North Carolina Senator Thom Tillis announced he will retire rather than seek reelection, sparking nationwide political reactions. He opposed President Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” citing harm to healthcare and nutrition for many North Carolinians and warning it could cost Republicans their Senate and House majorities. Tillis’s stance made him a political figure celebrated by some and criticized by others, especially MAGA supporters. Locally, his retirement has intensified turmoil within the state GOP, with party leadership changes and internal conflicts. Speculation about successors includes figures like Lara Trump. The future impact on Republican prospects and Tillis’s legacy remains uncertain.
Some say he acted in fear of Donald Trump’s MAGA vengeance. Others see a principled decision – though perhaps too late – to place duty to less fortunate constituents over the interests of his Republican Party.
Either way, the stunning decision by Thom Tillis, North Carolina’s senior senator to walk away from a reelection campaign and retire at the end of his term has triggered political shockwaves across the nation.
In Tillis’s view, which he has asserted in doomsday speeches to colleagues behind closed doors and to the nation on televised addresses, President Donald Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” will leave tens of thousands of North Carolinians without medical care and many without nutrition. Even more, he publicly warned his Republican colleagues that the bill’s unpopularity will cause the GOP to lose tenuous majorities in the Senate and the House, leaving Trump as a truly lame duck and his legacy shattered.
On Tuesday, the Senate passed the bill after Vice President J.D. Vance broke a 50-50 tie. Tillis was joined by fellow Republicans Rand Paul of Kentucky and Susan Collins of Maine in voting with every Democrat against the measure. The bill now goes back to the House.
For his opposition and decision, Tillis is now an instant political celebrity, rising from relative obscurity nationwide to the focus of news reports on every network and political talk show. He’s today’s Jimmy Stewart reprising the role of “Mr. Smith Goes to Washington,” speaking hard truth to power, suddenly a hero to some (including Democrats) and a traitor to others (led by President Trump).
The full impact of Tillis’s retirement will evolve over many months and contain as many competing analyses as those over the B-2 bombing of Iran’s Mount Fordo.
Within hours of Tillis’s announcement, speculation about potential Republican successors went viral with counts reaching up to a dozen or more and featuring names such as presidential daughter-in-law Lara Trump (North Carolina-born, though now a Florida voter), her Republican National Committee co-chair Michael Whatley (promoting himself), a handful of congressmen (among them Chuck Edwards), some elected state department heads and a few windmill tilters.
Speculation that Lara Trump, shown in Charleston, West Virginia, in 2018, would run for Thom Tillis’s seat went viral shortly after his announcement Sunday. // Photo credit: Doug Coulter/wikimedia commons/https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/deed.en
The first sorting occurs in the first week of December, when candidates for office in the 2026 election must qualify. The big sort happens in March with the party primary. In the meantime, columns like this one – written by and for politics junkies – will pop and sizzle with the latest who’s-in-who’s-not chatter.
But all that may obscure a deeper story to be explored in the aftermath of Tillis’s announcement, a story with direct impact on Buncombe County and neighboring counties.
One view is that the fallout adds chaos to existing turmoil within the local Republican organization, which must feel like the guy whose house catches fire and he suddenly realizes he failed to pay his casualty insurance bill.
After Republicans batted zero-for-everything in Buncombe County races, the local party dumped chairman Doug Brown in favor of former police union president Rondell Lance, himself a failed candidate.
But just weeks into the job, Lance announced that he was quitting effective June 20 because the job was more than he had reckoned it to be. A new election will be held later this month. Coincidentally, Republican activists within Congressional District 11, which covers 16 counties in the mountains, ousted chairwoman Michele Woodhouse from Hendersonville in favor of former Henderson County chairwoman Merry Guy.
Both of these changes have left open wounds, but most aggrieved is Woodhouse, a longtime party activist known for a willingness to treat politics as hardball, not a social experience. For her, the defeat is personal.
She blames Tillis for orchestrating her ouster by backing Guy, and she blasts Edwards for failing to come to her aid. In an interview hours after Tillis’s announcement, a smoldering Woodhouse took credit for forcing his decision, and with solid evidence.
In 2023, she initiated a party revolt against Tillis by way of a censure resolution, a public reprimand. It castigated Tillis for his less-than-zealous support for Trump during the president’s impeachment proceedings for encouraging the January 6 attack on the Capitol.
Although Tillis voted against conviction, he said he did only because he didn’t think then that Trump would return to office.
“I wrote the censure resolution,” she told me, which was passed by the state GOP executive committee. Then she carried the resolution across the state, ultimately getting 53 of the 100 counties to pass its own censures. The animus against the senator took hold and polls showed him ripe for defeat in 2026.
“Thom Tillis has no support from the grassroots. He votes like a Democrat,” she told me. “His politics are liberal.”
To the question of whether this will damage the GOP’s chances in the mid-term election next fall, Woodhouse remains the contrarian, seeing opportunity amid the chaos. She considered Tillis a dead man walking, facing certain defeat for re-election and bringing the ticket down with him.
“If Tillis was on the ballot, all Republicans on the ballot would be at risk because so many of the grassroots can’t stand him,” she said. “Now the people who were going to stay home aren’t going to stay home.”
That view finds some support from Chris Cooper, professor of politics and public affairs at Western Carolina University and a widely quoted expert on state politics. All the media attention given to the impending scrum within the Republican field for the nomination may lure the largest voting bloc – independents – to choose Republican ballots, he said.
“It may be the unaffiliated [voters] who determine the Republican candidate,” he said in an interview. This could harm the chances of an extremist from the party’s MAGA wing and enhance those with more centrist views, he said – a likely stronger place to be in the general election against a Democrat.
One other question remains: What’s to become of Tillis’s legacy? If he expected or hoped for hugs and high fives for a job well done, he must be sorely disappointed. I wasn’t surprised to see that derisive responses like Woodhouse’s saturated social media, which has been Tillis’s fate for many months. Praise for him from Democrats was equally predictable.
What was surprising to me – and almost certainly to Tillis – has been the response from such former allies as Chuck Edwards, who benefited from the senator’s financial backing (estimated at $1 million to win the congressional seat), who regarded him as a mentor, and with whom he shares a political consultant. Here’s the statement issued by Edwards’s office:
“I have always respected his dedication to making life better for North Carolinians and his willingness to engage in thoughtful policy discussions, even on issues where I may not have agreed with him.”
Edwards-backed gun measures were deep in ‘One Big Beautiful Bill’
Buried deep within the 1,116-page House version of the “One Big Beautiful Bill” were a pair of little-noticed, rarely acknowledged measures strongly backed by Edwards since his first days in Congress.
When the Republican congressman from Henderson County discusses his support for the president’s massive tax-and-spending bill, he typically focuses his remarks on recasting its controversial cuts to Medicaid, child nutrition and more as excising “waste, fraud and abuse” from the federal budget, the all-purpose rationale for all Republican-backed program cuts.
Edwards has yet to mention publicly his quiet but fervent backing for a pair of measures also in the OBBB supported by the NRA and other pro-gun groups that would remove federal restrictions on the sales of sawed-off shotguns, gun silencers and an attachment that enables semi-automatic handguns to match the killing power of military assault rifles.
These aren’t things needed by your typical hunter or sports shooter and “beautiful” may be in the eye of the beholder. But they are desired by some gun aficionados, who are often single-issue voters who believe that their 2nd Amendment rights are smothered by the National Firearms Act.
Republican Rep. Chuck Edwards backed a pair of measures also in the OBBB supported by the NRA and other pro-gun groups that would remove federal restrictions on the sales of sawed-off shotguns, gun silencers and an attachment that enables semi-automatic handguns to match the killing power of military assault rifles. // Photo credit: National Shooting Sports Foundation, April 2023
That law has restricted sales of some firearms since 1935, back when Bonnie and Clyde, Machine Gun Kelly and Al Capone were in the headlines. At the time, the law had strong public support, including from the NRA.
Times change.
With Edwards’s backing, the gun lobby is attempting to lift these restrictions.
Since taking office in 2023, the congressman and former licensed firearms dealer has co-sponsored bills with such innocuous names as the SHORT Act (an acronym for Stop Harassing Owners of Rifles Today) and the Hearing Protection Act.
The SHORT Act would lift the 90-year-old federal restrictions on purchases of sawed-off shotguns, which are deadly at close range and easily hidden in clothing and violin cases. Gun dealers lust to sell them in an otherwise saturated market as a new product renamed “assault shotguns” as used by Army Rangers when taking down a house full of terrorists.
This measure would also lift restrictions on an attachment called a pistol stabilizing brace, which clamps the grip of a semi-automatic handgun to the shooter’s arm so it can be aimed and fired as with a rifle stock. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) determined that these attachments effectively convert semi-automatic handguns into short-barreled rifles that can be easily concealed.
The ATF had solid reason for concern: Semi-automatic handguns with stabilizing braces have been increasingly used in mass killings, including one in which nine shoppers were slaughtered in a grocery store in Boulder, Colorado, and 10 partiers killed in a nightclub in Dayton, Ohio. The ATF investigator in the latter case tried to describe the weapon: “It’s not a sporting rifle. It’s not a hunting rifle. It’s made for the military and short-range combat.”
In a 2023 interview with Asheville Watchdog, Edwards defended the attachment, saying it was designed “to help disabled veterans defend themselves.” Yet none of the marketing videos produced by manufacturers made any such claim.
The Hearing Protection Act states that its purpose in legalizing silencers – renamed “noise suppressors” to shed any link to snipers and assassins – is to silence the weapon out of concern for the auditory health of law-abiding shooters. If this change also protects the hearing of criminals so often-depicted using “silencers” on TV crime shows, so be it.
The Hearing Protection Act was tucked into the One Big Beautiful Bill when written in the House and passed – with Edwards’s vote – in early June. The SHORT Act’s provisions (which had been endorsed by Edwards) were added in the Senate upon the OBBB’s arrival. The now-combined measures appeared to be moving smoothly forward, largely unseen outside the pro-gun world.
Until last Friday.
On that day the Senate parliamentarian – the non-partisan staffer who determines whether proposed legislation meets the legislative purpose that it purports to serve – struck the pro-gun provisions, saying they didn’t belong in a tax-and-spending measure.
When I contacted Edwards’s office for comment on Monday I was told he would have no comment because he had no role in influencing the Senate’s deliberations.
[Correction: Due to an editing error, Vice President J.D. Vance’s title was incorrect in an earlier version of this story.]
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Asheville Watchdog is a nonprofit news team producing stories that matter to Asheville and Buncombe County. Tom Fiedler is a Pulitzer Prize-winning political reporter and dean emeritus from Boston University who lives in Asheville. His Democracy Watch column appears every other Wednesday. Email him at tfiedler@avlwatchdog.org. The Watchdog’s reporting is made possible by donations from the community. To show your support for this vital public service go to avlwatchdog.org/support-our-publication/.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a nuanced but clearly critical perspective on Republican Senator Thom Tillis, highlighting his break with the GOP’s MAGA wing and his opposition to a controversial tax-and-spending bill supported by former President Trump. The coverage emphasizes Tillis’s stance as principled and somewhat heroic from a centrist or moderate viewpoint, while portraying his critics within the GOP as aligned with more extreme or hardline positions. The tone and language suggest sympathy for Tillis’s pragmatic approach and skepticism toward the more conservative, pro-Trump faction, placing the article slightly left of center without overt ideological advocacy.
SUMMARY: Brooke Johnson, 29, became the first woman to skateboard across the U.S., completing a nearly four-month, 3,000-mile journey from Santa Monica, California, to Virginia Beach. Motivated by a promise to her late stepfather, Roger, who suffered a spinal cord injury and encouraged her to skate across the country, Brooke fulfilled her goal while raising over $54,000 for spinal cord research. Despite emotional and physical challenges, she felt Roger’s support throughout. At the finish line, she wore a necklace containing his ashes, symbolizing their shared journey. Brooke plans to rest before deciding her next adventure. Donations continue via “Brooke Does Everything.”
Brooke Johnson traveled by skateboard from California to Virginia Beach over 118 days to raise over $50000 for spinal cord injury …
www.thecentersquare.com – By Alan Wooten | The Center Square – (The Center Square – ) 2025-08-18 08:01:00
Hurricane Erin, which rapidly intensified from Category 1 to Category 5 over the weekend with winds near 160 mph, weakened slightly to Category 4 on Monday while remaining offshore. At 8 a.m., it was about 115 miles north-northeast of Grand Turk and 890 miles south-southeast of Cape Hatteras, moving northwest at 13 mph. Dare County declared an emergency, ordering evacuations for Hatteras Island and the Outer Banks, where NC 12 is at risk of flooding and damage. While Erin is expected to miss U.S. landfall, North Carolina’s coast remains within its wind field amid ongoing recovery from Hurricane Helene.
(The Center Square) – Erin, once a Category 5 hurricane over the weekend that more than doubled wind speed to nearly 160 mph, on Monday morning remained on a path to miss landfall of the United States though not without forcing evacuations in North Carolina.
At 8 a.m., the Category 4 hurricane was just east of the southeastern Bahamas, the National Weather Center said, about 115 miles north-northeast of the Grand Turk Islands, and about 890 miles south-southeast of Cape Hatteras. Erin was moving northwest at 13 mph, forecast to be going north by Wednesday morning while parallel to the Florida panhandle.
Erin had 75 mph maximum winds Friday at 11 a.m., a Category 1, and 24 hours later was near 160 mph and Category 5. It has since gone to a Category 3 before gaining more intensity.
On the Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale, Category 1 is 74-95 mph, Category 2 is 96-110, Category 3 is major and 111-129 mph, Category 4 is 130-156 mph, and Category 5 is greater than 157 mph. While the most-often characterization of Atlantic basin cyclones, the scale is without context on storm surge – a key factor in damage at landfall.
Dare County on Sunday declared an emergency with evacuations ordered for Hatteras Island and the Outer Banks. N.C. 12, the famed 148-mile roadway linking peninsulas and islands of the Outer Banks, is likely to go under water and parts could wash away – as often happens with hurricanes.
NC12 begins at U.S. 70 at the community of Sea Level and runs to a point just north of Corolla and south of the Currituck Banks North Carolina National Estuarine Research Reserve. Two ferries, Hatteras Island to Ocracoke Island and Cedar Island to Ocracoke Island, are part of the route.
Nearly all of North Carolina’s 301-mile coastline is within the outer wind field projection from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Hurricane Center. The greatest speed, however, is 20 mph.
Erin’s rapid intensity is among the greatest on record, and particularly so for prior to Sept. 1. Hurricane force winds (74 mph) extend 60 miles from its center.
By midnight Thursday into Friday, the storm is expected to be past a point parallel to the Virginia-North Carolina border and gaining speed away from the coast.
The storm’s miss of the state is particularly welcome in light of Hurricane Helene. Recovery from that storm is in its 47th week. Helene killed 107 in the state, 236 across seven states in the South, and caused an estimated $60 billion in damage to North Carolina.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The content provided is a straightforward news report on Hurricane Erin, focusing on meteorological facts, evacuation orders, and recent hurricane impacts in North Carolina. It presents detailed information about the storm’s strength, projected path, and historical context without expressing any opinion or advocating for a particular political viewpoint. The language is neutral and factual, offering updates from official sources and avoiding ideological framing. Thus, it reports on the situation without contributing any discernible political bias or ideological stance.
North Carolina exhibits low civic engagement, especially among youth, partly due to ineffective civic education, according to the 2024 Civic Health Index. Students often show disinterest in voting and politics, influenced by vague state standards, inconsistent teaching quality, and a STEM-first focus that sidelines social studies. Teachers face limited resources and cautious approaches to controversial topics, resulting in bland instruction. Research indicates civic education has minimal impact on voter turnout, highlighting the need for practical, motivating curricula. Experts warn that declining youth participation risks political polarization and unrepresentative governance. Strengthening civic education is crucial to prepare informed, engaged citizens and foster civil discourse.
by Sarah Michels, Carolina Public Press August 18, 2025
On a national stage, North Carolina often serves as a state to watch for its purple and swingy political nature. However, its own citizens are opting out of civic engagement at higher rates than most of the country, according to the 2024 Civic Health Index. Ineffective civics education could be part of the problem.
Independence High School junior April Alonso knows this firsthand. She struck out the first time she tried getting her fellow students at the Charlotte school to pre-register to vote.
For her AP Government & Politics class, Alonso had to do a service project. So, she enlisted a group of friends to walk around the cafeteria at lunchtime and get 16- and 17-year olds to pre-register.
They could not have been less interested, she said.
“They seemed pretty uncertain,” Alonso said. “It kind of felt like, if I were to make them register to vote, they would go down a drain or something. Like they acted like it was some kind of punishment.”
The second time around, Alonso sweetened the deal. Anyone who pre-registered would get a few pieces of candy. Suddenly, she had buy-in.
Brandon Rivers has also encountered his fair share of seemingly apathetic students in his time as executive director of the Charlotte Democracy Center, a nonpartisan organization focusing on voter education, specifically in marginalized communities.
Rivers spends a lot of time giving classroom presentations on voting before offering pre-registration to students.
Sometimes, students tell him they’re not interested. Rivers isn’t deterred; he asks them what they care about. Making money? Well, the state government sets tax policy and minimum wage, so they might want to pay attention to that. A safe neighborhood? The city council decides how much to pay local police officers and firefighters, as well as how much to budget for street lighting, so they may be interested in voting in that election.
Bridging the connection between students’ interests and government policy is key to getting them motivated to vote, Rivers said. Making the lesson interesting is also imperative; he’s competing with students’ phones and friends for attention.
Right now, the distractions and disconnect may be winning. According to the 2024 Civic Health Index, North Carolina lags behind most of the country on several key markers of civic engagement.
Turnout in the 2022 midterm elections and voter registration fell short of the national average. North Carolinians regularly discussed political and social issues with friends, families and neighbors less often than in most states. In several areas — participation in public meetings, contacting public officials and frequent consumption of political news — the state placed in the bottom 10 in the nation.
A University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill student stops by a voter registration booth on her way to class on Sept. 17, 2024, which was National Voter Registration Day. Sarah Michels / Carolina Public Press
While there could be a host of reasons for North Carolina’s relative disengagement, one factor is at the center of it all: civic education, or the lack thereof.
Civic education teaches students how their government works, and their place in it. If done well, it arms them with the knowledge, confidence and motivation to participate in their local communities, and demonstrates the influence they can have in governmental decision making.
But too often, civic education is pushed to the side to make way for other priorities, and what instruction remains may be watered down to avoid conflict.
This article is the first in Civics Unlearned, a three-part investigative series from Carolina Public Press that explores how, and to what extent, a deprioritization of formal civic education has led to a generation of disengaged and polarized North Carolinians.
This article discusses the problem — civic engagement is relatively low in North Carolina, particularly among youth, and formal civic education doesn’t appear to be doing its part to bolster participation. As a result, public policy only represents a portion of the populace, and a generation of North Carolinians are growing up unprepared to work with each other and their government to solve community problems.
The second article will explore how conflicting priorities and inconsistent delivery have hamstrung quality civic education. The final article will suggest ways to bolster civic education and engagement, both within and beyond the formal education system.
‘It’s really just the Wild West’
In 1997, North Carolina public leaders sensed a looming crisis. They worried that North Carolina’s civic education was inadequate, and would lead to a generation of citizens unprepared to lead their communities.
So they worked with the North Carolina Civic Education Consortium, within the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill’s School of Government, to develop a report on the state’s civic health.
The report, published in 2003, centered around a phone survey of 800 teens and 800 adults, found that household income was the best predictor of civic engagement. Wealthier adults and students from high-income families were more likely to have worked with others to solve a community issue, discussed political issues at home, contacted public officials and showed interest in voting, among other civic activities.
Two decades later, these patterns persist. White North Carolinians report greater engagement than their Black counterparts in every indicator of civic health besides participation in public meetings. College-educated citizens also surged ahead of citizens with less formal education, and North Carolinians 30 and older reported significantly higher involvement than younger generations.
Education in civics should level the playing field, in theory. But, it isn’t.
North Carolina’s civic education is inconsistently taught, said Burke Middle College civics and personal finance teacher Timothy Barnsback.
“It’s really just the Wild West,” he said. “You have either great civics teachers or not-great civics teachers, and there’s not a whole lot of middle ground. It takes being passionate about it to actually make it a really meaningful course for students.”
Barnsback has been teaching social studies since 2000. He started with middle school, where the curriculum was more about rote knowledge and less about active civic engagement. But now that he teaches high school seniors, he makes an effort to make his instruction more interactive and student-focused.
He doesn’t have to do that. North Carolina’s standards are very flexible — it comes down to how much each individual teacher is willing to invest in their students. Not every teacher has the desire or resources to do so.
There’s some truth to the stereotype that coaches with minimal background in the subect matter are often also assigned the social studies class, Barnsback said. In his years of helping create professional development resources for social studies teachers, he’s noticed a trend of male teachers not specifically trained to teach social studies who bounce between history and civics on the one hand and physical education on the other, depending on where they can get a coaching job.
To exacerbate matters, the state does not designate funding for civic education or service-learning projects, according to an open records request.
While a $120,000 character education budget exists, professional development competes with various other priorities for the relatively small pool of money.
In practice, professional development is “do it yourself and handle it at the local level,” Barnsback said.
“So there’s not a depth of knowledge, and to be honest, there’s not a real investment in teaching it properly,” he added.
Vague state standards
When Rockingham Early College High School social studies teacher Valencia Abbott gets to the lesson about the roles, powers and functions of different types of local governments, she conducts a special assignment called, “Who represents me?”
She divides her students into groups based on their addresses, and has them search for their mayor, town council and other local representatives. Then, she shows them how they can contact these officials if they ever want to bring up an issue or offer their input.
Rockingham Early College High School social studies teacher Valencia Abbott teaches her sophomores at the Wentworth school. Provided / Valencia Abbott
Regardless of whether her students stay in Rockingham County, the lesson will stick with them, Abbott said.
“These are the things that we do in our system that we have, and they know the steps, and then they’ll be less hesitant next time with that,” she said.
While Abbott chooses to connect the standard to real-life civic engagement, she could just as easily present a Powerpoint on the various levels of local government and call it a day. Teaching is very personal, she said; everyone will approach it differently, and trying to enforce any level of uniformity is likely to be a futile exercise.
“I’m going to do my job to the best of my ability, despite my little paycheck every month, but I also know that there are teachers who come in and do the bare minimum every day,” she said.
That doesn’t mean the North Carolina Department of Public Instruction doesn’t try to develop effective content standards.
In 2021, DPI revised the standards, which serve as a guide for local educational authorities as they develop curriculum for their districts.
While North Carolina’s standards integrate civics into broader social studies instruction beginning in kindergarten, no stand-alone civics course exists until high school.
By second grade, students are supposed to be able to “exemplify ways individuals and groups shape communities and contribute to the making of rules and laws,” according to the state standards. In fourth grade, students should be preparing to be “responsible and informed citizens” by studying the state Constitution and separation of powers.
In eighth grade, North Carolinians delve into the founding documents and ideals of the state and nation, and should be able to “use a range of civic approaches to address problems being investigated.”
If this all seems vague to you, you’re not alone.
After the 2021 standards were released, North Carolina earned a failing grade from the conservative educational think tank Fordham Institute, which found the content, rigor, clarity and organization of the standards lacking. The report pulled no punches.
“Grades three and four target state and local government, but not in a way that is likely to promote understanding.”
“…the civics standards for (fifth) grade provide dubious guidance.”
“Here, again, the standards tease big concepts… but offer nothing concrete.”
“Finally, although the inquiry strand includes a category on ‘taking informed action,’ it is thoroughly uninspiring.”
The STEM-first mentality
When Nicole Clarke, a social studies teacher at Vance County’s Clarke Elementary school,came to the U.S. from Jamaica to teach, she quickly realized social studies played second fiddle to math and reading. There was more small group time and interventions in those prioritized subjects.
Teachers take note of the hierarchy.
Clarke Elementary School social studies teacher Nicole Clarke poses in her Vance County classroom with a globe. Provided / Nicole Clarke
“Because it’s not a tested subject, and much focus is not placed on it, then people don’t tend to put their all into it like they would do for literacy and math and science,” Clarke said.
Rowan-Salisbury Middle School social studies teacher Eric Shock has heard the same from his peers teaching younger North Carolinians. They tell him that “the STEM mentality” pushes subjects like social studies to the side.
“Elementary teachers will tell me, ‘Oh, well, we include social studies when we’re doing reading activities and we incorporate it that way,’” Shock said. “ But it’s not direct, purposeful social studies instruction. It is reading instruction with a social studies article.”
As a result, Shock’s eighth-graders often have wildly different starting points when they arrive in his class; some are beginning at zero, while others have been extensively taught and tested on their civic knowledge.
Even when they get there, sometimes the class is not their main concern.
“I’ve had students who have come in and said, ‘Well, I’ve got to get my math grade up because I’ve got the (end-of-grade exam),’ or, ‘I’m not feeling really good in science right now, and, that’s a tested subject,’ and I’ve heard parents say that before too,” Shock said,
He feels like social studies has become a “glorified exploratory class,” in line with music or P.E. Meanwhile, robust civics instruction is as important as ever, he said. It teaches students how to critically think.
“With the rise of social media, my classroom, social studies teachers’ classrooms, we are the front line in the war against misinformation,” Shock said. “We’re the front line in the war against bias.”
Broken civic education
Civic education is broken, and has been for decades, according to a book co-authored by Duke political science professor Sunshine Hillygus.
The goal of civic education is to develop civic-minded adults, but her research found a very small relationship between civic education and voting turnout from the 1950s to the 2000s.
That doesn’t mean civic education is a waste of time, Hillygus said. Rather, it means civics needs an overhaul to meet its full potential.
Too much of civic education is focused on historical facts and figures, memorizing dates and recalling key events, at the expense of more practical knowledge like how to register to vote, cast a ballot and participate in the current political environment, she said.
Schools also need to instill political motivation and perseverance into students who may face an uphill battle their first time navigating the voting system. Studies show that voting is a habit; once someone votes once, they tend to repeat the practice. The opposite is also true; each year someone goes without voting, the less likely they are to start participating.
Lanie Hamrick, left, and Destinee Terry, both students at Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College, check in to pick up their primary election ballots at the Old Fort Wesleyan Church polling place in McDowell County on March 3, 2020. Colby Rabon / Carolina Public Press
UNC Charlotte political science professor and researcher Jason Giersch found similarly lackluster connections between civic education and turnout in a 2018 study.
Alongside his co-author, Giersch determined that social studies and civics course requirements didn’t consistently correlate with higher youth voter registration or turnout.
Giersch wouldn’t read too much into it, he said. The results are likely skewed by the degree of variation in civics instruction across classrooms.
“When you don’t have an exam, if all you have is a list of a curriculum, in the classroom, that could be taught any one of 1,000 different ways,” he said. “So some will be ways that lead towards people being civically active, and some will lead towards students not becoming civically active. And because it’s going in so many different directions, you end up with an insignificant result.”
Sometimes, civics is just plain boring. At least that’s what Alonso hears from her classmates in Mecklenburg County.
Since COVID, people have stopped participating in class discussions, either because they don’t find the subject matter interesting or don’t feel comfortable sharing their opinion. Sometimes, it’s obvious the teacher isn’t passionate about the subject, which leads to bland instruction, but other times, her teachers have tried to make class engaging to no avail, Alonso said.
Kids are distracted by social media, video games and friends. Their attention spans have shortened. And after COVID, they tend to hide away behind their phone or computer screens, she added.
Teachers shy away too, for the most part.
“Most of them are extremely careful with what they say, just because they do not want to offend anyone,” Alonso said. “…The majority of them, I’ll say, are pretty well reserved when it comes to that, and know how to pick out topics where they aren’t as controversial.”
North Carolina student Shrutav Deshpande said none of his teachers want to start a classroom debate; so, instruction is mostly centered on facts and history, with few projects or interactive lessons.
“Sadly, instead of benefiting America, politics has split us in two,” Deshpande said. “Every classroom has members from both sides, and any actual depth into politics could be dangerous.”
The importance of civic education
Civic education begins even before the first day of school.
The way students are raised by their parents and their communities is an early determinant of their eventual civic engagement. For example, if a student’s parents talk about voting, they’re more likely to follow in their footsteps. If there’s no community culture around participating in local politics, it may feel less important.
But formal education plays a significant role, too.
Civic education may be particularly impactful among certain groups who have fewer opportunities to develop civic skills outside of the classroom. Nearly 30% of students learn about civics only or mostly in schools, according to a 2022 report by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement.
White rural youth and Black and Latino men are overrepresented in these groups. On the other hand, urban teens tended to receive higher quality civic education, including media literacy lessons, classroom discussions and service learning opportunities.
Civic education builds a student’s concept of the world and their place in society outside of family, said Bryan Proffitt, former high school social studies teacher and vice president of the North Carolina Association of Educators. It is crucial that it doesn’t take shortcuts, he said.
If students are able to pass a civics class by reciting the roles of the three branches of government, they’re probably not going to be prepared to understand what it means to vote, follow a debate or participate in a school board meeting, Proffitt said. The world isn’t “uncomplicated” or “uncontroversial,” he said; effective civic education needs to encompass all of its nuance.
“There is an incredibly consequential political decision that is up in the next election,” he said. “Do we have a set of people who are able to think for themselves, versus a set of people who are just going to believe whatever propaganda someone foists on them?”
But the impact of lagging civic education goes beyond voting and participation, Clarke said. If done properly, it teaches kids to solve problems together, to feel heard and valued and to be informed and respectful adults, she said.
“There are some values that kids need to learn and take with them wherever they go, and if civics is not being taught, then I don’t see how they will make good choices in their everyday life,” Clarke said.
Less civics, more polarization
Catawba College political science professor Michael Bitzer is worried. While citizens under 45 make up the largest group of registered voters, they turn out to the polls at the lowest rates of all generations, he said.
Older North Carolinians won’t be around forever, and when they’re gone, they’ll leave behind a less engaged electorate to make the decisions.
During a February 2025 hearing on NC Supreme Court candidate Jefferson Griffin’s challenge to election results, protesters stand on the Wake County Courthouse steps, holding signs, chanting and addressing the crowd. Sarah Michels / Carolina Public Press
“How will those decisions be made and who will be making them?” Bitzer asked. “Are they the most extreme voices, or are there folks that are more representative of our society broadly?”
It’s political gospel: the fewer people who show up, the more extreme the outcome. The more extreme outcomes, the more polarized a society will become. The more polarized a society, the less trust people have in the government and each other.
Civic education, while seemingly not working at the moment, is uniquely positioned to alleviate the issue. After all, education is the one space that captures nearly all Americans at some point.
If nothing changes, youth will continue to be underrepresented in the electorate.
“The reason that Social Security is the third rail of politics, rather than education spending, is because old people vote and young people don’t,” Hillygus said.
Civic education doesn’t just teach people how to vote. It is also supposed to raise the next generation of leaders by teaching students how to disagree civilly — something not often represented in today’s contentious political world, youth civic organization GenerationNation executive director Amy Farrell said.
“It’s how to disagree about something and not be horrible to each other; to have conversations about things and to listen to the other side,” she said.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article primarily focuses on the challenges and shortcomings of civic education in North Carolina and its impact on civic engagement, particularly youth participation. It emphasizes the importance of comprehensive and well-supported civics education, critiques the lack of funding and inconsistent standards, and highlights systemic inequities related to race and socioeconomic status. The piece advocates for educational reforms and greater investment in civic learning, often aligning with typical center-left concerns about equitable education, inclusive participation, and the need for government-supported public services. However, it maintains a largely nonpartisan tone by including multiple expert perspectives and by avoiding partisan framing, reflecting a moderate progressive viewpoint focused on strengthening democracy through education.