Jessica Henninger wants to protect her children from the political climate that briefly closed their school library at Fort Campbell and led to books being removed from the shelves.
“There’s a very fine line between having your children be aware of what’s going on in the world around them, and not burdening them with adult things,” Henninger said. “But … when (Black History Month) projects are canceled after you’ve completed them … they notice that stuff.”
Citing her husband’s military service and their joint devotion to the U.S. Constitution, Henninger has joined a federal lawsuit on behalf of her children, citing First Amendment concerns and asking the courts to block President Donald Trump’s anti-DEI executive orders in schools operated by the Department of Defense Education Activity (DODEA). Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is a defendant.
Henninger, whose husband is in the military and is stationed at Fort Campbell, has lived in Kentucky since October.
Before that, in all their travels, “I can’t recall a time in our years at DODEA where my children’s curriculum was affected by anything that was going on in the presidency,” Henninger told a small group of reporters over Zoom on Wednesday.
“We owe our children to be honest,” she said. “I’m very fearful that these actions (are) trying to take away my children’s opportunities to learn about integral parts of our history, our American history … and different cultures. That’s what makes education — and life — rich. It’s all of those differences. My younger children … they deserve the right to learn about that stuff.”
In February, Clarksville Now, a news outlet in Clarksville, Tennessee, reported Fort Campbell librarians were busy “scrubbing for books that contain references to slavery, the civil rights movement and anything else related to diversity, equity and inclusion” in compliance with Trump’s orders.
Fort Campbell is an Army base that spans the Kentucky-Tennessee border between Hopkinsville and Clarksville.
Fort Campbell schools also had to remove “bulletin boards that reference Black History Month and Black leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr., Harriet Tubman and Rosa Parks,” according to Clarksville Now.
Corey Shapiro, legal director for the ACLU of Kentucky, said Wednesday he hopes for a preliminary injunction to “get some relief sooner rather than later from the court.”
“We’re still evaluating exactly the timing on next steps and building that out,” he said.
He also wants to see more transparency around which books are removed from shelves, and where those books go.
But, he asserted: “none of these books should be taken out.”
“To some extent, it doesn’t really matter whether we have a list or sort of engage in a debate on which individual book is the appropriate thing,” Shapiro said. “The issue here is that books shouldn’t be banned from school libraries. Kids should have an opportunity to have access to all the books in the school library without fear that somebody in the Department of Defense is going to determine that it shouldn’t be there based on an executive order regarding a ban on certain types of viewpoints.”
‘I could not abide’
Soon after the executive orders, Henninger “started getting emails from the kids’ teachers, basically that just made me think that there was something going on.”
She got “notifications that assignments were being canceled, then that the library just unexpectedly closed down.”
She immediately started investigating, contacted the ACLU to help and ultimately joined the multi-state federal lawsuit in an attempt to block the Trump administration from carrying out the anti-DEI orders.
“I have a very strong belief that children should have access to books,” said Henninger, who is herself a “voracious reader.”
“When I was a child, I read. That’s how I learned about the world around me. It’s how I learned about other people and life experiences outside of my own,” she said. “And I feel like that is an important part of being able to understand other people. And to have those options taken away from my children was something that I have never experienced before.”
All her children, too, love books, she said.
“We’ve never had an administration come in and interfere in this way with our children’s education,” she said. “My husband fights for our constitutional rights and our freedoms in this country, and to see those rights being taken away from my children was just absolutely something that I could not abide.”
After the lawsuit was filed, Michael O’Day, a spokesperson for the Department of Defense Education Activity, said he couldn’t comment on an active lawsuit but offered praise for the agency’s “dedication to providing an exceptional educational experience for every student.” More than 67,000 students worldwide are enrolled in schools run by the DODEA.
“Our curriculum, rigorously aligned with DoDEA’s proven standards, has earned us the distinction of being the top-ranked school system in the United States for four consecutive years, based on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), the Nation’s Report Card,” O’Day said in a statement. “These standards promote academic excellence, critical thinking, and a learning environment that empowers all military-connected students to excel.”
Henninger attributes the success in part to the diversity of the student body.
“I think part of this strength is our diversity — the diversity of people that come together and we learn from each other, and that’s part of our strength,” she said. “And so to see that potentially being taken away from my younger children? That’s harmful.”
She believes the executive orders are politically motivated and cited the Trump administration’s deportations of immigrants, saying his presidential campaign was “propped on” immigration issues.
“And then when you see them coming into the libraries and removing those items … common sense would dictate that two plus two equals four. That’s definitely politically motivated,” she said.
‘We can’t whitewash’ history
For military families like Henninger’s, DODEA schools are often the only option, though that can vary based on where a soldier is stationed. Private education is expensive. Henninger’s best path was to fight back within the DODEA system, she said.
Other plaintiffs represented by the ACLU are enrolled in Defense Department schools in Virginia, Italy and Japan.
“We don’t have a lot of the same recourses that that families have in the public education system. We can’t just go to our school board and and say, ‘This is unacceptable.’ We very much have to worry about retaliation and retribution. And so there’s a lot of stress and anxiety around that for a lot of people, which is understandable,” Henninger said.
She and her husband talked about the risks of joining such a lawsuit and ultimately decided she had to.
“Basically what it boiled down to (for my husband) was: ‘I joined the military to defend the Constitution, and if I can’t defend our children’s constitutional rights, then what am I doing as a soldier?’”
Her children “have their First Amendment rights just like everybody else. It’s not fair to them just because their father is a soldier that they shouldn’t be able to have the same rights as everybody else.”
She wants her children to learn about the full history of their country, including the “not so pretty parts: the Trail of Tears and slavery and the fight for civil rights.”
“It is our true history,” she said. “And we can’t whitewash that away.”
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Kentucky Lantern is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Kentucky Lantern maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jamie Lucke for questions: info@kentuckylantern.com.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Dave Mason | The Center Square – (The Center Square – ) 2025-04-29 19:00:00
(The Center Square) – California and Arizona Tuesday joined 22 other states and the District of Columbia to sue the Trump administration to stop cuts in AmeriCorps’ grants and workforce.
The lawsuit objects to the federal government reducing 85% of the workforce for the agency, which promotes national service and volunteer work addressing disaster recovery and other community needs.
According to americorps.gov, the agency enrolls more than 200,000 people each year in community service organizations. AmeriCorps also provides more than $4.8 billion in education awards.
Besides California and Arizona, states filing the suit are Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, Kentucky and Pennsylvania.
President Donald Trump issued an executive order in February directing every federal agency to reduce its staff. Since then, AmeriCorps has placed at least 85% of its workforce on administrative leave immediately and told employees they would be dismissed effective June 24, according to a news release from the Arizona Attorney General’s Office.
The states’ lawsuit contends the Trump administration’s efforts to reduce AmeriCorps and its grants violate the Administrative Procedures Act and the separation of powers under the U.S. Constitution.
California is co-leading the lawsuit against the Trump administration.
“In California, AmeriCorps volunteers build affordable housing, clean up our environment, and address food insecurity in communities across our state,” Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a news release. “California has repeatedly taken action to hold the Trump Administration and DOGE accountable to the law — and we stand prepared to do it again to protect AmeriCorps and the vital services it provides.”
The Arizona Attorney General’s Office said the cuts in AmeriCorps affect grants such as:
$700,000 for Northern Arizona University, Arizona Teacher’s Residency, designed to address teacher shortages.
$308,000 for Area Agency on Aging, Caring Circles, which helps older Arizonans with needs such as transportation to medical appointments, grocery shopping and help with technology.
$495,000 for Vista College Prepartory’s tutoring and teacher support for math and reading for low-income students.
“AmeriCorps represents the best of our nation – providing opportunities for millions of Americans to serve their neighbors and communities and make our country a better place to live,” Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes said. “By unilaterally gutting this Congressionally authorized agency, Donald Trump and Elon Musk have yet again violated the law and the separation of powers under the U.S. Constitution. Their illegal actions will harm Arizona communities.”
Mayes noted studies show AmeriCorps programs generate more than $34 per every dollar spent in terms of their impact on communities.
“Slashing these programs serves no purpose and is incredibly short-sighted from those claiming to champion efficiency,” she said.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
This article reports on a legal action filed by multiple states against the Trump administration over cuts to AmeriCorps, without offering an overt ideological stance. The content outlines the details of the lawsuit, the parties involved, and their claims. The language used is largely factual, describing the positions of the states, particularly California and Arizona, without endorsing one side. While the article highlights the perceived impacts of the cuts and quotes politicians critical of the Trump administration, it refrains from promoting an explicit viewpoint, focusing instead on reporting the legal and administrative actions at hand. The tone remains neutral and provides an equal space to both the states’ concerns and the implications of the lawsuit. It primarily serves as a factual report on the legal challenge, rather than an advocacy piece, and does not adopt a partisan perspective on the issue.
After years of legal wrangling, former Kentucky Secretary of State Alison Lundergan Grimes is free of any state ethics violation charges.
The Executive Branch Ethics Commission, which brought charges against her in 2021, has decided not to try to appeal to the Kentucky Supreme Court last month’s unanimous decision by the Kentucky Court of Appeals to uphold a lower court order that cleared Grimes of any wrongdoing.
With no appeal to the state’s highest court from the commission within 30 days, the appellate court finalized its decision on April 21.
“There are no legal charges any more against her, and there never should have been any,” her attorney, Jon Salomon of Louisville, said Monday night.
The end of the legal case could opens the door for a possible run for another political office. The Democrat is seen by some Kentucky political observers as a possible candidate for the U.S. Senate in 2026 or Central Kentucky’s 6th Congressional District next year.
Grimes is a Lexington lawyer who was secretary of state from 2011 to 2019 and was an unsuccessful candidate for the U.S. Senate in 2014 against Republican Mitch McConnell. She is the daughter of the former state Democratic Party Chair Jerry Lundergan of Lexington. The Lundergan family is close to former President Bill Clinton and his wife, former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
Grimes did not return phone calls seeking comments about her legal victory and political future.
Susan Clary, executive director of the ethics commission, had no comment Monday night when asked why the commission did not ask the Kentucky Supreme Court to review the Court of Appeals’ decision.
The commission had been investigating Grimes for several years.
In November 2021, the commission fined Grimes $10,000 for two ethical violations pertaining to handling of voter data.
As secretary of state, Grimes was the state’s chief elections officer. In her position, she had access to data from the state voter registration system in the State Board of Elections.
The commission had alleged that Grimes violated the ethics code by sharing voter information without requiring a request under the Open Records Act or other “established process of government.”
Grimes responded that all the voter data at issue was information in the public domain and that she had full legal authority and discretion as secretary of state to access and share such information. She claimed no statute or regulation was violated by the sharing of such public information. She claimed the commission’s charges were barred by the five-year statute of limitations and that the record did not support a finding of any violations of the state executive branch’s code of ethics.
The commission argued that it was not bound by any statute of limitations and claimed that a limitation could hamper its work on other cases.
The only allegations pursued by the Ethics Commission were that Grimes allegedly acted unethically in accessing public information in the voter registration system by downloading voter information onto a thumb drive when she was a candidate for reelection.
The commission also looked at whether Grimes improperly shared information on new voter registrations for certain Kentucky House of Representative districts in response to a request made informally through the office of the House speaker without requiring a formal open records request or charging a fee.
Grimes fought the charges in Franklin Circuit Court and Judge Phillip Shepherd ruled in her favor.
Then the three-member appellate court said last month that the Executive Branch Ethics Commission missed its statutory deadline to charge Grimes with improperly ordering the downloading and distribution of voter registration data from her public office while she was Kentucky’s secretary of state.
“The Franklin Circuit Court reversed the commission’s decision, finding it was arbitrary, not supported by substantial evidence and time barred. Due to the statute of limitations alone, we affirm,” said the appellate court decision. The three appellate judges were Susanne M. Cetrulo, James H. Lambert and Jeff S. Taylor.
Salomon, Grimes’ attorney, noted that the final order contained a “To Be Published” provision, meaning that the case sets precedent in law.
Kentucky Lantern is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Kentucky Lantern maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jamie Lucke for questions: info@kentuckylantern.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents the facts about Alison Lundergan Grimes’ legal case and political future in a mostly neutral to slightly favorable light. It highlights her legal victory and potential political prospects without using charged or partisan language. The article leans slightly center-left due to the positive framing of a Democratic figure and the mention of her ties to prominent Democratic leaders while maintaining an informative and balanced tone overall.
Beyond Kentucky’s borders, horse racing is a sport in steep decline. Within the commonwealth, however, wealth is common.
Though no fewer than 48 American racetracks have closed since 2000, Kentucky operators continue to invest hundreds of millions in their facilities and are reaping an outsized return, and not only on the first Saturday in May.
For instance:
Churchill Downs Inc. reported record net revenue ($2.7 billion) and net income ($427 million) for 2024.
Keeneland’s September Yearling Sale netted a record $427.9 million.
The 2006 races run in Kentucky in 2024 paid an average purse of $112,648, 20% higher than the second most lucrative state (Arkansas).
September’s seven-day all-grass meet at Kentucky Downs in Franklin paid out $490,789 per race, easily the highest total ever recorded at a North American track.
“Retreat to Kentucky if you want a future in racing,” California horseplayer Andy Asaro tweeted on April 15. “Things are moving fast.”
Whisper Hill Farm paid $5 million at the September 2024 Keeneland sale for a then-unnamed yearling colt by Curlin out of Cavorting by Bernardini. (Keeneland photo)
Beyond the Bluegrass, things are moving mostly in reverse. Jockey Club data shows the number of Thoroughbred races run in the United States has dropped by more than 50% since 1995, and the size of the national foal crop has been falling even faster, from 34,358 in 2007 to an estimated 16,675 last year. The Sonoma County Fair recently announced it will forego live racing for the first time since 1936 because of a shrinking supply of horses in Northern California. Last month, the Louisiana Supreme Court ruled the state’s historical horse racing machines unconstitutional, prompting Churchill Downs Inc. to project a 25% cut in purses at its Fair Grounds racetrack.
Slots-lite a double-edged sword
Meanwhile, “decoupling” legislation that could free Florida gaming operators of the obligation to stage live racing as a condition of their licenses has been stalled, but may only represent a temporary reprieve from redevelopment of major tracks. The Stronach Group’s 1/ST Racing, which owns Gulfstream and Santa Anita, has threatened to sell both tracks while showing a pronounced inclination to divest rather than invest in its properties. Last year, the company closed Golden Gate Fields near San Francisco and cut a deal that turned over Baltimore’s Pimlico, the home of the Preakness Stakes, to the state of Maryland.
Against this gloomy backdrop, and in contrast to its own contentious closure of Arlington Park near Chicago, Churchill Downs Inc. continues to spend aggressively on its flagship track. Plans for new capital projects with a projected cost of $920 million were put on pause last Wednesday, ostensibly in response to the uncertainty surrounding tariffs and trade disputes, but recent improvements to the paddock and the addition of Homestretch Club and Turn One Experience cost in excess of $300 million and speak to management’s long-term bullishness.
While these investments are largely attributable to the singular appeal of the Kentucky Derby, they also reflect the thoroughbred industry’s political influence in Frankfort and, in turn, the gushing revenue stream historical horse racing (HHR) terminals have unleashed.
Since their 2011 introduction at Kentucky Downs, the slot-like historical horse racing terminals have reinvigorated racing in the state. Programmed to pay out based on the results of races previously run, Kentucky’s HHR machines generated more than $9.6 billion in handle during the 2024 fiscal year, accounting for $99 in bets for every $1 wagered live at the state’s thoroughbred and standardbred tracks.
They contributed $55.5 million to Kentucky’s Thoroughbred Development Fund during that 12-month period, fueling the growth of purses that have more than doubled since 2017. Consequently, Eric Hamelback, CEO of the National Horsemen’s Benevolent and Protective Association, refers to HHR’s proliferation as racing’s “golden ticket.”
A terrace at Churchill Downs. (Churchill Downs photo)
When HHR’s legality was challenged in 2018, Ellis Park General Manager Jeffery Inman said the loss of that revenue would “likely threaten the very survival of one of Kentucky’s iconic racing venues.” Though opposition was vocal, it was handily outvoted. Attorney Ryan Roark, in an article published in the Kentucky Law Journal, wrote that the legislature settled on a definition of pari-mutuel wagering “not shared by anyone outside Kentucky … to allow for the powerful horse industry to exclusively run their slot-like gaming systems.”
The result, says Churchill Downs CEO Bill Carstanjen, has been a “juggernaut.” According to the Kentucky Horse Racing Commission, gross HHR commissions for Churchill Downs’ two Derby City Gaming locations exceeded $224 million for the 2024 fiscal year, nearly 12 times the total commissions from on-track wagering at all of the state’s racetracks.
To the extent this disparity underscores the industry’s reliance on revenue sources that require no physical horses, it inevitably raises questions about racing’s sustainability and the best use of its real estate.
A yearling on the way to the sales ring at the 2024 Keeneland September sale. (Keeneland photo)
“Racing is on life support in Southern California, Florida, Delaware, Pennsylvania etc. and exists almost everywhere else only with the support of non-racing revenues from slots, casinos and state supplements,” Kenwood Racing founder H. Robb Levinsky wrote in a January letter to Thoroughbred Daily News. “Instead of embracing innovative ideas to make the sport more attractive to a new generation of racing fans and owners, the focus continues to be on protecting those non-racing revenues. An industry where 80-90% of purse money comes from slots instead of wagering on the core product is simply not viable in the long run.”
Signs of progress in New York, Maryland
In the short run, at least, the growth of Kentucky’s purses has led to a higher quality of horses competing in the state, more interest among bettors and a breeding boom running contrary to national trends. As Ed DeRosa documented for Horse Racing Nation, Kentucky passed both California and Florida in total handle in 2024 after trailing both states annually since 2007.
“We’re the only jurisdiction (among the top four states) that has grown since 2020,” said Chauncey Morris, executive director of the Kentucky Thoroughbred Association. “The rest have contracted.”
And as cash incentives for Kentucky-breds have increased, so has the state’s share of registered foals. When HHR was introduced at Kentucky Downs in 2011, Kentucky produced 29.2% of the national foal crop. In 2023, the most recent year for which statistics are available, it was 42.2%.
Damon Thayer (LRC Public Information)
“In states where racing has a good relationship with state legislators, racing is in good shape,” said consultant Damon Thayer, formerly the Kentucky Senate’s majority floor leader. “In states where they have not cultivated a long-term relationship with the legislature, horse racing is either in a declining state, a crisis state or a questionable state.”
In addition to Kentucky, there are pockets of progress. New York and Maryland have committed nearly a billion dollars to renovations at Belmont Park and Pimlico. Multiple industry executives cited developments in Wyoming, the nation’s last populous state, as a basis for bullishness. Yet their optimism is tempered by unsolved problems in larger locales, including the most populous state, California.
Without supplemental income from other forms of gambling, California’s racing and breeding businesses have been contracting for decades. Efforts to enhance purses through HHR remain at the discussion stage in view of Native American tribes’ virtual monopoly on the state’s casino gaming. Unless some accommodation can be reached, racing columnist Ray Paulick warns, “racing in California is history.”
“You can put 1,000 HHRs in at Santa Anita and it would change California racing overnight,” Thayer said. “They’d be wildly popular. You’d direct the money to purses and breeders reward programs and it would be a huge success. It seems like some sort of attempt should be made to cut a deal with the Indians and convince them that 1,000 HHRs at Santa Anita is not going to damage their land-based casinos. . .
“Like Cyndi Lauper used to say, money changes everything.”
Iconic image from “The Greatest Two Minutes in Sports.” (Churchill Downs)
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Kentucky Lantern is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Kentucky Lantern maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jamie Lucke for questions: info@kentuckylantern.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The content provided primarily focuses on the state of horse racing in Kentucky and the economic factors surrounding it, without overt political ideologies or agendas. It presents factual data regarding revenue, investments, and industry trends while addressing challenges faced by the sport in a straightforward manner. The analysis includes both positive developments (such as revenue growth) and negative trends (such as declines in racing overall), indicating a balanced approach. While there are mentions of legislation and the influence of the horse racing industry on politics, these elements are presented contextually rather than as a critique or endorsement of specific political positions. Thus, the piece maintains a centrist tone.
