News from the South - Texas News Feed
Texas may end all child marriages
“Texas allows certain children to get married. Lawmakers may close that loophole.” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
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LUFKIN — Child marriages in Texas could end this year, as state lawmakers debate a proposal that would close a loophole from a 2017 law that allows certain 16- and 17-year-olds to wed.
House Bill 168 by state Rep. Jon Rosenthal, a Houston Democrat, would also nullify all existing marriage licenses involving minors, including those who move into the state after being married elsewhere.
The Texas House could vote on the matter as early as Saturday. For it to become law, the legislation would also need approval from the Senate.
Marriage among teenagers is rare after lawmakers took steps in 2017 to curb the practice. Still, Rosenthal believes the practice must be abolished entirely.
“My first concern was with a handful of marriages that we have in this state over the last few years where 40- to 50-year-old men are marrying 16 to 17 year old girls,” Rosenthal said. “While it was only a couple or a few cases a year, I just saw that as horribly egregious.”
Opponents to the legislation told a House committee in April that legal avenues for young people to get married were important for teen mothers. At least one legal expert also suggested the provision that nullifies out-of-state marriages violated the U.S. Constitution.
[New state law seeks to reduce the number of child brides in Texas]
The proposal is backed by the Tahirih Justice Center, a national nonprofit advocacy group that has advocated for the abolition of child marriages nationwide. Since the center’s campaign began 10 years ago, 13 states and Washington D.C. have outright banned child marriage.
The center also backed the successful campaign to drastically limit the types of marriages involving minors allowable in Texas in 2017. The change to Texas law dramatically reduced the number of people under 18 getting married.
The 2017 change required a minor to be emancipated before they were married. The rates of child marriages declined significantly, according to data from the Texas Department of Health and Human Services. There were more than 200 marriages involving minors in Texas in 2016 alone. There were less than a dozen marriages involving minors in 2021, the latest data available.
“We always knew that this law would need to be revisited, because it is an imperfect law, even if it’s having a really positive effect,” said Casey Swegman, Tahirih’s director of public policy. “One child married is too many, and the only way to get to that is to set a bright line of 18.”
Victims of child marriages feel the consequences for the rest of their lives, even if they do divorce, according to a report by Child USA, a nonprofit think tank for policies on children’s issues. Girls who marry before 19 are 50% more likely to drop out of school than their unmarried counterparts. By and large, these girls will have more children, fewer lifetime earnings and experience more intimate partner violence.
Brigitte Combs, a survivor of a 1984 child marriage that took place in Hays County, has become an advocate to end the practice. She has been outspoken in Virginia and Washington, D.C., where they passed laws prohibiting such marriages.
She wants to see her home state put an end to the practice that set her life on a much more difficult, and often terrifying, trajectory.
Combs’ mother first attempted to marry her off at 11, she said. Two years later, she met the 35-year-old man who would become her husband. He bought her her first milkshake and took her to her first movie.
She was pregnant and married by 15.
“I was scared,” Combs said. “I was scared because now we’re doing this legal thing. I was standing there and the judge, she even asked me if this was something I wanted to do. What am I going to say? No? No. This is not what I want to do. My parents were standing there.”
Opponents in April argued that minors ought to be permitted to marry, especially if they’re pregnant.
“I do not think that single-parent households are as beneficial to raising children as a two-parent household. Please oppose this bill,” George Brian Vachris, a former high school teacher from Houston ISD, said at a hearing.
Cecilia Wood, a family law attorney from Austin, argued it took away parental rights.
Marriages involving minors were legal in all 50 states until 2017, according to Unchained At Last, a survivor-led nonprofit organization dedicated to ending forced marriage and child marriage in the U.S.
Between 2000 and 2018, more than 40,000 Texas children – mostly girls – were married, the organization reported.
Tahirih and other organizations took up the mantle to end the practice, which has resulted in 13 states outright banning child marriages. Other states, like Texas, installed stricter guidelines for marriages involving minors.
The age floor in Texas was raised to 16, and the law requires the child to be emancipated first. But Texas’ emancipation laws don’t offer much protection for the children they impact and there is no guidance from the state on how to determine the best interest of the child, Swegman said.
“Anyone who’s getting married in Texas now represents the most vulnerable, most groomed and most coerced person,” Swegman said. “They had to get through this process of emancipation for the purposes of being married as a child.”
Young women still married men several decades their senior in the last few years. In 2021, the latest data available, one Angelina County girl married a man 20 years her senior. And in 2020, a girl from Kaufman County married a man 31 years her senior.
Rosenthal was prepared to narrow the legally acceptable age gap between those wishing to marry minors to three years or less, and saw widespread support among his colleagues. But his mind changed when he spoke with advocates.
“The statistics are staggering,” Rosenthal said. “The divorce rate is super high. The suicide attempt rate is high. These young ladies that get married, especially in rural areas, even with the sort of consent and support of their families, often feel trapped in the marriage.”
Disclosure: Texas Department of Health and Human Services has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/10/texas-child-marriage-loophole/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post Texas may end all child marriages appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article primarily focuses on a legislative proposal in Texas that aims to close a loophole in a 2017 law allowing certain minors to marry. It presents a strong perspective on the harmful consequences of child marriages, emphasizing the voices of advocates like Rep. Jon Rosenthal and the Tahirih Justice Center, which supports the legislation. The framing of the story highlights the issue of child marriages as harmful, especially for young girls, and positions the proposal as a progressive step. However, it does provide some counterarguments from opponents, suggesting concerns over parental rights and the legal consequences for teen mothers. This coverage leans toward a progressive stance, advocating for the abolition of child marriages, while presenting balanced reporting on the issue.
News from the South - Texas News Feed
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A gunman armed with three weapons opened fire on Catholic school students on Wednesday morning as they celebrated mass at Annunciation Church in Minneapolis, MN. Two children were killed and 17 others were injured. The gunman also died.
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News from the South - Texas News Feed
Austin’s Mama Duke advances to AGT finals after getting Golden Buzzer
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The post Austin's Mama Duke advances to AGT finals after getting Golden Buzzer appeared first on www.kxan.com
News from the South - Texas News Feed
West Texas Congressman’s ‘Big Beautiful’ Cuts Could Harm Rural Hospitals in His District
Since it was signed into law on July 4, West Texas Republican Congressman Jodey Arrington has been broadly praised by allies for his stewardship of the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA). U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson called Arrington, who chairs the powerful House Budget Committee, “one of the most effective and consequential members of Congress.” And Arrington has wasted no time touting his victory in West Texas, proclaiming it to be a “game changer for Rural America” and “a big beautiful win for West Texas.” He’s argued the so-called entitlement cuts to Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act (ACA), and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program will “root out waste and fraud.”
But many of his constituents in Congressional District 19—a vast, deeply red rural district that includes over 30 counties—stand to lose access to both their healthcare and their local hospitals under the massive tax-and-spending bill, which will slash Medicaid and ACA spending by more than $1 trillion and knock 10 million more people off of insurance nationwide over the next 10 years, according to Congressional Budget Office estimates. Arrington’s district is home to more rural hospitals than any other in Texas, and roughly a quarter of those are at risk of closing under the new law, according to a recent study. Six of the 25 hospitals in the 19th are at risk of closing, according to a June study by the Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research at the University of North Carolina. Using data from 2020 to 2022, the study defined at-risk rural hospitals as those with three consecutive years operating with a negative profit margin or those which receive a disproportionately large share of revenue from Medicaid.
Losses to rural hospitals from changes to Medicaid funding under the new law may be blunted by a $50 billion rural health fund that was added as a last-minute concession to rural members. The National Rural Health Association projected that the major hit Texas rural hospitals would take under the new law would shrink from an estimated loss of $1.2 billion to $407 million after the rural fund is applied over the next five years. But both the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services and state governments will have wide latitude on how to use the funding.
That’s left rural hospital administrators in Arrington’s district uncertain about the future of their facilities—and how the new law will affect them. Dennis Fleenor, the leader of the hospital in Muleshoe in Arrington’s district, has concerns. “By the time CMS and the state and everybody else get their fingers in that small slice of pie,” Fleenor said, rural hospitals like the one he runs may not get much money from the rural health fund.
Arrington did not respond to the Observer’s questions about the healthcare impact residents and hospitals in his district may face under the OBBBA. Arrington has served as the district’s representative since 2017 after a career that included working for a private healthcare company, for Texas Tech University, and as an aide for George W. Bush in the Texas Governor’s Office and the White House. Arrington has served as chairman of the House Budget Committee, one of the most influential positions in Congress, since 2023. He’s also served on the House’s Rural and Underserved Communities Health Task Force since 2019.
The 19th Congressional District hugs the New Mexico border on the west and crosses central West Texas past Abilene to the east. Anchored by Lubbock and Abilene, the district is largely rural, featuring 17 million acres of farmland that produce a fifth of the state’s total agricultural sales and more cotton than any other district in the country. It’s also mostly white and deeply conservative. Around 15 percent of the district’s residents are uninsured, according to 2023 census figures, which is nearly on par with the statewide rate—the highest in the nation. Many residents in Arrington’s district rely on public healthcare: 131,000 or 18 percent of the district population are enrolled in Medicaid. Statewide, 16 percent of residents are enrolled.
Ten percent of the district’s population is enrolled through the ACA marketplace, lower than the state’s 15-percent rate, according to a study by the health research and policy organization KFF. The tax-and-spending bill doesn’t extend ACA tax credits that expire at the end of the year and thus will cause insurance premiums to surge for the vast majority of current enrollees. KFF estimates the removal of the tax credits and added hurdles to enroll in the ACA could cause 1.7 million Texans to lose ACA coverage.
Because Texas never expanded Medicaid under the ACA, the state will not have to impose work requirements on Texas’ Medicaid patients or reduce its provider tax rate, which will be a requirement under the new law starting in 2027. However, the OBBBA did freeze the provider tax rates states use to finance Medicaid on July 4, making it more difficult for states to increase their own funding for the program.
Dr. Adrian Billings, a longtime West Texas community physician and associate dean of the Rural and Community Engagement Division at Lubbock’s Texas Tech Health Sciences Center, said that hospitals are required by law to provide emergency care to patients regardless of whether they can pay. But unlike urban hospitals that serve a higher volume of patients and can better afford to offset the costs of treating uninsured patients, increases in uninsured rates can quickly dig rural hospitals into bigger financial holes.
“It is harder for a rural hospital to absorb when somebody without insurance shows up in the emergency room or needs to be hospitalized,” Billings said. “There’s just not much fluff at all left in a rural hospital’s margins to suffer any significant hit to their collection.”
The Mitchell County Hospital District serves the county of nearly 9,000 in the southern area of Arrington’s district, situated between Big Spring and Sweetwater. CEO Michelle Gafford told the Observer that the county hospital projected to lose about $700,000 in Medicaid funding, or roughly 3 percent of its 2026 fiscal year budget. “The cuts are going to hurt everybody, but they are not as crucial as they once would have been,” Gafford said, since the hospital’s share of Medicaid patients has steadily transferred to privately run managed care organizations. In the 13 years Gafford has worked at the hospital, it’s made a profit in only one year. The hospital is designated as a critical-access hospital, which allows it to receive Medicare reimbursements at roughly the same amount of the cost of services. However, other insurers, particularly Medicare Advantage and other private insurers, routinely underpay or deny coverage for services, leaving rural hospitals like the Mitchell County Hospital District persistently in a financial hole.
More recent data gathered and analyzed by the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform shows that 11 rural hospitals in Arrington’s district now have had a negative total margin in the most recent three consecutive years with available data—representing over half of the 19 total such hospitals in the state. According to that data, three hospitals in the district have 20 percent or more of the hospital’s patient costs associated with Medicaid services. That includes the Muleshoe Area Medical Center.
Since the 1980s, the Muleshoe-area hospital, located in the sparse western Panhandle near the New Mexico border, has gone through its ups and downs as its owners changed from one group to another. According to the hospital’s website, after one national company bankrupted the hospital in 1987, a Muleshoe physician named Bruce Purdy kept it running by seeing patients, cleaning its bathrooms, repairing the facilities, and even sleeping in his clinic to attend to late-night emergencies. Dennis Fleenor, a Lubbock transplant, now runs the critical-access hospital on a shoestring budget. “It’s a struggle everyday. But we’re here to take care of our community, and we will take care of our community whatever challenges we face,” he told the Observer. But he said that Congress can go a long way to help rural hospitals by making insurers fully reimburse hospitals for patient service costs. Even though the hospital reported an average of 20 percent of the hospital’s patient service costs over the last two years were related to services for Medicaid patients, Medicaid paid the hospital for only 18 percent of those costs.
Between 2005 and 2025, 25 rural hospitals in Texas have closed, the most of any state, according to the center’s analysis. In CD-19, two rural hospitals closed during that time and at least six of the district’s 30 counties in the district already lack hospitals. In Jones County, north of Abilene, there once were three hospitals. In 2018, Stamford Memorial Hospital closed because it didn’t have enough in-patients. The following year, nearby Hamlin Memorial Hospital closed, leaving only its medical clinic and emergency medical services open. By 2023, Anson General Hospital was hanging by a thread with $1.9 million in outstanding debt. At that point, its board decided to convert the facility to a “rural emergency hospital.” That federal designation was established under a 2021 law that Arrington helped spearhead as a last resort for rural hospitals; in order to qualify for federal grants, those facilities must eliminate in-patient services. Texas now has five Rural Emergency Hospitals statewide; two, Anson General Hospital and Crosbyton Clinic Hospital, are in Arrington’s district.
Vance Boyd, an Anson-based cattleman, pro bull rider, and general contractor, told the Observer he remembers when Anson General Hospital was “thriving, productive, and employed a lot of people.” But he said it’s now “a triage center to get you to a bigger market.” As a cancer survivor, he travels roughly 24 miles to Abilene to see his doctor. “If you’re having a health emergency in a more remote area, you’re pretty much on a dice roll whether you’re going to make it,” Boyd said.
Gaines County, which borders New Mexico, was the epicenter of Texas’ recent measles outbreak. Since January, the outbreak led to 762 cases, 99 hospitalizations, and two deaths statewide, according to the Texas Health and Human Services. Eighty-one percent of the cases occurred in counties within Arrington’s district. Cash-strapped county hospitals with crumbling infrastructure in the surrounding area lacked the space to test for measles or beds to treat patients, the Texas Tribune reported.
Frustrated with the healthcare system, the “death spiral” of rural hospitals, and “AWOL” politicians, Boyd, a conservative Republican, ran against Arrington unsuccessfully in the 2020 and 2024 GOP primaries. His campaign centered, in part, around the need to expand Medicaid in Texas.
“When you live in an area where the average income is low and many are on some sort of government assistance, to expect everybody to have a premium healthcare plan is not realistic,” Boyd said. “I feel like our representative didn’t fight for us.”
Arrington, meanwhile, has his sights set on even further cuts to Medicaid. In mid-July, less than two weeks after he helped pass the OBBBA, Arrington told Bloomberg News that he would be seeking to pass deeper cuts to Medicaid, along with Medicare cuts that he had tried and failed to get locked into the Big Beautiful Bill. Among Arrington’s goals for a budget bill sequel this fall are to cut the federal reimbursement rate to penalize states that expanded Medicaid coverage under the ACA and reduce Medicare reimbursements to hospitals by paying the same rate regardless of the provider.
“I think we will do one before the end of the year,” Arrington told Bloomberg News. “It’s going to be a more targeted set of reforms.”
The post West Texas Congressman’s ‘Big Beautiful’ Cuts Could Harm Rural Hospitals in His District appeared first on www.texasobserver.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content presents a critical perspective on a Republican congressman’s budget bill, emphasizing the negative impacts of Medicaid and ACA cuts on rural hospitals and vulnerable populations. While it acknowledges the congressman’s achievements and conservative district context, the overall tone highlights concerns about healthcare access and funding reductions, reflecting a viewpoint more aligned with center-left critiques of conservative fiscal policies.
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