Texas legislators passed bills expanding parental control over public school curricula and activities, aiming to limit “liberal bias” and restrict diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives. Senate Bill 12, the Parental Bill of Rights, mandates parental approval for extracurriculars and bans LGBTQ+ student clubs while prohibiting schools from considering DEI in staffing. Senate Bill 2 establishes a school voucher program enabling parents to opt out of public schools. Critics argue these laws foster culture wars, erode trust, and promote censorship, complicating teaching and marginalizing minority voices. Supporters believe the laws restore parents’ rights to control their children’s education and align teachings with family values.
Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news.
Halcyon Ramsey, a mother of three children in the McKinney school district, is active in her kids’ elementary and middle schools. She knows how to reach administrators and has many teachers’ cellphone numbers. Ramsey values having a voice in what her children will be taught, especially when schools are preparing to discuss complex topics like sexuality.
“I get a permission slip, and then I have an opportunity to preview and see what they’re going to show to determine if I give my permission,” she said. “So as a parent, I feel like my rights are being acknowledged, because I have the option to opt out.”
During this year’s legislative session, Republican lawmakers championed several proposals advocating for parents’ right to guide their children’s education in public schools, a sentiment Ramsey agrees with. Supporters of the legislation say it will give parents more control over their children’s learning and push back against what they criticize as liberal bias in instruction.
But Ramsey worries that some new laws might do more harm than good.
Some teachers and parents note that Texas schools already have ways to take in feedback from families, and many work closely with parents in determining school activities and teaching plans. They say efforts to eliminate ideological bias in the classroom are contradicted by other conservative proposals approved this year that seek to push schools to the right. Ultimately, they warn, the proposals will further fan the flames of culture wars in schools, strain the trust between parents and teachers, and make it more difficult to navigate classroom instruction.
“I think when you have too many opinions and too many things involved, it muddies the water, then we don’t get anything done,” Ramsey said.
Frustration with schools
The push for more parental involvement in schools gained traction during the COVID-19 pandemic, when schools closed and switched to remote learning. It led to plummeting grades and created challenges for many parents, who suddenly had to find child care during the day. Schools also introduced mask and vaccine requirements, which conflicted with some families’ personal beliefs.
Frustrations with public schools eventually extended to classroom instruction. Conservative groups said the way schools taught children about issues like race, racism, sex and gender amounted to forcing leftist ideologies onto students, and that parents should have the power to push back.
Lawmakers echoed concerns that classrooms had become too politicized and that taxpayers’ money was being used to promote certain ideologies. Conservative criticism led to legislation in 2021 banning public schools from teaching critical race theory, a college-level field of study that explores how race and racism influence laws and institutions, despite the discipline not being taught in K-12 schools. In 2023, the Texas Legislature approved a law prohibiting school libraries from acquiring or keeping sexually explicit materials, which was partially blocked last year.
This session, many bills, big and small, sought to build on those efforts.
Senate Bill 12, which supporters dubbed the Parental Bill of Rights, aims to give parents more authority over their children’s curriculum and extracurricular activities. The bill’s goal is to help parents “make informed choices that align with their family’s values,” Rep. Jeff Leach, the bill’s sponsor, said on the Texas House floor in May.
The legislation, which is headed to Gov. Greg Abbott’s desk, will also ban Texas schools from considering diversity, equity and inclusion when hiring or training staff, as well as prohibit student clubs related to sexual orientation and gender identity.
Under the law, parents must approve their child’s participation in club activities. They will be able to report school employees whom they believe are violating the DEI ban to the principal. If they’re not satisfied with the school’s response, they can appeal to the Texas education commissioner, who can investigate the complaint and conduct a hearing.
Meanwhile, one of the central arguments for Senate Bill 2, which will create a school voucher program in Texas that will allow families to use taxpayer funds to pay for their children’s private schooling, was to make it easier for parents to opt out of public schools they believe are underperforming academically or unsafe.
Other bills approved this year include Senate Bill 13, which will allow parents to have a bigger role in approving or challenging any school library materials, and Senate Bill 204, which orders the creation of a handbook outlining the ways in which parents can influence their schools.
Mandy Drogin, a campaign director with the conservative think tank Texas Public Policy Foundation and a school voucher advocate, said she believes legislation approved this session will give more control to parents worried that what their children are learning in classrooms contradicts some families’ traditional values.
But Rep. Gene Wu, D-Houston, a critic of those efforts, said the bills don’t give parents anything they didn’t have before.
Even before the recent parental rights movement, families have been encouraged to reach out to their school board members or participate in parent-teacher associations to advocate for changes and improvements in their children’s schools. According to Charles Butt Foundation research, nine in 10 Texas public school parents feel comfortable communicating with teachers on safety, academic performance and mental health.
Before the passage of the school libraries bill, parents already had ways to provide input on what content their children could access, Wu said.
He also criticized a feature of the bill that will allow school boards to oversee book approvals and removals, or delegate that responsibility to local school advisory councils if parents in a district sign a petition allowing their creation. The bill requires only 50 parents or 10% of parents in the district, whichever is less, to sign the petition.
“If a parent really objected to a book, they could have gone to the library. They could have gone to the school. They go talk to the school board,” Wu told The Texas Tribune. “What these bills do is allow a very small minority to override and to control the process.”
Like other priority Republican legislation this year, Wu said, parental rights bills misrepresent what they do. During the Texas House debate on the DEI ban on K-12 schools last month, he blasted Leach for referring to LGBTQ+ student groups as “sex clubs.”
“Just like school vouchers are really about school choice, banning books is really couched as parental rights,” he said. “This has been the consistent M.O. of the religious right, of the Republican right, for a long time now. You call things what [they are] not. And after a while, you say it enough times, the lie becomes true.”
“That is a culture war”
For Nicole Hill, communications director for Texas’ chapter of the American Federation of Teachers, these bills will ultimately limit how children behave and what they read.
“That’s not parents’ rights. That is a culture war,” Hill said of legislation like the K-12 DEI ban and the school libraries bill. “It’s nothing to do with an actual parent’s right to be involved in their child’s education and to have all the information they need to make good choices.”
Hill said some teachers worry the new legislation will make it harder to teach certain topics and increase self-censorship among educators fearful of getting reported.
For Drogin, teachers should exercise a certain level of restraint. For instance, she criticized teachers who have read in class, “My Shadow Is Purple,” a children’s picture book about gender identity. Drogin said that kind of material doesn’t belong in the classroom.
Teachers “should be self-censoring. That has no business in a classroom with children,” she said. “If parents want to read those books to their children, by all means, you can go on Amazon and buy it, but my tax dollars and my children should not be exposed to that ideology, which is a radical ideology.”
Some teachers said the vague language of the new bills leaves many unsure of what is actually prohibited.
Rachel Preston, who teaches AP French language and culture at the Liberal Arts and Science Academy in Austin, said she’s rethinking her curriculum. She’s concerned that some topics she teaches could be misunderstood or taken out of context under the DEI ban. For instance, her textbook includes a section titled “La sexualité,” which she fears could be misinterpreted under the new rules and viewed as the promotion of a certain ideology.
“We talk about gender issues, and sometimes sexuality comes up in that. But this is a college-level coursework that we’re expected to deal with in high school. So it just feels like it will make teaching my AP class a lot harder next year when I get around to those issues,” she said.
Megan Holden, an English and AP art history teacher at Bowie High School in Austin, said she’s concerned that teachers won’t know what to expect from parents. Every parent has their own views, she said, which will make it hard for teachers to know what’s considered acceptable.
“We’re not even sure what parents are looking for, and so we have to guess that,” Holden said. “We have to guess what might be offensive to every parent, which is a lot to have to figure out.”
Preston and Holden pushed back against the notion that teachers are trying to indoctrinate children.
“We don’t tell them what to think. We tell them how to think. It’s the how, not the what, and it feels like it’s being assumed that we’re telling them the what,” Preston said.
Ramsey, the McKinney ISD mom, agrees with the idea that classrooms shouldn’t be used to promote any ideology. However, she said other bills prioritized by GOP legislators and approved this session seem to do just that. She pointed to Senate Bill 10, which will require schools to display the Ten Commandments in classrooms.
Ramsey is concerned that, in trying to keep ideology out of the classroom, lawmakers are actually depriving students of important knowledge and exposing them to more political influence.
“I feel like that is under attack here in Texas, the freedom to have a child actually be educated without being indoctrinated with religion,” Ramsey said. “I want my children to be able to make choices in their life based on what they have been taught at home, not what is being controlled and put in their heads at school, and I see public education headed in the wrong direction based on the decisions that the Legislature is making.”
Disclosure: Amazon Web Services (AWS) and Texas Public Policy Foundation have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
Big news: 20 more speakers join the TribFest lineup! New additions include Margaret Spellings, former U.S. secretary of education and CEO of the Bipartisan Policy Center; Michael Curry, former presiding bishop and primate of The Episcopal Church; Beto O’Rourke, former U.S. Representative, D-El Paso; Joe Lonsdale, entrepreneur, founder and managing partner at 8VC; and Katie Phang, journalist and trial lawyer.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
This article presents a largely centrist report with a slight tilt toward a conservative viewpoint. It frames parental rights and conservative legislative efforts in Texas schools as key issues, presenting Republican lawmakers’ push for parental control and critiques of liberal ideologies prominently. However, it also includes substantial voices of opposition—teachers, Democrats, and critics—who raise concerns about potential negative consequences and overreach by these laws. The balanced inclusion of multiple perspectives, including critiques of conservative policies and Republican supporters’ rationale, results in mostly neutral reporting with a slight leaning toward Center-Right due to the overall framing around parental rights and conservative legislative initiatives.
Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller was reported by a former friend to have asked him in 2022 to dispose of marijuana cigarettes and gummies to avoid DEA detection. The friend, Michael Hackney, lived on Miller’s ranch where Miller legally grew hemp. Miller denied the allegations. Investigations into Miller’s hemp operations revealed internal accusations but no charges against him. His former aide Todd Smith pled guilty to commercial bribery related to hemp licenses and was later rehired by Miller. Another former employee alleged Miller exchanged hemp for THC-laced products, which Miller denied. Miller is running for reelection amid ongoing controversies.
Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news.
A former friend of Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller told a Texas Ranger that in 2022 Miller asked him to dispose of three bags of marijuana cigarettes and gummies because he was afraid that the Drug Enforcement Administration might find them on his property.
At the time, the friend, Michael Hackney, was living in a motorhome on Miller’s Stephenville ranch, where Miller was licensed to grow hemp.
“I’ve got to get rid of this. I’ve had it at the house, and if the DEA comes, I can’t get caught with this stuff,” Miller said, according to Hackney. “He says, ‘You do with it whatever you want. Get rid of it. But don’t leave it here.’”
Hackney added, “He was really, really nervous about that deal.”
Recording of Michael Hackney’s interview with a Texas Ranger in July 2024
The Texas Tribune obtained a recording of the Texas Ranger’s July 2024 interview with Hackney through an open records request to the Texas Department of Public Safety, but has not been able to confirm whether Miller was — or has ever been — under investigation by the DEA or any other law enforcement agency. He has not been charged with a crime, and a Department of Public Safety spokesperson said Miller is not under active investigation by state police. A DEA spokesperson said the federal agency could not comment on any ongoing or past investigations unless they are fully adjudicated in the courts.
In an interview with the Tribune, Miller flatly denied the accusations.
“If I had marijuana cigarettes and gummies and I thought the DEA was going to investigate me, I damn sure wouldn’t have given them to anybody else to get rid of. I’d have just gotten rid of them myself,” he said. “I would never do that and it didn’t happen.”
Law enforcement records reviewed by the Tribune show Miller entangled in a morass of accusations related to his hemp farming operation made by former associates. The records were from two separate state investigations, neither of which targeted Miller. One investigation was into bribery accusations against a top Miller aide. The second was in response to an accusation of illegal coercion that Miller made against one of his own high-ranking Texas Departure of Agriculture employees. Miller accused the employee of trying to blackmail him with threats of explicit photos.
Miller dismissed the accusations made to law enforcement as lies from a disgruntled former employee and former friend. He said DPS has never reached out to question him about the claims.
Recorded interviews conducted during both investigations revealed people close to Miller believed his hemp farm was under scrutiny by the DEA.
Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller denies accusations against him to Texas Tribune reporter Kate McGee.
That included Freddy Vest, a former agriculture department director who oversaw the hemp licensing program and who Miller accused of blackmail. DPS investigated the claim but did not charge Vest with a crime.
During that investigation, Vest told officers in June of this year that a colleague had informed him three or four years ago that the DEA had contacted the agency asking for information about Miller’s hemp farm.
When Vest relayed the information to Miller in early 2022, he said Miller grew angry.
“I said, ‘Sid, I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but I told you I’d never lie to you, and I never hold anything back from you. … I’ve heard that there’s been a DEA agent that is inquiring on your hemp program,’” Vest recounted to the officers.
“[Miller] said, ‘What’s a DEA?’ I said, ‘Drug Enforcement Agency.’ And so he went back home. He got mad at me for telling him or that I knew about it,” Vest added to the officers.
Miller confirmed Vest told him the DEA was looking into his hemp operation, but said he was wrong.
“Freddy is a damn drama queen. He’s full of it,” Miller told the Tribune. “I checked out his story and it didn’t check out. It never happened. I never, ever talked to the DEA. They never stepped foot on my place.”
Miller, a Republican in his third-term in the state elected office, was registered to grow hemp in Texas between 2020 and 2023 — under a license granted by his own office. He was one of the hundreds of people who applied for that opportunity after state lawmakers legalized growing parts of the cannabis plant in 2019 as long as it did not contain more than .3% of tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC.
Miller planted 10 hemp crops at his Stephenville tree nursery through 2022, including varieties called Sweet Wife, China Blossom and ACDC, records show.
State lawmakers in May voted to ban the sale of substances containing consumable THC in Texas citing concern that they are dangerous to people’s health. At first, Miller opposed that ban, arguing it would be harmful to Texas farmers, though he ultimately supported it.
When Hackney spoke to the Texas Ranger about Miller’s hemp business, the Ranger was investigating Miller’s close political consultant Todd Smith.
Smith was arrested in May 2021 for soliciting up to $150,000 to guarantee prospective growers supposedly exclusive hemp licenses from Miller’s office. Licenses to grow hemp are unlimited in Texas and cost $100. After the indictment, Miller told reporters that he parted ways with Smith following his arrest. He later said the investigation was politically motivated and that Smith did nothing wrong. Miller has denied involvement and was not implicated in the case.
Todd Smith was rehired by Miller as chief of staff of the Texas Department of Agriculture. Credit: Social Media
Smith pled guilty to commercial bribery in 2024, a few weeks before his jury trial was scheduled to begin and about a week after Miller was subpoenaed to testify. Smith agreed to two years of deferred adjudication, meaning he would have to follow terms of probation but then could have his charges dismissed. A few months after Smith pleaded guilty, Miller hired Smith as chief of staff of the Texas Department of Agriculture. Smith did not respond to request for comment.
Hackney’s interview with the Texas Ranger, in which he described Miller asking him to get rid of the marijuana, is embedded in Smith’s 180-page investigative file from DPS.
“Sid shows up at my motor home and has three bags of product and by product, I mean, marijuana cigarettes that were in little cigar wrapping, gummies and so forth,” Hackney said in the interview.
Hackney responded, “What in the world is this?” he told the Ranger. But he did what Miller asked, he said.
Hackney’s motorhome had been parked on Miller’s property in Stephenville for about five years at the time to help manage his horse and cattle operation, he told the Ranger. Hackney, a former calf roper, got close to Miller traveling around the country and showing horses with him. He said two had a falling out in 2023 which resulted in Hackney moving off Miller’s property. Miller said he asked Hackney to leave his property because “he wore out his welcome.”
In the interview, Hackney told the Ranger he witnessed Miller tell an employee at his nursery to make sure if they had anything illegal on the property to get rid of it. And once at Miller’s house, he said he saw Miller smoke marijauna.
Miller said he told his employees to only grow legal hemp on the property.
Reached by the Tribune, Hackney said he stood by his statements to DPS, but stressed that he only came forward because he was asked by the Rangers to interview about Miller’s relationship to Smith. He was told by DPS that his statements would be confidential.
“I did not want to hurt Sid and especially his family in any way, but I did answer my questions to the best I could with the knowledge I had,” Hackney told the Tribune.
It’s unclear whether any investigators took any further action in response to Hackney’s claims. Asked about them, the DPS spokesperson initially said Hackney’s interview was included in a report that was submitted to the Travis County District Attorney’s office, and directed further questions to that office.
A spokesperson for the Travis County DA’s office said they do not have a record of receiving a copy of Hackney’s interview. Hours before publication, DPS sent an additional statement saying it did not send Hackney’s interview to the the district attorney’s office after it was determined that it “had no investigative value” to the Smith case.
A second investigation
Nearly a year after Hackney was interviewed by the Rangers, Vest, the employee fired by Miller after 10 years at the agency, got a knock on his door from two DPS agents asking to talk to him about his recent termination from the agriculture department.
In the interview, Vest said a former assistant commissioner, Walt Roberts, once told him that he accompanied Miller to a shop in Bastrop where Miller dropped off multiple garbage bags of his harvested hemp in exchange for two large garbage bags of black tubes with individually rolled joints inside.
“[Roberts] said [Miller] took his hemp down there, and what this guy was doing was spraying it with synthetic THC, turning it back into marijuana,” Vest told law enforcement.
Miller denied to Roberts he was doing anything illegal and remarked that “there’s some college kids that’d like to have this,” Vest told officers.
Roberts confirmed Vest’s account to the Tribune, adding that he felt uncomfortable being present for the exchange. He declined to answer further questions. Roberts was hired by Miller when he first took state office. Roberts has publicly disclosed he pleaded guilty for a federal felony and misdemeanor for his role in a campaign finance conspiracy in Oklahoma in 2003.
Miller denied he ever sold or exchanged his hemp in Bastrop.
Vest was interviewed after Miller reported him to DPS and accused him of threatening to expose intimate pictures involving Miller if he didn’t fire certain employees at the agency, according to a written request from Miller’s office for DPS to investigate the incident.
In a recording of that DPS interview, Vest told the officers Hackney had photos of Miller that could be incriminating.
The Tribune reviewed copies of both photos. One photo was of Miller laying next to a blonde woman on a bed smiling. Miller told the Tribune that it was a sick woman lying in a hospital bed who he took a selfie with. The other photo was a screen shot of what appeared to be Miller’s own Facebook story post of a woman naked on a bed, but only her backside is visible. Vest told police this woman was Miller’s wife. Miller told the Tribune he was unaware of this photo. Miller’s wife did not respond to a request for comment.
Vest told Miller about the photos in May, but didn’t tell him who had them, despite Miller’s repeated requests for more information, according to a recording of their conversation that Miller secretly recorded and sent to DPS.
When Miller fired Vest and reported him to DPS, he submitted his audio recording and a transcript of the conversation as evidence. The Tribune obtained copies via an open records request.
When Vest tells Miller about the photos, Miller asks where the photo came from and tries to guess who has copies of the photos, according to the recording shared with DPS.
In that recording of Miller and Vest’s conversation, Vest said that he had known about the photos for a while, but had previously convinced the person not to publicize them. But the person was more recently considering making them public and wanted Miller to fire Smith and another agency head.
Hackney told the Tribune that he never intended to release the photos.
Vest insisted in his DPS interview that neither he nor Hackney ever directly threatened Miller. He had tried, he said, to get Miller away from Smith for years.
“I didn’t show these [photos] to anyone to extort anything out of Sid or anything,” Vest told the officers. “And since I was terminated, I haven’t. It’s not a vendetta for me against Sid Miller.” Vest declined an interview with the Tribune.
The agents said in the interview with Vest that there was no evidence that Vest tried to blackmail Miller and closed the case. Vest was never charged with a crime. Miller told the Tribune he is still considering further legal action.
Political storms
Miller is gearing up to run for reelection for a fourth term next year. So far, he’s garnered at least one primary challenger: Nate Sheets, founder of Nature Nate’s Honey Company.
Miller previously served in the Texas state House from 2001 to 2013. Since he was first elected agriculture commissioner in 2014, he’s repeatedly weathered political controversies and criticism.
In 2016, Miller came under fire for using state funds to travel to Oklahoma to receive what he called a “Jesus shot,” an injection that a doctor in Oklahoma City claimed could take away all pain for life.
Miller later reimbursed the state for the trip and Travis County prosecutors did not pursue charges.
In 2017, the Texas Ethics Commission fined Miller $2,750 for sloppy campaign accounting. The next year, the ethics commission fined Miller$500 for using state funds to travel to a rodeo in Mississippi after an investigation found the primary purpose of the trip to Jackson was personal.
Kate McGee is continuing to report on issues related to the Texas Department of Agriculture. If you have a tip reach out at mcgee@texastribune.org.
The lineup for The Texas Tribune Festival continues to grow! Be there when all-star leaders, innovators and newsmakers take the stage in downtown Austin, Nov. 13–15. The newest additions include comedian, actor and writer John Mulaney; Dallas mayor Eric Johnson; U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minnesota; New York Media Editor-at-Large Kara Swisher; and U.S. Rep. Veronica Escobar, D-El Paso. Get your tickets today!
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The article presents a factual, investigative report on allegations involving Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller without adopting an overt ideological stance. It details accusations from multiple sources, Miller’s denials, and related investigations, maintaining a neutral tone throughout. The coverage includes balanced perspectives and official statements, focusing on documented events and law enforcement records rather than editorializing. While the subject is a Republican politician with a history of controversy, the article refrains from partisan framing and simply reports the facts, consistent with The Texas Tribune’s nonpartisan editorial approach.
SUMMARY: Glass panels have fallen multiple times from the under-construction 55-story ATX Tower in downtown Austin, raising safety concerns. On July 28, Ryan Companies found a broken glass panel—the fourth such incident this year—and alerted authorities, ensuring no injuries occurred. A covered walkway was installed as a safety measure. The City of Austin’s Development Services Department is working closely with the contractor, conducting site visits and investigations. While causes, including high winds, are being studied, no penalties have been imposed yet. Council member Zo Qadri demands accountability and potential city council action to ensure public safety amid ongoing risks.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Bethany Blankley | The Center Square contributor – (The Center Square – ) 2025-07-30 19:23:00
The Texas Senate has passed SB 5, a bill banning THC products, for the second time, following Gov. Greg Abbott’s veto of a similar bill (SB 3). Abbott has proposed legalizing THC for adults 21+, but the GOP-led legislature opposes legalization and supports the ban, citing health and safety concerns, especially for children. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick strongly advocates the ban, condemning loopholes exploited by retailers selling potent THC products marketed to youth. The bill bans production, sale, and possession of most THC products except CBD/CBG. Opponents argue it harms businesses and patients, but Patrick highlights expanded medical access through the Compassionate Use Program. The Texas House plans to pass the ban, deepening the rift with Abbott.
(The Center Square) – The Texas Senate on Wednesday passed for a second time a ban on THC.
In the regular legislative session, the Senate passed SB 3, filed by state Sen. Charles Perry, R-Lubbock, with bipartisan support in both chambers. Gov. Greg Abbott then vetoed it in the last hour of the last day allowed by the Texas Constitution after the legislature adjourned and couldn’t convene to override it.
Next, Abbott proposed legalizing THC for adults over age 21, making it a legislative priority for the special session, which began July 21. However, the Texas Legislature, led by Republicans, oppose Abbott’s proposal and oppose legalizing THC and marijuana.
The Texas Senate next passed Perry’s second THC ban, SB 5, out of committee with bipartisan support last week. The full Senate passed it on Wednesday by a vote of 21-8.
The Texas House is also not backing down on a THC ban. An identical bill to Perry’s was filed by state Rep. Gary VanDeaver, R-New Boston, HB 5.
In response to the Senate again passing the THC ban, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick said, “Since 2019, bad actors have taken advantage of a loophole in Texas agriculture law to sell potent, intoxicating forms of THC that have nothing to do with agriculture. These shops have rapidly spread throughout Texas, endangering the health and safety of children and families across our state, with no accountability. These products, often containing dangerous levels of THC, are marketed directly towards young people with colorful packaging and images, making THC look like candy or sweets.”
Patrick has made a THC ban his mission this year, holding multiple press conferences and posting videos on social media about why a ban is important.
A THC ban remains a legislative priority, he said on Wednesday, “because we refuse to let these rogue retailers exploit loopholes in state law to sell dangerous THC products into our communities.”
The bill has the support of every law enforcement agency in Texas, the Texas Medical Association, Texas Pediatric Society, and many families impacted by THC. Law enforcement officers oppose regulating it, arguing regulation won’t work. Current regulation related to hemp farming has already been abused and unenforced, witnesses testified, pointing out that an official list of hemp growers includes smoke shops, extract labs and closed businesses.
Abbott is standing in opposition to law enforcement and Texas families, and is paving the way to legalize marijuana, Patrick argues. Abbott has proposed regulating THC like alcohol.
Marijuana and THC products are considered Schedule 1 controlled substances by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, which “considers them to have a high likelihood of being abused and no current medical use, despite marijuana being legal in some cities and states, including for medical purposes,” WebMD explains.
In Texas, marijuana for recreational use is illegal; CBD oil, an extract of the marijuana plant, is legal for medical use. In 2015, the state legislature passed the Compassionate-Use Act, authorizing qualified physicians to prescribe low-THC cannabis (less than one percent) to patients with certain conditions. It initially only applied to patients with intractable epilepsy but was later expanded to include those diagnosed with a seizure disorder, multiple sclerosis, spasticity, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, autism, cancer, post-traumatic stress disorder and an incurable neurodegenerative disease, the State Law Library explains.
SB 5 allows Cannabidiol (CBD) or CBG, whole hemp seeds, hemp seed protein powder and hemp seed oil to continue being sold in Texas. Their sale is “currently legal today through the FDA,” Perry said at a hearing last week. However, “It is with almost 99% assuredly most of the [THC] products that are being sold off these retail shelves today through these hemp stores and other venues is illegal federally. We have court cases building by the week that support that.”
SB 5 bans the production, sale, and possession of consumable marijuana products that contain any cannabinoids other than CBD or CBG, including banning substances marketed as delta-8, delta-9, delta-10, THCA, and THC-O. Violators face criminal penalties ranging from a Class C misdemeanor for possession to a third-degree felony for manufacturing or distribution of THC.
Opponents of the ban say it will wipe out small businesses, tens of thousands of jobs and negatively impact veterans, seniors, cancer survivors and others experiencing chronic pain who use THC, The Center Square reported.
Patrick says they can legally purchase THC with a prescription from their doctor. The legislature also passed HB 46 to expand the Texas Compassionate Use Program, “the largest compassionate use program in America” to ensure they had access, he said.
The Texas House is expected to again pass the THC ban, setting up another showdown between the Republican-led legislature and Republican governor.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The article presents a largely factual and straightforward report on the Texas Senate’s legislative actions regarding a THC ban, detailing the positions of Republican lawmakers, the governor, and other stakeholders. While the content predominantly reflects the viewpoints and legislative priorities of conservative Republicans opposing THC legalization, it reports these without overt editorializing or strong emotive language favoring one side. The framing highlights Republican concerns about public health and law enforcement backing, as well as opposition arguments about economic and medical impacts. Overall, the article leans moderately toward conservative perspectives through its focus but maintains a largely neutral tone in presenting the facts and differing opinions.
/https://static.texastribune.org/media/files/32f03cae924a54e9550c130095ce2bb1/Todd%20M%20Smith%20TT.jpg)
