News from the South - Oklahoma News Feed
Tom Cole’s Bipartisan Reputation Gets Put to the Test in Trump’s Partisan Washington
If you ask lawmakers to describe Rep. Tom Cole and his more than 20 years of service in the House, Republicans and Democrats will both give him praise. Knowledgeable. A bipartisan negotiator. A friend.
But for the last year as Appropriations chair, the Oklahoma Republican has overseen one of the most bitter and partisan processes lawmakers have ever gone through while exercising Congress’ power of the purse. And Democrats are concerned this upcoming appropriations cycle will somehow be more bitter and partisan than the last.
Along with so many other norms, President Donald Trump has upended the practice of reaching across the aisle — particularly when it comes to appropriations bills. Lawmakers used to come together at the end of the year and approve a sweeping spending bill, after they were mostly unable to pass individual appropriations measures.
But during the last spending cycle, Republicans and Democrats weren’t able to agree on anything. Instead, Republicans rammed through a glorified continuing resolution that mostly extended the previous spending deal, with some notable exceptions that Democrats disagreed with.
Now, as Congress starts the appropriations process again, Cole is tasked with appeasing his GOP colleagues and somehow getting buy-in from Democrats to negotiate after they were largely shut out of talks last time.
“I’ve never seen it quite as challenging as it is now to come to deals,” Cole told NOTUS.
“We’re better off when we work together and find common ground,” he said. “I think the [appropriations committee] has a tradition of doing that. I don’t think that tradition is gone. We’ve just got to get back to our roots.”
Getting back to those roots won’t be easy. But somehow, even after the appropriations process devolved into a cascade of CRs, a spending deal that was reneged, and, finally, a partisan spending bill, Democrats told NOTUS they have hope.
The top Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee, Rep. Rosa DeLauro, suggested she blamed Speaker Mike Johnson, Trump and Elon Musk a lot more for the December spending deal falling apart than Cole. She said that legislation — which dissolved when Musk and some Republicans began railing against the special projects in the deal — was the product of intense negotiations between the two parties.
“Oh my gosh, heavy negotiations,” DeLauro said.
She said she’s worked “very closely” and “very, very well” with her counterpart. Ultimately, however, Trump’s grip on the conference made Cole’s work not matter all that much.
“It was hard, you know, when we were that close,” DeLauro said. “I continue to negotiate with him, but he is a good friend, and somebody who gets it.”
She said Cole doesn’t have the leeway she has to push back against the president.
Cole, for his part, said Trump is “not an insignificant player” in any negotiations on Capitol Hill — he has to sign the bill after all. But what the administration wants is not the end-all-be-all, as far as Cole is concerned.
Outside of his office last week, where the smell of cigar smoke filled the hallway, Cole held court with reporters. He talked about the tension between the president and Congress as Republicans now attempt to hammer out a reconciliation bill.
“Presidents and administrations don’t get to dictate what’s going to happen here,” Cole said. “Congress is not the Army, and the president is the president, but not the commander-in-chief of Congress.”
“We’re supporting this administration, what it’s trying to do, but with all due respect to anybody, I think the members have a better understanding of what can pass and what can’t than the executive branch does,” he added.
Cole told NOTUS he doesn’t think this administration has tried to dictate anything in particular, but he insisted spending bills must be “a negotiated product.”
“Leadership on both sides have to agree, and I don’t think leadership on either side was prepared to agree in December. I think that’s too bad because that was a time to make the deal,” Cole said. “Come March, clearly, we had a deal on the table, we thought, and we couldn’t quite get there. And again, I think that was pressure from leadership.”
It’s true that spending negotiations were largely taken from Cole. Republican leaders, under pressure from Trump and conservatives, seemed to think mostly extending current spending levels was the way to go. And once, somewhat miraculously, Republicans were able to advance their bill out of the House, a number of Democrats in the Senate swallowed the legislation, reasoning that it was better than a shutdown.
It wasn’t how Democrats wanted the process to play out. But Democrats also suggested they didn’t think it was how Cole wanted it to play out either.
Democratic Rep. Jim McGovern told NOTUS he respects and admires Cole, whom he worked with closely when they served as the top members of the Rules Committee for their respective parties. McGovern said Cole, “if left to his own devices,” could come up with a “decent” appropriations package. But, McGovern said, Cole isn’t steering that spending ship.
The Trump administration and the Freedom Caucus have put Cole in a “tough spot,” McGovern said.
“My fear is that he is not going to be allowed to work his will,” he added. “What we’ve seen to this point is that reasonable people like Tom Cole seem to have been kind of pushed to the sidelines.”
Yes, Democrats were unhappy with the last appropriations process. Yes, Cole oversaw the process. But Democrats don’t seem to blame him for the outcome.
While that sort of goodwill among Democrats could be a liability in the red-meat Republican conference, GOP lawmakers also suggested it was an advantage. Rep. Steve Womack, who chairs a key subcommittee on Appropriations, said Cole’s favorability in both parties is exactly what’s needed.
“He’s a very well-respected member, kind of more of an institution guy, which is what I think we need right now, in terms of being — I mean, let’s just face it, we’re in divided government. The country’s divided,” Womack told NOTUS. “Political reality is you’re going to have to have things that can attract members on both sides of the aisle for the most important work that our Congress needs to be doing, and I think Tom Cole is the ideal person to lead the effort in that regard.”
Other Republicans on the Appropriations Committee agreed.
Rep. David Valadao emphasized the “tough” political environment members are in right now. He said Cole was better positioned than anyone to be chair at the moment.
“We’re trying to reach an agreement on top-line numbers that we could actually get something to the president’s desk and be signed by the president. And [Democrats] weren’t willing to negotiate,” Valadao said. “Hopefully, moving forward, they’re willing to talk to Tom, get to top-line numbers, agree to them and start appropriations bills, but it really is going to fall on both sides to come to an agreement that can get across the desk.”
Another longtime appropriator, Rep. Mike Simpson, echoed Valadao, saying Republicans couldn’t find a better chair than Cole, “especially in these times,” with razor-thin majorities in the House and Senate.
“Leadership decided to go a different direction to do the year-long CR,” Simpson said. “It is not something that anybody on the Appropriations Committee wanted, but we had to do something, and Tom’s very good at doing that.”
“There’s not a bigger supporter of leadership in getting the job done than Tom is,” Simpson said.
This article first appeared on Oklahoma Watch and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Tom Cole’s Bipartisan Reputation Gets Put to the Test in Trump’s Partisan Washington appeared first on oklahomawatch.org
Oklahoma Watch, at oklahomawatch.org, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that covers public-policy issues facing the state.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The content presents a balanced view of Rep. Tom Cole’s role and challenges as Appropriations chair, incorporating perspectives from both Republican and Democratic lawmakers. It neither favors nor criticizes one side excessively, recognizing bipartisan respect for Cole while acknowledging the partisan difficulties intensified by figures like President Trump. The piece emphasizes negotiation, cooperation, and political realities without partisan spin, reflecting a neutral and fact-based tone typical of centrist reporting.
News from the South - Oklahoma News Feed
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Weeks after federal immigration agents raided an Oklahoma City home and removed a U.S. citizen and her daughters at gunpoint, News 4 has uncovered documents disproving a claim shared by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security—which suggested the property was still owned by a woman indicted for human smuggling, at the time of the raid.
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News from the South - Oklahoma News Feed
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While many moms are celebrating with their children this Mother’s Day, one mother in Shawnee is honoring her son’s memory by helping save other families from heartbreak.
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News from the South - Oklahoma News Feed
Hail No! Hail Storms Do Not Explain Oklahoma’s Outrageous Homeowners’ Insurance Rates
It’s hardly news: Oklahoma homeowners’ insurance rates are high, perhaps the highest in the nation. A recent Wall Street Journal article, relying heavily on input from Oklahoma Insurance Department Commissioner Glen Mulready, said that hail damage explains the elevated rates.
Puzzled weather experts wondered whether that might be an excuse to stifle questions, as the data used to blame hail shows the opposite: Oklahoma has had less hail than states with lower rates.
The real culprit may be a bit of legislative sleight of hand, performed to cut a loophole in decades-old federal law.
The rubrics vary and the numbers toggle up and down year to year, but the message remains the same: rates are high.
According to a 2025 Bankrate report, Oklahomans pay $4,651 to insure a $300K home, a figure that is more than double the national average but in line with the state’s tornado alley neighbors.
A 2025 Lendingtree report paints a different picture. Based on household income, the study found that Americans nationwide spent an average of 2.41% of their 2024 annual income on homeowners’ insurance. At 6.84%, Oklahoma topped the list by a wide margin, nearly three times the national average.
Neighboring states lagged well behind: Arkansas, 4.39%; Texas, 4.62%; and Kansas, 5.58%.
Still another rubric from the March 16 Wall Street Journal article, “In America’s Insurance Crisis, Hail Hits Harder than Hurricanes and Fires,” found that Oklahoma had a higher rate of insurers refusing to renew 2023 policies than any other landlocked state in the country. From start to finish, the story relied on Mulready to argue that hail explained Oklahoma’s insurance crisis, but remained silent on why rates of non-renewal in southeast Oklahoma had risen to 4% or more while rates remained close to 1% in neighboring Texas counties, with only the Red River or a lonely highway in between.
In fact, the Journal mischaracterized the Senate Budget Committee staff report upon which its analysis was based. The Journal overstated the report’s claims on the role of hail in nonrenewal rates and understated the changes in rates and nonrenewals in much of rural Oklahoma.
Mulready subsequently indicated that his source for hail data was an analysis provided by an insurance brokerage firm, and questioned the committee report.
“I would refute that source,” Mulready said. “I don’t think the data that the Senate Budget Committee received would be statistically valid. There should be an asterisk there.”
Something Seems Rotten in Oklahoma
It’s hard to find data that supports the claim that hail explains why Oklahoma would wind up with rates higher than Texas or Kansas.
The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration does not measure hail as a distinct weather factor, and the organization’s data on severe weather events from 1980-2024 do not suggest a significant difference in conditions between Oklahoma and its neighbors to the west, north, and south.
Bruce Thoren, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service Forecast Center in Norman, which monitors events in dozens of counties in western Oklahoma and north Texas, recalled significant damage from a hailstorm in 2023. But Thoren was unaware of any data that indicated a broader uptick of hail incidents peculiar to the state.
Thoren said that hail could be used as a scapegoat to justify high rates.
“They might just say, ‘Oh, I don’t know, it’s hail,’ just so people stop asking questions,” Thoren said.
Clifton Naife, a Norman insurance attorney, lamented that homeowners could do little to contest rates that were the result of accounting shenanigans.
“That’s right,” Naifeh said, speaking hypothetically. “If they want to raise your rates, and they want to use a ruse to raise your rates, then what’s your remedy?”
Insurance is Weird
Homeowners’ insurance in Oklahoma is strange — suspiciously so — but Tulsa insurance attorney Frank Frasier said the entire history of insurance is peculiar.
“Insurance is an industry unlike any other,” Frasier said.
As far back as 1868, insurance was not classified as commerce, which meant it was local and outside the ability of the federal government to regulate, according to a 1987 Journal of Legislation article by Jeffrey L. Shrader.
In 1944, a Supreme Court case, McCarren v. Ferguson, reversed decades of precedent and established that insurance was commerce after all. In response, states modeled laws on legislation proposed by the National Association of Insurance Commissioners to enable regulation and taxation of the insurance industry.
The industry received a degree of antitrust protection, similar to that granted to Major League Baseball, but President Franklin D. Roosevelt offered assurance that the goal was regulation.
“Congress did not permit private rate fixing, which the Antitrust Act forbids, but was willing to permit actual regulation of rates by affirmative actions of the states,” Roosevelt said.
It didn’t quite work out that way.
State laws fell to either side of a pitched roof. The two options go by a variety of names or descriptions, and subtle differences separate state from state, but it is broadly the case that some states regulate heavily while others attempt to encourage competition by regulating as little as possible.
The Oklahoma Insurance Department will regulate rates if they go too low. But it will not regulate rates if they go up, on the assumption that the free market will bring costs down.
By way of contrast, Texas law stipulates that rates shall be neither inadequate nor excessive.
To many of the attorneys consulted for this story, the actions of the OID tend to come off as political, if not shifty. The OID commissioner is an elected official; insurance companies pay lobbyists handsomely to make their desires known behind closed doors.
“I don’t want to say that I don’t talk to lobbyists, but I don’t talk to lobbyists,” Mulready said. “I’m not at the Capitol with lobbyists. I don’t have regular meetings with lobbyists.”
“The insurance commissioners would work with the legislators on behalf of consumers. I’m not sure that’s happening now.”
Rex Travis
Mulready may not meet with lobbyists, but the insurance industry has been his greatest financial supporter. Campaign reports from 2011-2023 compiled by Open Secrets show that the insurance industry was Mulready’s top donor in 13 of 15 years, both as a House of Representatives candidate and when running for insurance commissioner. In campaign years, the insurance industry outspent the next closest group, attorneys, by a wide margin, as much as four to one.
Decades ago, Shrader warned that the insurance industry already resembled a criminal enterprise.
“Critics argue that the insurance industry today uses private ratings bureaus and displays cartel-like behavior, contrary to congressional intent,” Shrader wrote.
Commercial or Not Commercial
In 1999, as he remembered it, then-state senator Kevin Easley — once one of youngest legislators in Oklahoma history, now CEO of New Dominion LLC, a Tulsa-based oil and gas company — was approached with a request bill direct from Carroll Fisher, then the insurance commissioner, who in a few years’ time would be impeached, resign, and be convicted of felony embezzlement.
Fisher needed more competition in the business insurance market, Easley said.
The bill had an unruly name: The Commercial Property and Casualty Competitive Loss Cost Rating Act.
It wasn’t Easley’s area of expertise. But he agreed to shepherd the bill through the Senate while Rep. Tommy Thomas moved it through the House. Thomas did have expertise; he later ran an insurance company and became a lobbyist.

Nevertheless, Thomas claimed to have no recollection of the bill.
“Dude, it was 26 years ago — I’m sorry,” he said.
The bill passed. Five years later, additional legislation removed the word commercial, and homeowners’ insurance was thrown into the mix.
The bill’s remaining language now forms sections 981-989 of Title 36. Section 984 describes the process by which a competitive market can be contested; if the market is found to be non-competitive, high rates can be regulated.
In other words, someone has to complain before the OID can compel lower rates.
The effort to complain — to challenge whether the market is competitive — is supposed to begin with an outside party requesting a hearing.
“The burden of proof in any hearing shall be placed on the party or parties advocating the position that competition does not exist,” Section 984 reads.
Notably, none of the insurance attorneys consulted for this story were aware of any challenge to the competitive homeowners’ insurance market having been mounted by an outside party.
“Not to my knowledge,” Frasier said. “It’s laughable.”
Even Oklahoma City insurance attorney Rex Travis, who has worked in insurance law in the state for more than 60 years, could not recall any instance of Section 984 being invoked.
“Absolutely not,” Travis said. “That series of sections never appeared on my radar.”
Regulate by Not Regulating
A persistent refrain from insurance attorneys consulted for this story was that the OID did not do enough to protect consumers.
Mulready disagreed.
“Our number one priority at the Oklahoma Insurance Department is consumer protection,” Mulready said. “State-based regulation — that’s our role, consumer protection. We try to help maintain a connected free market that gives choice.”
A written statement from the OID said that there are 113 insurance companies with active homeowners’ insurance policies in Oklahoma and approximately 60 insurers actively writing business in a very competitive market.
The statement also said that Section 984 had been invoked once, in 2016, when then-commissioner John Doak called for a hearing on earthquake insurance.
At the hearing, Doak ruled there was no competitive market.
In other words, in the single instance in which a competitive market was challenged, the insurance commissioner was both the plaintiff and the judge.
The System Might Not Be Working
Travis was unequivocal: Oklahoma’s abnormally high homeowners’ insurance rates could be attributed to laws designed to regulate by not regulating.
“Oh, no question,” Travis said. “I think that’s true.”
Former senator Easley said that when the law he championed was originally passed, things were different.
“The insurance commissioners would work with the legislators on behalf of consumers,” he said. “I’m not sure that’s happening now.”
Today, Easley owns homes in Norman, Chelsea and Broken Arrow. He recalled a hailstorm from eight years ago, but hadn’t seen much hail since then.
Mulready stuck to his guns. He said he recalled weather reports that showed Oklahoma had, for at least a decade, endured 10 to 20 days of hail measuring two inches in diameter or more.
“All I’m saying is that that is a measure that is taken nationwide and in the states, and Oklahoma is right up there in the top couple states in that measurement, and that measure, 2-inch hail, comes with some pretty serious damage, and that’s where insurance claims stem from,” Mulready said.
Mulready subsequently supplied the data he recalled, which came from a slide presentation delivered in February at the annual meeting of American Farmers & Ranchers, by a representative of Gallagher Re, a full-service global reinsurance brokerage firm.
The presentation, derived from National Weather Service reports, did not suggest that hail in Oklahoma was more severe than in surrounding states. Averaging 16.6 days of 2-inch hail from 2020-2024, Oklahoma trailed significantly behind states that have more hail but pay lower insurance rates, according to the Lendingtree report.
At 37.8 days, Texas received more than double the hail Oklahoma had. Kansas averaged 21.4 days; Nebraska, 22.6 days.
Beyond fanciful hail claims, Easley was more concerned that the law he originally helped pass had been misapplied.
“This legislation was never intended to apply to homeowners,” he said. “If it’s been used in any fashion to enable these excessive homeowners’ insurance rates, then the commissioner should be going to the Legislature to say, ‘this is what we need to control these rates.’”
Easley did not mask his indignation.
“If they changed a law that was meant to apply to business, and was never meant to apply to homeowners’ insurance, then they can damn sure change it back, can’t they?” Easley said.
Oklahoma City insurance attorney Simone Fulmer sighed audibly and did not deny that there was nothing in Oklahoma law to prevent big insurance companies from raising rates to cover losses incurred in other states.
“They’re not supposed to do that,” Fulmer said.
Fulmer was not without hope, however.
She remembered when Commissioner Doak called for a hearing on earthquake insurance. That effort started from the ground up, with consumers contacting the OID to complain. It began not with attorneys, but with regular people who were fed up that prices had climbed too high.
The OID can be reached at its Oklahoma City and Tulsa offices, at 405-521-2828 and 918-295-3700, respectively. The department can be messaged here.
This article first appeared on Oklahoma Watch and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post Hail No! Hail Storms Do Not Explain Oklahoma’s Outrageous Homeowners’ Insurance Rates appeared first on oklahomawatch.org
Oklahoma Watch, at oklahomawatch.org, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that covers public-policy issues facing the state.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The content presents an in-depth analysis of Oklahoma’s homeowners’ insurance crisis, with a focus on the role of hail damage in justifying high rates. While the article critiques Oklahoma Insurance Department Commissioner Glen Mulready and the insurance industry for potentially manipulating data, it does so from a perspective that highlights the lack of sufficient regulation. The narrative is more focused on transparency and consumer protection, which is consistent with a center-right perspective, emphasizing a free-market approach and the need for more effective oversight without pushing for broad government intervention. The critique of legislative loopholes suggests a conservative viewpoint on regulatory reform rather than expansive state control.
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