholder. The suit also alleges Favre took $1.1 million in TANF funds for work he didn't conduct.
Favre denies both allegations, alleging MDHS has fixated on the two items Favre publicly supported — Prevacus and the volleyball project — as a way of "blaming Favre, publicizing his involvement, and bringing its baseless claims against him in this lawsuit."
The civil suit, which targets 38 individuals or companies, only seeks to recoup $24 million of at least $77 million that forensic auditors found was misspent. Favre argued MDHS is "selectively suing only a fraction of those who allegedly received the funds, while inexplicably ignoring the numerous other recipients."
Favre has received significant national coverage in recent months for his proximity to a deal in which officials converted $5 million in welfare funds to build a state-of-the-art facility for University of Southern Mississippi's volleyball program, where his daughter played. The fraud scheme, which involved dressing up the stadium up to appear as a wellness center for impoverished Mississippians, led to a criminal conviction against New's son Zach New.
Favre has not faced any charges in connection with that deal. Gov. Tate Reeves directed the welfare agency not to include the volleyball project — the largest known purchase within the scandal — in its civil suit.
But in his motion, Favre called out the former governor and others for perpetuating the scheme.
"Davis and New did not (and could not have) authorized structuring the $5 million in funding as a sublease on their own," the filing reads. "They needed and obtained the approval and assistance of other State officials and agencies—including Governor Bryant, the Attorney General, the Mississippi Institutions of Higher Learning, Southern Miss itself, and the Southern Miss Athletic Foundation."
The motion also confirms that then-Southern Miss Athletic Director Jon Gilbert introduced Favre to New, who sat on the Southern Miss Athletic Foundation board.
"New was well connected with numerous Mississippi officials, including Davis and then-Governor Bryant, and close friends with Governor Bryant’s wife Deborah Bryant," it said.
The money in question flowed through New's nonprofit, Mississippi Community Education Center, or MCEC, and therefore out of sight from public view. Favre zoned in on New's connections to state officials, even corralling current Gov. Reeves into his rebuttal.
"State officials like Davis, former Governor Bryant, and current Governor Reeves were aware that New, through MCEC, used State money to provide services and funding to various State initiatives, through, among other things, the Family First Initiative of Mississippi, an anti-poverty program which was started by Governor Bryant in conjunction with other state officials," his filing reads. "Deborah Bryant and New hosted fundraisers together at the governor’s mansion. Governor Reeves even filmed a campaign ad in 2019 at New’s school."
For years, the misspending went unnoticed by the state auditor's office as MDHS dismantled internal controls, failing to keep so much as a list of organizations it funded.
Bryant appointed White, his former campaign manager, to state auditor in July of 2018. White's investigation into welfare misspending began after an MDHS employee brought a small tip about Davis' potential fraud to Bryant in June 2019.
White made six arrests in the case, including Davis and New, in February 2020. The payments to Prevacus were central to the indictment. A day earlier, Bryant had scheduled a meeting with Prevacus' founder Jake Vanlandingham, a Florida neuroscientist who offered the governor stock in the company in exchange for his help, according to texts Mississippi Today obtained two years later. The texts showed Favre had even excitedly texted Bryant to tell the governor when they finally started receiving funding from the state in early 2019.
Days after the arrest, Bryant cut ties with the scientist and White publicly named Bryant as the "whistleblower" in the case.
"State Auditor White—who was previously Governor Bryant’s campaign manager and policy director and was appointed State Auditor by Governor Bryant—made this (whistleblower) designation knowing that Governor Bryant was both aware of and supported MCEC’s payments to Prevacus at issue in this lawsuit, as well as its $5 million payment to Southern Miss in connection with the construction of a wellness center," Favre's filing reads.
In Favre's motion, his first significant jab in the case, the athlete argues that the welfare department has targeted him for his celebrity in an attempt to divert attention away from its own wrongdoing.
Mississippi Today first connected Favre to the welfare scandal in February 2020 in its reporting on the welfare-funded volleyball stadium at the University of Southern Mississippi and Favre's attempts to lure Prevacus to Mississippi with Bryant's help. White made the first official finding against Favre in his annual audit released in May of 2020. The report noted that his company, Favre Enterprises, received $1.1 million under a promotional contract, including supposed appearances at which "the individual contracted did not speak nor was he present for those events."
Favre has repeatedly denied that he failed to fulfill the terms of his agreement with the nonprofit. Mississippi Today obtained a 2018 invoicethat shows conservative talk radio network SuperTalk ran Favre's ad promoting Families First more than two dozen times during a three-month period.
"As to the $1.1 million MCEC paid Favre," Favre's motion reads, "it did so in exchange for Favre agreeing to perform services for MCEC, including recording a radio advertisement promoting Families First of Mississippi, a program launched by Governor Bryant, in conjunction with MDHS and MCEC, to provide services to needy Mississippians."
Favre returned the $1.1 million — a fact he laments is missing from MDHS's complaint — but the auditor's office maintains that he still owes interest on the funds.
"It's ludicrous to say that Mr. Favre has been singled out in any way," the auditor's office said in a statement Monday evening. "And as far as our office is concerned, Mr. Favre remains liable for $228,000 in interest for nonperformance of the contract in question."
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Mississippi Today
Mississippi Gulf Coast commemorates two decades since Hurricane Katrina
GULFPORT — A Hurricane Hunter flyby Friday opened the 20th anniversary ceremony of Hurricane Katrina at the Barksdale Pavilion in Gulfport, filled with hundreds of people who each has a story of where they were on Aug. 29, 2005, and how Katrina changed their lives.
It ended about 90 minutes later with the young choir from St. James Catholic Church in Gulfport joining songwriter Steve Azar in an energetic rendition of “One Mississippi,” the state song.
It was as if the ceremony and the many photographs and memories brought out and examined this week ripped off the bandage to the pain of Katrina and the loss of 238 people.
Here are the five most memorable quotes of the day from Gulfport:
“We’re so blessed. We’re so fortunate,” said Gulfport Mayor Hugh Keating, whose home was flooded with 8 feet of water during Katrina. “We survived, and we thrived,” he said of south Mississippi.
He and all the speakers saluted the volunteers who came from across the country and even the world to help with the recovery — “960,000. I had no idea there was that many,” Keating said.
The speaker’s platform, set up where the storm surge rushed in to devastate Gulfport, is close to the Mississippi Aquarium and Island View Casino, which opened since the storm. The State Port of Gulfport was rebuilt and the downtown is revitalized, with a lively restaurant scene and offices.
“We coined a new word after Katrina — ‘slabbed,’” said Haley Barbour, who was governor at the time Katrina struck. From Waveland, where after the devastating storm surge “every structure was destroyed,” he said, to Pascagoula, 80 miles away from the center and still with so many homes lost, “It looked like the hand of God had wiped away the Coast — utter destruction,” he said.
The audience gave Barbour and his wife, Marsha, standing ovations. She was at Camp Shelby in Hattiesburg the day before Katrina and “came down with the troops,” her husband said. She was on the Coast, making sure needs were met, for months.
“We are always better together,” said Tulsi Gabbard, U.S. director of national intelligence, who greeted the crowd with an “Aloha.” Listening to the stories from Katrina on the 20th anniversary reminded her of the fires that destroyed Lahaina on Maui in her native state of Hawaii, she said, when 102 people died and the area was left with total devastation.
We will always remember those lost, she said, “But my hope is that we remain inspired, as we stand here 20 years later, by what came after, and remember the unity that we felt, remember the strength that came from all of us coming together as neighbors, as friends, as colleagues, as Americans, that allowed us to get through these historic disasters.”
“Together, we proved you should never bet against Mississippi,” said Gov. Tate Reeves. At the time, Katrina was five times the size of any natural disaster to hit the United States, he said.
People returned home to find nothing but “steps to nowhere,” every other trace of their home gone. Their churches, schools and offices also were damaged and destroyed.
Sen. Trent Lott and Sen. Thad Cochran fought for federal funds, working with state officials and Gov. Barbour to bring south Mississippi back, he said. “Everyone knew who was in charge, and that was Gov. Barbour,” he said. “He never once wavered. He never once quit.”
If Mississippi only built the Coast back to what it was, the state would have failed, was Barbour’s mantra after Katrina and the vision for south Mississippi today. The priorities initially were homes, jobs and schools, and in the 20 years since, south Mississippi has seen great business growth.
“Hurricane roulette,” is how Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann terms it. “Sooner or later it will be our time,” he said, but Mississippi is better prepared than it was for Katrina. Homes and offices were built back stronger and, “We have money set aside in the state,” he said. Mississippi has $1 billion in the windpool between cash and reinsurance for another major storm that one day will come.
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Mississippi Gulf Coast commemorates two decades since Hurricane Katrina appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
This article presents a respectful and largely positive reflection on the recovery efforts following Hurricane Katrina, highlighting leadership from Republican figures such as former Governor Haley Barbour and current Governor Tate Reeves. The tone emphasizes resilience, unity, and effective governance, with no overt criticism of political actors or policies. The inclusion of Tulsi Gabbard, a figure with a complex political background, is framed in a unifying and nonpartisan manner. Overall, the content leans slightly toward a center-right perspective by focusing on conservative leadership and state-led recovery success without engaging in partisan debate.
Mississippi Today
Two Mississippi media companies appeal Supreme Court ruling on sealed court files
A three-judge panel of the Mississippi Supreme Court has ruled that court records in a politically charged business dispute will remain confidential, even though courts are supposed to be open to the public.
The panel, comprised of Justice Josiah Coleman, Justice James Maxwell and Justice Robert Chamberlin, denied a request from Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald that sought to force Chancery Judge Neil Harris to unseal court records in a Jackson County Chancery Court case or conduct a hearing on unsealing the court records.
The Supreme Court panel did not address whether Harris erred by sealing court records and it has not forced the judge to comply with the court’s prior landmark decisions detailing how judges are allowed to seal court records in extraordinary circumstances.
The case in question has drawn a great deal of public interest. The lawsuit seeks to dissolve a company called Securix Mississippi LLC that used traffic cameras to ticket uninsured motorists in numerous cities in the state.
The uninsured motorist venture has since been disbanded and is the subject of two federal lawsuits, neither of which are under seal. In one federal case, an attorney said the chancery court file was sealed to protect the political reputations of the people involved.
READ MORE: Private business ticketed uninsured Mississippi vehicle owners. Then the program blew up.
Quinton Dickerson and Josh Gregory, two of the leaders of QJR, are the owners of Frontier Strategies. Frontier is a consulting firm that has advised numerous elected officials, including four sitting Supreme Court justices. The three justices who considered the media’s motion for relief were not clients of Frontier.
The two news outlets on Thursday filed a motion asking the Supreme Court for a rehearing.
Courts are open to public
In their motion for a rehearing, the media companies are asking that the Supreme Court send the case back to chancery court, where Harris should be required to give notice and hold a hearing to discuss unsealing the remaining court files.
Courts and court files are supposed to be open and accessible to the public. The Supreme Court has, since 1990, followed a ruling that lays out a procedure judges are supposed to follow before closing any part of a court file. The judge is supposed to give 24 hours notice, then hold a hearing that gives the public, including the media, an opportunity to object.
At the hearing, the judge must consider alternatives to closure and state any reasons for sealing records.
Instead, Harris closed the court record without explanation the same day the case was filed in September 2024. In June, Harris denied a motion from Mississippi Today to unseal the file.
The case, he wrote in his order, is between two private companies. “There are no public entities included as parties,” he wrote, “and there are no public funds at issue. Other than curiosity regarding issues between private parties, there is no public interest involved.”
But that is at least partially incorrect. The case involves Securix Mississippi working with city police departments to ticket uninsured motorists. The Mississippi Department of Public Safety had signed off on the program and was supposed to be receiving a share of the revenue.
Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald then filed for relief with the state Supreme Court, arguing that Harris improperly closed the court file without notice and did not conduct a hearing to consider alternatives.
After the media outlets’ appeal to the Supreme Court, Harris ordered some of the records in the case to be unsealed.
But he left an unknown number of exhibits under seal, saying they contain “financial information” and are being held in a folder in the Chancery Clerk’s Office.
File improperly sealed, media argues
The three-judge Supreme Court panel determined the media appeal was no longer relevant because Harris had partially unsealed the court file.
In the news outlets’ appeal for rehearing, they argue that if the Supreme Court does not grant the motion, the state’s highest court would virtually give the press and public no recourse to push back on judges when they question whether court records were improperly sealed.
“The original … sealing of the entire file violated several rights of the public and press … which if not overruled will be capable of repetition yet, evading review,” the motion reads.
The media companies also argue that Harris’ order partially unsealing the chancery court case was not part of the record on appeal and should not have been considered by the Supreme Court. His order to partially unseal the case came 10 days after Mississippi Today and the Sun Herald filed their appeal to the Supreme Court.
READ MORE: Judge holds secret hearing in business fight over uninsured motorist enforcement
Charlie Mitchell, a lawyer and former newspaper editor who has taught media law at the University of Mississippi for years, called Judge Harris’ initial order keeping the case sealed “illogical.” He said the judge’s second order partially unsealing the case appears “much closer” to meeting the court’s standard for keeping records sealed, but the judge could still be more specific and transparent in his orders.
Instead of simply labeling the sealed records as “financial information,” Mitchell said the Supreme Court could promote transparency in the judiciary by ordering Harris to conduct a hearing — something he should have done from the outset — or redact portions of the exhibits.
“Closing a record or court matter as the preference of the parties is never — repeat never — appropriate,” Mitchell said. “It sounds harsh, but if parties don’t want the public to know about their disputes, they should resolve their differences, as most do, without filing anything in a state or federal court.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Two Mississippi media companies appeal Supreme Court ruling on sealed court files appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The content focuses on transparency, accountability, and the public’s right to access court records, which aligns with values often emphasized by center-left perspectives. It critiques the sealing of court documents and advocates for media and public oversight of judicial processes, reflecting a concern for government openness and checks on power. However, the article maintains a factual tone without overt political partisanship, situating it slightly left of center due to its emphasis on transparency and media rights.
Mississippi Today
Judge: Felony disenfranchisement a factor in ruling on Mississippi Supreme Court districts
The large number of Mississippians with voting rights stripped for life because they committed a disenfranchising felony was a significant factor in a federal judge determining that current state Supreme Court districts dilute Black voting strength.
U.S. District Judge Sharion Aycock, who was appointed to the federal bench by George W. Bush, last week ruled that Mississippi’s Supreme Court districts violate the federal Voting Rights Act and that the state cannot use the same maps in future elections.
Mississippi law establishes three Supreme Court districts, commonly referred to as the northern, central and southern districts. Voters elect three judges from each to the nine-member court. These districts have not been redrawn since 1987.
READ MORE: Mississippians ask U.S. Supreme court to strike state’s Jim Crow-era felony voting ban
The main district at issue in the case is the central district, which comprises many parts of the majority-Black Delta and the majority-Black Jackson Metro Area.
Several civil rights legal organizations filed a lawsuit on behalf of Black citizens, candidates, and elected officials, arguing that the central district does not provide Black voters with a realistic chance to elect a candidate of their choice.
The state defended the districts arguing the map allows a fair chance for Black candidates. Aycock sided with the plaintiffs and is allowing the Legislature to redraw the districts.
The attorney general’s office could appeal the ruling to the U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals. A spokesperson for the office stated that the office is reviewing Aycock’s decision, but did not confirm whether the office plans to appeal.
In her ruling, Aycock cited the testimony of William Cooper, the plaintiff’s demographic and redistricting expert, who estimated that 56,000 felons were unable to vote statewide based on a review of court records from 1994 to 2017. He estimated 60% of those were determined to be Black Mississippians.
Cooper testified that the high number of people who were disenfranchised contributed to the Black voting age population falling below 50% in the central district.
Attorneys from Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s office defended the state. They disputed Cooper’s calculations, but Aycock rejected their arguments.
The AG’s office also said Aycock should not put much weight on the number of disenfranchised people because the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals previously ruled that Mississippi’s disenfranchisement system doesn’t violate the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.
Aycock, however, distinguished between the appellate court’s ruling that the system did not have racial discriminatory intent and the current issue of the practice having a racially discriminatory impact.
“Notably, though, that decision addressed only whether there was discriminatory intent as required to prove an Equal Protection claim,” Aycock wrote. “The Fifth Circuit did not conclude that Mississippi’s felon disenfranchisement laws have no racially disparate impact.”
Mississippi has one of the harshest disenfranchisement systems in the nation and a convoluted method for restoring voting rights to people.
Other than receiving a pardon from the governor, the only way for someone to regain their voting rights is if two-thirds of legislators from both chambers at the Capitol, the highest threshold in the Legislature, agree to restore their suffrage.
Lawmakers only consider about a dozen or so suffrage restoration bills during the session, and they’re typically among the last items lawmakers take up before they adjourn for the year.
Under the Mississippi Constitution, people convicted of a list of 10 types of felonies lose their voting rights for life. Opinions from the Mississippi Attorney General’s Office have since expanded the list of specific disenfranchising felonies to 23.
The practice of stripping voting rights away from people for life is a holdover from the Jim Crow era. The framers of the 1890 Mississippi Constitution believed Black people were most likely to commit certain crimes.
Leaders in the state House have attempted to overhaul the system, but none have gained any significant traction in both chambers at the Capitol.
Last year, House Constitution Chairman Price Wallace, a Republican from Mendenhall, advocated a constitutional amendment that would have removed nonviolent offenses from the list of disenfranchising felonies, but he never brought it up for a vote in the House.
Wallace and House Elections Chairman Noah Sanford, a Republican from Collins, are leading a study committee on Sept. 11 to explore reforms to the felony suffrage system and other voting legislation.
Wallace previously said on an episode of Mississippi Today’s “The Other Side” podcast that he believes the state should tackle the issue because one of his core values, part of his upbringing, is giving people a second chance, especially once they’ve made up for a mistake.
“This issue is not a Republican or Democratic issue,” Wallace said. “It allows a woman or a man, whatever the case may be, the opportunity to have their voice heard in their local elections. Like I said, they’re out there working. They’re paying taxes just like you and me. And yet they can’t have a decision in who represents them in their local government.”
This article first appeared on Mississippi Today and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Judge: Felony disenfranchisement a factor in ruling on Mississippi Supreme Court districts appeared first on mississippitoday.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a focus on voting rights and racial justice issues, highlighting the impact of felony disenfranchisement on Black voters in Mississippi. It emphasizes civil rights concerns and critiques longstanding policies rooted in the Jim Crow era, which aligns with center-left perspectives advocating for expanded voting access and systemic reform. The coverage is factual and includes viewpoints from multiple sides, but the framing and emphasis on racial disparities and voting rights restoration suggest a center-left leaning.
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