News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Witness challenges Black Belt, Mobile ‘community of interest’ in Alabama redistricting case
Witness challenges Black Belt, Mobile ‘community of interest’ in Alabama redistricting case
by Alander Rocha, Alabama Reflector
February 21, 2025
BIRMINGHAM — A witness for the Alabama attorney general’s office said historic racism might play a role but isn’t the only factor in achievement gaps between demographics in a trial over the state’s congressional map on Friday.
Kentucky State University political science professor Wilfred Reilly, who authored three books criticizing progressive politics, suggested historical racism does not mean Mobile and the Black Belt can be considered the same community of interest today.
“There’s some relationship [between Mobile and a Black Belt county] … The relationship is lesser than the relationship between Mobile County and Baldwin County,” Reilly said.
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His testimony was met with skepticism from attorneys for plaintiffs seeking to preserve a 2023 congressional map that created one majority-Black Alabama congressional district and one near-majority one in the interest of ensuring adequate representation for Black Alabamians.
“None of your papers focus specifically on the political environment below the Mason-Dixon Line. Correct?” Brittany Carter, an attorney for the plaintiffs, asked.
He said “not as a primary focus.”
“You’re not a professional expert on Southern politics, correct?” Carter asked. He said “no.”
She then asked if any of his academic research focused on Alabama politics, to which he also said “is correct.”
The attorneys questioned his expertise in redistricting and community identity. Under cross-examination, Reilly said he had not conducted extensive research on Alabama’s redistricting history or specific state policies.
“I don’t hold myself out as an expert on redistricting,” he said.
The plaintiffs’ counsel also pressed him on his methodology, pointing out that his report did not incorporate widely accepted academic definitions of communities of interest. When asked whether he had reviewed Alabama’s redistricting guidelines before his deposition, he said, “that is correct.”
Reilly’s testimony came near the end of a two-week trial over the state’s congressional maps. The maps were put in place by a three-judge federal panel after an almost two-year battle that went to the U.S. Supreme Court twice.
The courts ruled that racially polarized voting patterns in Alabama — where white Alabamians tend to vote for Republicans and Black Alabamians tend to vote for Democrats — meant that a 2021 congressional map approved by the Legislature prevented Black Alabamians, who make up about 27% of the population in the state, from meaningfully participating in the election process.
The court ordered the creation of a second majority-Black district “or something quite close to it,” and rejected a map from the Alabama Legislature, which they said failed to address Voting Rights Act violations.
Reilly’s testimony also addressed the concept of communities of interest, a key issue in the case. The plaintiffs argue that Mobile and the Black Belt, both home to significant Black populations, share common social and economic interests and should be linked in a congressional district. Reilly contended, however, that shared historical racial discrimination does not necessarily mean these regions constitute a single political community today.
Using labor and commuting data, Reilly said that Mobile County has closer economic and social ties to Baldwin County, a majority-white area, than to Black Belt counties.
“Well, 71% of the people who work in Mobile County live in Mobile County, prominently including the city of Mobile itself. About 13% live in neighboring Baldwin County,” Reilly said, adding that Black Belt counties each account for about 1% of people who work in Mobile.
But Baldwin County’s population is significantly higher than any county in the Black Belt. With about 253,500 residents, Baldwin County is about 17 times more populous than Washington County, which borders northern Mobile County and has a population of about 15,000.
They also questioned his data, including his reliance on non-peer-reviewed literature and publicly available real estate metrics, like the real estate website Zillow.
“You didn’t rely on any peer-reviewed studies concerning the identification of communities of interest, correct?” Carter asked.
The trial is expected to conclude next week.
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Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.
The post Witness challenges Black Belt, Mobile ‘community of interest’ in Alabama redistricting case appeared first on alabamareflector.com
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Study: Alabama’s moral turpitude laws contribute to racial disenfranchisement disparities
by Ralph Chapoco, Alabama Reflector
September 2, 2025
BIRMINGHAM — Robert Cheeks cast a ballot in Birmingham’s municipal elections last week and received a standing ovation from poll workers.
It was the first time that Cheeks, 82, had voted. Until the most recent election, his criminal history barred him from participating in the electoral process.
“I had never voted before and it was always my wish to vote,” he said after he cast his ballot. “I had the opportunity, encouraged, to vote, and I said I want to exercise my right as a citizen in the state, and I wanted to vote because I had never voted before.”
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For Black Alabamians like Cheeks who have criminal convictions, getting the right to vote restored can be difficult, according to a new report from Return My Vote, an organization that assists people with criminal convictions with regaining their right to vote.
The study, “Alabama’s Moral Turpitude Law Disproportionately Strips Black Citizens of Their Voting Rights,” found that Black Alabamians were four times more likely to lose their right to vote than white Alabamians.
“The most basic, and most important, finding is that overall that people who were dropped from the voter file or denied registration due to felony conviction, a majority of them were Black,” said Richard Fording, a professor of political science at the University of Alabama and a co-author of the study. “Not a large majority, but over 50% of them were Black. It was about twice the percentage of the general population that is Black in Alabama, and so, of course that is alarming.”
Alabama laws generally deny the vote to those convicted of crimes of moral turpitude, a broad phrase that was subject to interpretation until the state began listing specific crimes under it in 2017. While some states automatically restore voting rights after a person completes a sentence, Alabama has a more complicated process.
While only a handful of crimes can permanently cost a person their vote, some require pardons from the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles. Others require a Certificate of Eligibility to Register to Vote once they have completed their sentence, which includes payment of any fines, fees and restitution.
The authors of the study studied 25,000 people removed from the voter rolls or disqualified from voting between 2017 and 2020 due to criminal conviction. Study authors were able to review the information only after the Campaign Legal Center had obtained the records after a federal judge had required the Alabama Secretary of State’s Office to release it.
Disparities
According to the study, Black men were disenfranchised at a rate of 22.4 citizens per 1,000 men of voting age. That is almost four times the rate for their white counterparts, whose rate was 6.7 citizens per 1,000.
The rate for disenfranchising Black women was 3.9 citizens per 1,000, almost twice the rate of white women, whose disenfranchisement rate was 2.1 citizens per 1,000 white women.
Counties with significant Black populations had some of the highest Black disenfranchisement rates and largest racial disparities in disenfranchisement. Seven of the 10 counties with the highest rates of disenfranchised voters are within the Black Belt. The rate for disenfranchising Black men in Monroe, more than 40% Black, was 40.6, compared to 8 per 1,000 for white men. In Perry County, with a Black population of 70%, the rate was 30 citizens per 1,000 Black men of voting age. The rate was 11.4 for white men, almost three times lower.
The disparities are less pronounced for women in the same counties, but they still exist. In Monroe County, Black women are disenfranchised at a rate of 5.6 citizens per 1,000 Black women who are at least 18 years old. For white women in that county, the rate is 2.4, less than half.
Study authors stated in the report that even though there is some uncertainty with the information because of problems collecting data, after reviewing the Uniform Crime Report data obtained from the FBI website, the findings indicated that more Blacks are disenfranchised than whites even when criminal convictions are considered.
“Nevertheless, the most important takeaway is that the disproportionate percentage of arrests for disqualifying offenses by Blacks in Alabama (42%) cannot fully account for the significantly higher percentage of Blacks disenfranchised by the state (52%) during 2017-2021,” the report states.
The study also found that Blacks have a more difficult time regaining their right to vote after they are removed from the voter rolls after getting convicted of a crime.
Authors also investigated the number of people who were removed from the voter rolls from 2017-2021 who had regained their voting rights and registered to vote once again by 2024. According to the study, 1,034 people who are Black reregistered to vote after they completed their sentence, about 8.3% of the total. That is less than the almost 13% of whites registered to vote after a criminal conviction.
The study suggested that the disparities could stem from disparities in the application of Alabama’s felony disenfranchisement law and uneven methods of voter file maintenance in the state.
“Regardless of the reason, the significant variation in county-level disenfranchisement rates calls for further investigation into how Alabama’s felony disenfranchisement law is being implemented at the local level,” the report said. “This is especially important given federal law that requires uniform implementation of state election laws across counties.”
‘It means so much’
Cheeks spent almost 40 years in the custody of the Alabama Department of Corrections after receiving a mandatory life sentence in 1985 for a robbery. Cheeks had prior convictions of forgery and assault, leading to the sentence but no one was physically injured. Cheeks spent 30 years working in the kitchen at Donaldson Correctional Facility in Bessemer without pay, according to Alabama Appleseed.
Cheeks was released in July 2022. His criminal convictions required him to obtain a Certificate of Eligibility to Register to Vote, which he applied for and received from the Alabama Bureau of Pardons and Paroles. Cheeks, with the help of supporters, then registered to vote with the Board of Registrars in Jefferson County and acquired full citizenship once again after spending nearly four decades incarcerated in Alabama’s prisons.
“It is more important now than it would have been in the first place,” Cheeks said of voting. “I have been so anxious over the years to vote. I have been hearing so much about voting, and I wanted to express my opportunity for the right to vote. It is granted to American citizens by right, and I wanted to do that. I am so thankful. It is a blessing, and it means so much.”
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Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.
The post Study: Alabama’s moral turpitude laws contribute to racial disenfranchisement disparities appeared first on alabamareflector.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content highlights issues of racial disparities and systemic barriers related to felony disenfranchisement in Alabama, focusing on the disproportionate impact on Black citizens. It emphasizes social justice concerns and critiques existing laws and their implementation, which aligns with a Center-Left perspective that advocates for voting rights expansion and racial equity. The tone is factual and empathetic, without overt partisan language, but the focus on structural inequalities and reform suggests a leaning toward progressive policy viewpoints.
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Monroe County Football Coach speaks out, calls for more support for team
SUMMARY: Monroe County High School football coach Robert Wilkerson is urging more support from parents, alumni, and the community. Since starting in April, Wilkerson has faced challenges such as low game attendance, limited adult volunteers for filming and chain crew, and a lack of trainers. He publicly expressed concerns on Facebook, emphasizing the need for people to attend games and boost team morale. Wilkerson highlights issues like outdated training equipment and lack of pride in the school. He calls for increased community involvement through their “adopt a tiger” program and donations via an Amazon wish list to improve the team’s resources.
Head Coach Robert Wilkerson says building the team starts with more people attending games and helping the young players.
News from the South - Alabama News Feed
Alabama Lawmakers Threaten to Dismantle Athletic Association After New Rule | Sept. 1, 2025 | News 1
SUMMARY: Alabama lawmakers are challenging a new rule by the Alabama High School Athletic Association (AHSAA) that sidelines certain high school athletes using the $7,000 tax credit under the CHOOSE Act. Senators and representatives argue the rule violates state law, which protects player eligibility and opposes restrictions impacting athletes’ ability to participate. They call for increased oversight of the AHSAA and suggest revising or repealing the CHOOSE Act. Concerns focus on fairness but emphasize that opportunities for student-athletes should not be compromised. Some lawmakers are even considering dismantling the AHSAA due to these controversial regulations.
High school athletes who transfer schools using financial aid like the CHOOSE Act are ineligible to play for one year, according to the Alabama High School Athletic Association.
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