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Vetoed NC bills could be overridden. Democrat swing votes critical.

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carolinapublicpress.org – Frank Taylor – 2025-07-23 07:52:00


North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein has vetoed 14 bills this session, including those expanding immigration detention, loosening gun laws, eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts, and reducing carbon reduction goals. House Bill 318, which extends detention of suspected undocumented immigrants, faces repeated veto override attempts but no vote yet. The state House, now narrowly divided after 2024 elections, must rely on swing Democrats for veto overrides. Key controversial vetoed bills include permitless concealed carry and allowing firearms in schools. Stein argues many bills threaten public safety, constitutional rights, environmental goals, and social equity. Legislative debates continue, with override votes expected soon.

Four days after Gov. Josh Stein vetoed a bill that would prolong detention of suspected undocumented immigrants, it appeared on the House calendar for a veto override vote. 

Hours later, after lawmakers debated and voted on dozens of other bills, House Bill 318 was the sole item remaining. The North Carolina state House adjourned without considering it. 

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A few weeks later, the bill appeared on the calendar again; as before, it was eventually withdrawn from consideration. 

House Speaker Destin Hall said onlookers should get used to this. Vetoed bills may linger on the day’s orders of business for a while, but from his perspective, it’s not a matter of whether lawmakers will override most of Stein’s vetoes — it’s a matter of when. 

Override math on vetoed bills

The 2024 legislative elections handed North Carolina Democrats a small but significant victory in the state House. They now hold just enough seats to block Republicans from a supermajority, which would be able to override the governor’s vetoes without any Democratic support. 

But the margins are slim. An absence or two could make all the difference. Several Democrats in swing districts voted for vetoed bills the first time around, and their support could be crucial in eventual veto override votes. 

Rep. Charles Smith, D-Cumberland, originally voted against the majority of his party on three ultimately vetoed bills. Now, he has to decide whether to sustain Stein’s vetoes or override them. 

He said that while Democratic leaders like the governor and House Minority Leader Robert Reives, D-Chatham, haven’t “held his feet to the fire,” he feels the pressure regardless. 

“There is just pressure there inherently, if you’re standing on an island — not that I am by myself, but just being in that position,” Smith said. 

Smith joins a small group of House Democrats in the spotlight. Rep. Shelly Willingham, D-Edgecombe, is a swing voter on six vetoed bills. Rep. Carla Cunningham, D-Mecklenburg, will be a critical vote on five bills. Reps. Cecil Brockman, D-Guilford, and Nasif Majeed, D-Mecklenburg, may break with their party on a couple override votes, based on their voting record this session. 

All declined interviews for this story. 

It’s hard to predict how swing Democrats will vote, as they are keeping their cards close to their chest. But the legislature will next meet on Tuesday, July 29, and House Bill 318 is once again on the calendar. As are most of the other vetoed bills. 

“I would suspect, though, if I had to venture a guess, that there will be folks who will be inclined to sustain the vetoes,” Smith said.

So, what did Stein veto? 

Gov. Stein has vetoed 14 bills so far this session, ranging from legislation loosening gun laws, hardening immigration enforcement and eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion efforts in various areas. 

Gun bills

Republicans have a particularly steep override battle on two vetoed gun bills. 

The first, which would allow North Carolinians to concealed carry without a permit, not only failed to win any Democratic support, but garnered two Republican “no” votes in the state House the first go around. 

The bill also would lower the legal age for concealed carry from 21 to 18. 

Supporters say they want to fix a delay in the permitting process, and strengthen North Carolinians’ Second Amendment rights while they’re at it. 

Bill opponents say the age change and waiving of training requirements included in the concealed carry permit process will make North Carolinians less safe. Huntersville Mayor and former legislator Christy Clark said the bill is a threat to public safety in an Everytown for Gun Safety press call.

“This is not a recipe for freedom or safety,” she said. “It’s a recipe for more road rage, shootings, more gun thefts and more everyday arguments turning deadly.”

Orange County Sheriff Charles Blackwood said the bill would put guns in the hands of younger adults who tend to take more risks without thinking through the consequences. 

“We have a process in place,” he said. “That process works, and if it doesn’t work, we need to address where it’s not working, rather than throwing the whole thing out.” 

The second vetoed gun bill would allow non-public school employees and volunteers to carry a firearm on campus with written permission and a concealed carry permit. 

Originally, Rep. Willingham was the sole Democrat aye. If he sticks with the Republican caucus on the veto override vote, the bill will become law. 

Immigration bills

Under current law, anyone detained in a jail might be asked about their immigration status and asked to present documentation if they’re charged with certain offenses. 

The Criminal Illegal Alien Enforcement Act — House Bill 318 —  would expand the qualifying offenses to all felonies and impaired driving. Additionally, it would allow officials to detain people for up to 48 hours after their originally scheduled release if they have an ICE detainer or administrative warrant, to give time for an ICE officer to bring them into custody. 

In his veto message, Stein said he supports holding people who commit serious crimes accountable, but that it’s unconstitutional to detain people after they’re supposed to be released based on a suspected immigration violation. 

Originally, Rep. Cunningham voted for the bill. 

Another immigration bill, the North Carolina Border Protection Act, is under reconsideration. It would require several state law enforcement agencies to work with federal immigration officials to determine whether persons in their custody are legal citizens. 

It would also require several social service agencies to add verification processes ensuring no non-citizens can receive social services like unemployment insurance and housing benefits. Non-citizens are already barred under law from receiving these services. 

“The Republican-led General Assembly made it clear that harboring criminal illegal aliens will not be tolerated in our state,” Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Berger said after the bill originally passed. “It’s time for Gov. Josh Stein to show North Carolinians that he stands with them and supports the rule of law by swiftly signing this bill.”

Stein declined to do so. Instead, he vetoed the bill, saying it would take law enforcement away from their duties to act as immigration agents. 

The bill originally passed along party lines. 

Power Bill Reduction Act

The vehicle has changed, but the idea lives on — Senate Bill 266 was gutted of its original language and replaced with the text of Senate Bill 261, which would remove an interim 70% carbon reduction goal by 2034 on the way to electric public utility carbon neutrality by 2050.

It also allows electric public utilities to charge ratepayers higher rates during the construction of electric generating facilities, as opposed to waiting until after a facility is built and operating. 

Stein cited North Carolina State University research, which estimates that removing the interim target would significantly increase natural gas generation and ratepayer costs, in his veto message. 

The study predicts that natural gas generation would rise about 40% between 2030 and 2050 and ratepayers would pay $23 billion more in natural gas costs if the interim goal were removed. 

“This bill not only makes everyone’s utility bills more expensive, but it also shifts the cost of electricity from large industrial users onto the backs of regular people — families will pay more so that the industry pays less,” Stein wrote in his veto message. 

“Additionally, this bill walks back our state’s commitment to reduce carbon emissions, sending the wrong signal to businesses that want to be a part of our clean energy economy.” 

Originally, 11 House Democrats voted for the bill, including Cunningham, Willingham, Majeed and Smith. 

During the break, Smith asked questions about the original modeling, which bill sponsors said would result in $13 billion in savings. He also inquired about the reliability of the NC State study and the fluctuating costs of renewable energy and construction costs given national economic and environmental policy. 

“It’s very easy for sides to manipulate facts and arguments to suit their interests,” Smith said. “I like to try to get through some of that to make an ultimate decision that I think is impartial, and that can be hard.” 

Sen. Graig Meyer, D-Orange, said it’s fairly likely that lawmakers will override Stein’s veto, even after seeing the effects of climate-related disasters like Helene and Chantal.  

“Just getting down into the brass tacks of who’s most likely to override that veto, a lot of it was Charlotte-Mecklenburg folks, and a lot of that is because Duke Energy is their hometown company,” Meyer said. 

DEI bills

Three bills designed to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion efforts in public education, higher education and state agencies were passed by a Republican majority and swiftly vetoed. 

The bills begin by stating that “so-called ‘DEI’ programs promote a worldview that demands people, especially young students, judge others based on their race, sex or other factors and attack true diversity of thought, stifle opportunity and stoke division.” 

The educational bills eliminate DEI offices and positions, ban certain allegedly discriminatory practices, bar bias incident teams on college campuses and prohibit instruction on one of several “divisive concepts.”

These include the ideas that “an individual, solely by virtue of his or her race or sex, is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive” and “a meritocracy is inherently racist or sexist.” 

The state agency bill eliminates DEI programs and policies in hiring and benefits. 

Rep. Cunningham did not vote on the higher education DEI bill, while Rep. Majeed was absent for the public education bill. Otherwise, all three votes were along party lines. 

Other vetoed bills

Among the other vetoed bills are:

House Bill 805, which originally protected against revenge porn, but now includes several anti-trans measures. Rep. Dante Pittman, D-Wilson, was the only Democrat to originally vote for it. 

House Bill 402, which lowers the standard for General Assembly review of agency rule changes. Three House Democrats initially voted for it. 

Senate Bill 254, which would shift power over certain charter school decisions from the Democratic Superintendent of Public Instruction to the charter school review board. Nine House Democrats supported the bill. 

House Bill 549, which gives the Republican state auditor greater access to databases and digital records of not only state agencies, but any publicly funded group that receives some state or federal funding. Only Rep. Willingham voted to support the measure.

House Bill 96, a squatting bill that includes an unrelated measure allowing puppy mills to exist. Many Democrats originally voted yes. 

And finally, Senate Bill 416, which would ban government agencies from releasing the donors or nonprofit organizations. Three Democrats voted for it the first time. 

This article first appeared on Carolina Public Press and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The post Vetoed NC bills could be overridden. Democrat swing votes critical. appeared first on carolinapublicpress.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article presents a factual, detailed account of legislative events, focusing on the political dynamics around vetoes by Governor Josh Stein, a Democrat, and the Republican-led legislature’s responses. The coverage highlights progressive concerns such as opposition to loosening gun laws, immigrant detention, and the elimination of diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, framing these issues largely through the perspectives of Democratic lawmakers and allied voices. While it reports on Republican positions, the tone and selection of sources lean toward a critical view of conservative policies, reflecting a center-left stance without overt partisan rhetoric.

News from the South - North Carolina News Feed

Jeff Jackson blasts FEMA funding freeze at flooded Hillsborough facility

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ncnewsline.com – Brandon Kingdollar – 2025-07-25 04:30:00

SUMMARY: Attorney General Jeff Jackson visited Hillsborough to highlight the impact of Tropical Storm Chantal, which caused a dysfunctional pumping station to spill millions of gallons of untreated sewage into local rivers. The flooding exposed the consequences of FEMA’s decision to freeze $5.1 million in BRIC resilience funding designated for constructing a new, flood-safe pumping facility. Jackson joined a lawsuit with 19 states to challenge FEMA’s withholding of $200 million owed to North Carolina for critical water and flood infrastructure projects. Local officials, including Mayor Mark Bell, urged restoration of these funds to protect drinking water and maintain emergency services.

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The post Jeff Jackson blasts FEMA funding freeze at flooded Hillsborough facility appeared first on ncnewsline.com

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A UNCA researcher raised concerns about research misconduct. Then he lost his job. • Asheville Watchdog

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avlwatchdog.org – ANDREW R. JONES and JACK EVANS – 2025-07-24 12:27:00


Aidan Settman, a former UNC Asheville research assistant, sued the university after being terminated for raising concerns about alleged research misconduct in a COVID-19 health initiative funded by over $1.2 million from the state and Dogwood Health Trust. Settman accused the North Carolina Center for Health & Wellness of manipulating data to exaggerate the Student Health Ambassador program’s success and hiding raw data. His contract termination followed his whistleblower complaint. UNCA denied wrongdoing, and a judge dismissed the case, ruling Settman lacked whistleblower protection as an independent contractor. Settman has appealed, arguing his contractor status was misclassified.

A former University of North Carolina Asheville research assistant alleged in a lawsuit this year that the university dismissed him from his job after he raised concerns about research misconduct to his bosses and a top school official.

Aidan Settman, a 24-year-old UNCA graduate, filed the lawsuit against the university in Buncombe County Superior Court in February. He alleged that research into a COVID-19-era health initiative — funded by more than $600,000 each from the state and the Dogwood Health Trust — was manipulated to make the program seem more successful than it was.

His complaint outlines a complex saga spanning 2020 to 2024. Settman, who was an independent contractor for UNCA, alleged that his efforts to push back on what he saw as colleagues’ shoddy research practices led to his termination. 

The lawsuit also names Emma Olson, the interim director of the UNCA-headquartered North Carolina Center for Health & Wellness (NCCHW), as a defendant. Olson was Settman’s supervisor at the time of his termination.

UNCA and Olson denied Settman’s allegations in court, and in May, a Buncombe County judge dismissed the suit, agreeing with the defendants that because Settman was an independent contractor and not a state employee, he wasn’t protected under the state’s whistleblower law.

A UNCA spokesperson said the school agreed with the dismissal. Settman appealed the ruling last month.

Olson did not respond to multiple requests for comment for this story via email. A spokesperson for the office of North Carolina Attorney General Jeff Jackson, which is representing UNCA and Olson in court, declined to comment.

Settman, now a doctoral candidate studying criminology at the University of Kent in the United Kingdom, alleged that employees at NCCHW used “fraudulent” practices to study and report impacts of the campus’ Student Health Ambassador (SHA) program.

The SHA was an effort of the NCCHW, alongside Mountain Area Health Education Center (MAHEC), that paid students to spread awareness and advocate for health safety during the pandemic. Ambassadors swabbed noses for COVID tests and delivered meals and home-exercise plans to students in quarantine; later, they expanded into other corridors, such as mental health and disability-rights education. The program was phased out before the 2024-25 school year.

MAHEC did not respond to The Watchdog’s several questions about the lawsuit.

Funding from state and Dogwood Health Trust

The SHA was born out of $610,000 in seed money from the UNC System’s North Carolina Policy Collaboratory, funded by the state to research and fight the effects of the pandemic. 

The team working on the SHA, which was headquartered at UNCA but had a presence on six campuses, published a descriptive report on the structure of the program in September 2021. A few weeks later, Dogwood — western North Carolina’s leading health advocacy initiative, funded by the $1.5 billion sale of the Mission Health system to HCA Healthcare in 2019 — awarded the program a grant of $486,524, which kept it running through 2022. In early 2023, it awarded $173,845 more.

In a statement to Asheville Watchdog, Dogwood spokesperson Erica Allison said UNCA provided “sufficient, synthesized reporting and documentation” to meet grant terms and noted the SHA initiative hasn’t sought funding since 2022. The health trust has “a positive working and funding relationship with UNCA,” she added.

Aidan Settman, pictured in 2019, alleged that the research produced by the North Carolina Center for Health & Wellness was manipulated to make UNCA’s Student Health Ambassador program seem far more successful than it was. // Photo provided by Aidan Settman

But Settman alleged that the research the NCCHW produced misrepresented the SHA’s success. The project’s leaders, Settman alleged in the complaint and in interviews, obscured data that suggested ineffective aspects of the program, and they mislabeled and covertly aggregated survey results in a way that created an illusion of learning growth.

They also failed to provide Settman with important raw data, according to the complaint and emails reviewed by The Watchdog, despite his role writing the manuscript when he returned to the project. In March 2024, emails show, he raised concerns about academic misconduct to project leaders and to John Dougherty, the university’s general counsel and chief of staff.

Less than a week later, UNCA terminated his contract.

“It is denied that Plaintiff’s termination was retaliatory or in violation of the law,” attorneys for UNCA and Olson said in a court document responding to Settman’s allegations in the complaint. 

Paper was rejected, then revitalized

Settman first worked on the project in the fall of 2020, during his last year of undergraduate studies, as a research assistant employed by the university. He enjoyed the work, he said in an interview, and found the program promising. In early 2022, the group submitted a data-driven paper about SHA’s success to the Journal of American College Health; Settman was one of 10 authors. Several months later, the journal rejected it, citing exaggerated claims, missing data and poor writing, according to a rejection letter reviewed by The Watchdog.

By then, Settman was preparing to travel to Tbilisi, in the republic of Georgia, where he would conduct fieldwork for his doctoral thesis. Still, he advocated for the paper to be revitalized. Based on his experience in 2020 and the apparent success of the SHA, he thought it was worth polishing for publication. Over the next year, he recalled, he asked the program’s director, MAHEC employee Kol Gold-Leighton, about reviving the research several times.

In September 2023, Settman was asked to rejoin the team as an independent contractor to rework the paper into publishable shape, incorporating additional research. He agreed and was so enthusiastic that during December, after his first contract ended and before his second one began, he kept working for no pay, according to the complaint.

But around that same time, he said, something began to seem wrong. Little things piled up: Olson had referenced data on vaccine hesitancy in the previous version of the manuscript, but when Settman sought the data, nobody could produce it, he alleged in the complaint. When he asked about a survey’s sample size, he got many different answers; the researchers seemed to be guessing, Settman said in an interview.

More alarmingly to him, he said in the complaint and in interviews, he still had never seen the raw data that underpinned the paper he was now in charge of rewriting. 

Settman was mostly querying Olson, now the highest-ranking researcher on the project: In December 2023, she took over as interim director of the NCCHW, after its longtime leader, Amy Lanou — who also had worked on the SHA research — left to run the North Carolina Institute for Public Health at UNC-Chapel Hill.

At one point that winter, emails obtained by The Watchdog show, Olson told Settman she “just (wanted) to move forward.” In an early March 2024 email, he said he worried that publishing research without having supporting data would be an “academic violation.”

“I appreciate the desire to maintain integrity, your commitment to a rigorous methodology and your sense of urgency,” Olson responded by email. “I also find this request problematic in the sense that I did not anticipate critically looking back at the previous processes … and thus the integrity of the project.”

She still could not find the data, she told Settman. But she acknowledged that his worries were valid.

“My intention at this point was to really work off of what we had already drafted and move forward,” she wrote, “but I understand that changes have been significant and you found concerning errors in your review.”

Settman did have access to some other records, including data from subsequent years and several reports, including one that had been given to the Dogwood Health Trust at the end of its first funding period. Here, he said, he began to find discrepancies. He said he noticed duplicates in survey responses collected during the program’s second year. He discovered that the report to Dogwood described some surveys as having been collected months earlier than they actually were, which he said complicated what researchers had presented as baseline data. And he realized that some survey responses had been aggregated — lumping together “somewhat” and “very much” in multiple-choice categories, for example — which obscured a decline in results that would signal a successful program.

Long list of authors

One more conflict would prove consequential. The original manuscript had a long list of authors, and Settman said he wasn’t sure what each person had contributed. Some were mysterious: When Settman inquired about the other listed authors, Gold-Leighton, the program manager, said via email that one author “helped to grammatically edit the paper”; of another, he wrote, “not sure who this is.”

Settman put together a list of authorship qualifications based on criteria of the Journal of American College Health’s publisher. Everyone who didn’t meet the threshold would be thanked in the acknowledgments, he reasoned. 

But after Settman ran the idea by his bosses, Olson emailed the whole group, telling them Settman wanted to remove some of their names from the paper. A discussion over who should be listed as authors on the research ensued; one co-author criticized Settman’s approach. Then Settman pointed out that Olson had not shared the full document in which he laid out authorship criteria. Some of the researchers later agreed that they shouldn’t be listed as authors.

On March 13, 2024, Olson sent Settman what he said he found to be a puzzling email. His work was intellectual property that belonged to the university, she said, and she asked him to share the manuscript as a Word document, even though she already had access to it. Gold-Leighton and Dougherty were copied on the email.

The next day, Settman replied to all three, telling Olson he was confused by her request, and that Dougherty should be aware of his concerns.

“The concerns of the manuscript relate to research conduct and authorship,” Settman wrote.

Several days passed with no word from the researchers or Dougherty, according to the complaint. Then, during what was supposed to be a routine check-in virtual meeting with Olson and Gold-Leighton, Olson told Settman he’d been terminated because of “condescending” and “belittling” conduct, according to the complaint. Settman said in an interview that she cited the hurt feelings of one researcher during the authorship squabble.

It was the first time Settman had faced such accusations from team leadership, according to the complaint. Olson had praised Settman’s work to him and to the team more than once in the preceding weeks, emails reviewed by The Watchdog show.

“Thank you so much for all your diligent work on this,” she told him in one email.

Unanswered questions and an appeal

Settman alleged he was pushed off the team because of what he found and his insistence it be at least discussed and at most, remedied. In reviewing the network of documents — mainly in the Google Suite of document applications and with edit histories available to review — and in confronting his then colleagues, Settman alleged he found evidence that NCCHW first manipulated data and then concealed that manipulation in reports. 

Gold-Leighton, now a program manager at the University of Virginia’s College at Wise, declined to comment on the record for this story. He is not named as a defendant in the lawsuit.

Lanou, the former NCCHW director who led it for most of the SHA’s history, left that post in December 2023, before Settman began to raise most of his concerns and several months before his contract was terminated. In an email to The Watchdog earlier this month, she said she was aware of the lawsuit but had not read Settman’s complaint. She declined an interview, saying she was tending to a family emergency, but said the NCCHW “worked closely with all of the project’s funders. We were in compliance with Dogwood Health Trust application and reporting processes and report requirements for the Student Health Ambassador program (and other funded programs) throughout.”

Months after Settman left, the team was still pursuing publication of its research in the University of Kentucky’s Journal of Appalachian Health, according to documents reviewed by The Watchdog. The journal, citing editorial policy, would not say if the NCCHW submitted the paper for publication. 

Last August, several records related to the SHA study — including the data Settman had repeatedly sought — were uploaded to UNCA’s public research data archive. Settman said the documents were removed after he sued. (The Watchdog asked UNCA to restore the links on July 14; as of this story’s publication, they have not been restored.)

Though UNCA has previously insisted that Dougherty does not act as its public records custodian, he has been put in charge of responding to many public records requests — including Settman’s, as he seeks documents in connection with his lawsuit. Settman said he hasn’t gotten what he’s looking for.

Dougherty did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

UNCA misconduct hotline disabled

Settman said he also hit a wall when looking for ways to dispute the termination of his contract outside the court system. The complaint alleged he placed more than a dozen calls to the office of Tim Elgren, then UNCA’s chief research officer, and never heard back. 

Elgren, now provost at Montana Technological University, said in an email to The Watchdog earlier this month that he didn’t recall receiving any calls, voicemails or emails from Settman. He said he knew of no reason Settman would have been unable to reach him, his executive assistant or anyone at UNCA’s Office of Research and Sponsored Programs, which was staffed to receive research misconduct complaints.

Another university contact suggested Settman try the institutional misconduct hotline that almost all UNC System schools have. But he found that UNCA’s was disabled. It still was at the time of the story’s publication.

Late in June, Settman and his attorney, Jake Snider of Asheville Legal, took the case to the state’s appellate court. Their argument hinges on the idea that Settman’s status as a contractor, rather than a UNCA employee, was a distinction without a difference. Settman’s job duties never decreased in scope between the time he was an employee, in his first stint with UNCA, and a contractor, Snider said.

“Because they exercised a high degree of control, including the ability to fire him on a whim, we believe that makes him … more properly classified as an employee,” Snider said. “The hope right now is that the Court of Appeals agrees with us that the label that’s assigned to somebody is not determinative of whether they’re an employee or independent contractor in the context of the whistleblower protection statute, which applies to North Carolina state employees.” 


Asheville Watchdog welcomes thoughtful reader comments about this story, which has been republished on our Facebook page. Please submit your comments there. 


Asheville Watchdog is a nonprofit news team producing stories that matter to Asheville and Buncombe County. Andrew R. Jones (arjones2@avlwatchdog.org) and Jack Evans (jevans@avlwatchdog.org) are Watchdog investigative reporters. The Watchdog’s reporting is made possible by donations from the community. To show your support for this vital public service go to avlwatchdog.org/support-our-publication/.

Original article

The post A UNCA researcher raised concerns about research misconduct. Then he lost his job. • Asheville Watchdog appeared first on avlwatchdog.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article presents a detailed account of a legal dispute involving allegations of research misconduct without endorsing either side. It reports facts about the lawsuit, statements from both parties, and procedural developments with neutral language. The focus on institutional accountability and whistleblower protections is common in objective investigative journalism and does not convey a clear ideological agenda. The tone remains balanced, providing context and evidence without framing the issue in a way that favors a particular political viewpoint or partisan interest.

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US House grapples with college athletes’ rights as two panels approve bill on player pay

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ncnewsline.com – Shauneen Miranda – 2025-07-24 04:30:00

SUMMARY: A bill called the SCORE Act advanced in two House committees to create a federal framework for college athlete compensation, aiming to standardize rules after the NCAA’s 2021 Name, Image, and Likeness (NIL) policy. The legislation would bar athletes from being classified as employees and require schools to offer academic and life skills support. It passed mostly along party lines, with Republicans supporting it and Democrats opposing, citing concerns it grants the NCAA unchecked authority and fails to protect athletes’ labor rights. The full House will consider the bill after the summer recess, amid ongoing debate over athlete protections and NCAA power.

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