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Texas conservatives lose in school board races

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feeds.texastribune.org – By Jasper Scherer and Renzo Downey – 2025-05-05 19:07:00



Conservative candidates in Texas’ school board elections suffered significant losses on May 5, 2025, marking a setback for efforts to influence school curriculums on issues such as race, gender, and sex. Candidates endorsed by the Tarrant County Republican Party, including those supported by the Patriot Mobile Action PAC, lost in areas like Mansfield ISD, where conservative majorities had previously pushed for stricter policies on library books. The losses in Tarrant County and other suburban districts indicate a potential backlash against President Trump’s influence. Despite setbacks, conservatives remain optimistic about future races, including the upcoming San Antonio mayoral runoff.

School board races across Texas deal losses for many conservatives” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

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Conservative school board candidates across Texas suffered an array of defeats in Saturday’s local elections, marking a clear setback for the Republican-aligned movement to shape how grade school curriculums and library books confront issues of race, sex and gender.

The sweeping losses for conservative school board hopefuls also served as an early sign of potential backlash to the nascent administration of President Donald Trump, ahead of a 2026 midterm in which a number of statewide offices will be on the ballot. Midterm elections historically have spelled trouble for the incumbent president’s party in down-ballot races.

Saturday’s elections saw the defeat of numerous conservative school board trustees in the Tarrant County suburbs surrounding Fort Worth, the epicenter of the state’s recent culture war fights over how students should learn about race and gender. All seven school board candidates in contested races who were endorsed by the Tarrant County Republican Party lost their elections.

The fight dates back to 2022, when a network of conservative donors and groups led by Patriot Mobile Action — a North Texas Christian nationalist PAC funded by a cellphone company — backed a slate of 11 school board candidates around the area, 10 of whom won their elections. That included major gains on the Mansfield ISD board, where the newfound conservative majority gave itself oversight over which library books could be added to school shelves, presaging a proposal now making its way through the Legislature.

All three Mansfield ISD trustees up for reelection Saturday had been backed by Patriot Mobile Action and were endorsed this year by the Tarrant County GOP; all three lost their reelection bids. The party’s pick for Mansfield mayor, Julie Short, also failed to unseat incumbent Michael Evans.

Conservatives also racked up losses on the nearby Arlington, Grapevine-Colleyville and Keller ISD boards. Keller ISD trustees have drawn statewide attention over a 2022 policy that, in practice, allowed community members to block proposed book purchases.

Conservative activist Carlos Turcios called the results “horrible news.”

“The Radical DEI Left has flipped the conservative school board. Mansfield ISD has capitulated to the DEI-LGBTQ Left. Prayers,” Turcios wrote on social media, adding that Mansfield “has gone to Hell.”

Tarrant County GOP Chair Bo French said the losses came after an election in which the party “did more than we have ever done in terms of voter contact.”

“We will have to analyze who turned out and who didn’t before we know everything. But, it seems the average Republican just doesn’t care about local elections,” French said, adding that he believes some GOP voters felt “no urgency locally” after Trump’s election, “because Trump is winning on so many issues.”

Though school board elections are nonpartisan and have traditionally been sleepy, low-budget affairs, they have been seized by the hyperpolarized and partisan fervor once restricted to national politics — making Saturday’s elections all but nonpartisan in name only. Still, Jon Taylor, a political science professor at the University of Texas at San Antonio, cautioned both parties against reading too much into the results, given that this weekend’s scant voter participation was not indicative of who will turn out in next year’s midterms.

“I’m not convinced that somehow, reading the tea leaves, this will be a big year for the Democrats in ‘26 because of what happened in local elections with 3% to 7% turnout,” Taylor said. “That said, if I were the Republicans, I would be at least a little bit worried that in a low-information, low-turnout election, the doctrinaire, far-right, almost Christian nationalist conservatives didn’t fare well.”

The conservative school board wipeout also extended to the Houston area, where the Katy ISD board president, Victor Perez, was ousted by a longtime educator who campaigned on shifting the board’s focus away from culture war battles. Perez’s tenure on the board has been defined by book bans and policies requiring students to use the bathroom that aligns with their sex assigned at birth, along with requiring school staff to tell parents if a student asks to “be identified as transgender, change his or her name, or use different pronouns at school.”

Such policies typically passed on 4-3 votes, with Perez among the majority.

In nearby Fort Bend ISD, voters also ushered in a new majority coalition that opposes the far-reaching book removal policy approved by the board last year.

Texas Republican Party Chair Abraham George acknowledged the party’s poor performance but vowed the GOP would rebound.

“The local elections, endorsements, we didn’t do very good. But we will continue to fight that battle in Texas,” George said in a livestream on social media Monday. “We will continue to work with the local county parties to continue to have good candidates on the ballot. And it’s a process. Nothing is overnight.”

Runoff in San Antonio

It was not universally bad news for conservatives, who will have a chance for redemption in the San Antonio mayoral race after Rolando Pablos — a former Texas secretary of state who has framed himself as the top fiscal conservative option for voters — advanced to a June runoff. Pablos was appointed secretary of state by Gov. Greg Abbott in 2017 and was tapped for the Public Utility Commission by Abbott’s GOP predecessor, Rick Perry. His campaign has been bolstered by a local conservative group, the Texas Economic Fund, whose political strategist previously served as Abbott’s political director.

Running in a field of 27 candidates, Pablos received nearly 17% of the vote in Saturday’s contest — good for second place and a spot in the runoff against first-place finisher Gina Ortiz Jones, who tallied 27%. Jones is a former Democratic congressional candidate who served as undersecretary of the U.S. Air Force under the Biden administration.

Pablos wasted no time framing Jones as a continuation of the status quo under the current city government helmed by term-limited Mayor Ron Nirenberg. In a statement Saturday evening, he pointed to the poor showing from incumbent San Antonio City Council members running for mayor — none finished higher than fourth — as evidence that voters had rejected “business as usual.”

“San Antonio now has a clear choice, and I am confident they will reject Gina Jones for what she represents: more of the same, failed leadership from the San Antonio political machine that has left poverty rates in stagnation and caused businesses to pass over the Alamo city due to the radical, misplaced policy priorities that are completely out of line with the values of San Antonians,” Pablos said in the statement.

Jones kept her election night watch party closed to media and did not issue a public statement Saturday, though she told the San Antonio Report that “we know the work is not done.”

“We’ve got 30 [days] ahead of us to continue to show voters what I look forward to doing, in concert with the rest of the City Council, to make sure we move our city forward,” Jones said.

Taylor said Jones is not actually a City Hall “insider” and noted that, no matter who wins, the next mayor will be the first without prior City Council experience since Phil Hardberger, who was first elected mayor in 2005. Regardless, Taylor said, Pablos’ attack linking Jones to the “political machine” could play well among his base in the conservative areas of San Antonio, where participation tends to be more reliable in low-turnout municipal races.

“Those are the kind of voters that are likely going to turn out in higher numbers than the younger voters Gina Ortiz Jones has been focusing on,” Taylor said.

Disclosure: Texas Secretary of State and University of Texas at San Antonio have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.


Tickets are on sale now for the 15th annual Texas Tribune Festival, Texas’ breakout ideas and politics event happening Nov. 13–15 in downtown Austin. TribFest 2025 is presented by JPMorganChase.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/05/texas-school-board-races/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

The post Texas conservatives lose in school board races appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Left-Leaning

The content highlights a series of losses for conservative school board candidates in Texas, particularly in areas that have been focal points of the culture wars over issues such as race, gender, and sex education. The article uses terms like “conservative activist” and “far-right” while providing space for the perspectives of those involved in the political battles, but the framing of the article tends to lean toward a criticism of conservative efforts. The discussion around the backlash against the Republican-aligned movement suggests a certain sympathetic tone toward progressive or centrist viewpoints, particularly when it emphasizes the outcomes of these elections as signs of potential shifts in the political landscape.

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Gunfire kills 2, injures 17 at Minneapolis school

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www.youtube.com – FOX 4 Dallas-Fort Worth – 2025-08-27 12:42:28

SUMMARY: A gunman in his 20s opened fire outside the Annunciation Roman Catholic Church in Minneapolis during morning mass, targeting children attending the first week of school. Armed with a handgun, shotgun, and rifle, he fired multiple shots through the church windows, killing two children aged eight and ten and injuring 17 others, including 14 children, two critically. The shooter then took his own life. Minneapolis officials condemned the deliberate act of violence, expressing deep sorrow and urging community support for the grieving families. Police continue investigating the motive, noting the shooter had no criminal history or known connection to the church or school.

A gunman armed with three weapons opened fire on Catholic school students on Wednesday morning as they celebrated mass at Annunciation Church in Minneapolis, MN. Two children were killed and 17 others were injured. The gunman also died.

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Austin’s Mama Duke advances to AGT finals after getting Golden Buzzer

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www.kxan.com – Abigail Jones – 2025-08-27 12:30:00

SUMMARY: Austin-based singer and rapper Mama Duke impressed judges and audiences on America’s Got Talent Season 20. During the live Quarterfinals, judge Mel B slammed the Golden Buzzer for Mama Duke’s original song “The Mama Duke Show,” sending her directly to the finale and bypassing semifinals. Mel B praised her talent, comparing her potential to Missy Elliott. Other judges, including Simon Cowell and Sofía Vergara, also lauded her authenticity and unique style. Mama Duke gained popularity after her audition song “Feels So Good To Be You” charted on iTunes. The finale will air on September 23, with viewers voting to decide the winner.

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The post Austin's Mama Duke advances to AGT finals after getting Golden Buzzer appeared first on www.kxan.com

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West Texas Congressman’s ‘Big Beautiful’ Cuts Could Harm Rural Hospitals in His District

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www.texasobserver.org – Josephine Lee – 2025-08-27 09:59:00


Since July 4, West Texas Congressman Jodey Arrington has been praised for the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA), which cuts over $1 trillion from Medicaid and ACA, aiming to reduce waste. However, his rural district faces severe healthcare impacts: about six of 25 rural hospitals risk closure, threatening local access. A $50 billion rural health fund may mitigate losses, but hospital leaders remain uncertain. The district, largely rural and conservative, has high uninsured rates and Medicaid reliance. Critics highlight rural hospitals’ financial struggles, exacerbated by underpayments and rising uninsured patients. Arrington plans further Medicaid and Medicare cuts despite local concerns.

Since it was signed into law on July 4, West Texas Republican Congressman Jodey Arrington has been broadly praised by allies for his stewardship of the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA). U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson called Arrington, who chairs the powerful House Budget Committee, “one of the most effective and consequential members of Congress.” And Arrington has wasted no time touting his victory in West Texas, proclaiming it to be a “game changer for Rural America” and “a big beautiful win for West Texas.” He’s argued the so-called entitlement cuts to Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act (ACA), and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program will “root out waste and fraud.” 

But many of his constituents in Congressional District 19—a vast, deeply red rural district that includes over 30 counties—stand to lose access to both their healthcare and their local hospitals under the massive tax-and-spending bill, which will slash Medicaid and ACA spending by more than $1 trillion and knock 10 million more people off of insurance nationwide over the next 10 years, according to Congressional Budget Office estimates. Arrington’s district is home to more rural hospitals than any other in Texas, and roughly a quarter of those are at risk of closing under the new law, according to a recent study. Six of the 25 hospitals in the 19th are at risk of closing, according to a June study by the Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research at the University of North Carolina. Using data from 2020 to 2022, the study defined at-risk rural hospitals as those with three consecutive years operating with a negative profit margin or those which receive a disproportionately large share of revenue from Medicaid. 

Losses to rural hospitals from changes to Medicaid funding under the new law may be blunted by a $50 billion rural health fund that was added as a last-minute concession to rural members. The National Rural Health Association projected that the major hit Texas rural hospitals would take under the new law would shrink from an estimated loss of $1.2 billion to $407 million after the rural fund is applied over the next five years. But both the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services and state governments will have wide latitude on how to use the funding.

That’s left rural hospital administrators in Arrington’s district uncertain about the future of their facilities—and how the new law will affect them. Dennis Fleenor, the leader of the hospital in Muleshoe in Arrington’s district, has concerns. “By the time CMS and the state and everybody else get their fingers in that small slice of pie,” Fleenor said, rural hospitals like the one he runs may not get much money from the rural health fund.

Arrington did not respond to the Observer’s questions about the healthcare impact residents and hospitals in his district may face under the OBBBA. Arrington has served as the district’s representative since 2017 after a career that included working for a private healthcare company, for Texas Tech University, and as an aide for George W. Bush in the Texas Governor’s Office and the White House. Arrington has served as chairman of the House Budget Committee, one of the most influential positions in Congress, since 2023. He’s also served on the House’s Rural and Underserved Communities Health Task Force since 2019.

The 19th Congressional District hugs the New Mexico border on the west and crosses central West Texas past Abilene to the east. Anchored by Lubbock and Abilene, the district is largely rural, featuring 17 million acres of farmland that produce a fifth of the state’s total agricultural sales and more cotton than any other district in the country. It’s also mostly white and deeply conservative. Around 15 percent of the district’s residents are uninsured, according to 2023 census figures, which is nearly on par with the statewide rate—the highest in the nation. Many residents in Arrington’s district rely on public healthcare: 131,000 or 18 percent of the district population are enrolled in Medicaid. Statewide, 16 percent of residents are enrolled. 

Ten percent of the district’s population is enrolled through the ACA marketplace, lower than the state’s 15-percent rate, according to a study by the health research and policy organization KFF. The tax-and-spending bill doesn’t extend ACA tax credits that expire at the end of the year and thus will cause insurance premiums to surge for the vast majority of current enrollees. KFF estimates the removal of the tax credits and added hurdles to enroll in the ACA could cause 1.7 million Texans to lose ACA coverage. 

Because Texas never expanded Medicaid under the ACA, the state will not have to impose work requirements on Texas’ Medicaid patients or reduce its provider tax rate, which will be a requirement under the new law starting in 2027. However, the OBBBA did freeze the provider tax rates states use to finance Medicaid on July 4, making it more difficult for states to increase their own funding for the program. 

Dr. Adrian Billings, a longtime West Texas community physician and associate dean of the Rural and Community Engagement Division at Lubbock’s Texas Tech Health Sciences Center, said that hospitals are required by law to provide emergency care to patients regardless of whether they can pay. But unlike urban hospitals that serve a higher volume of patients and can better afford to offset the costs of treating uninsured patients, increases in uninsured rates can quickly dig rural hospitals into bigger financial holes. 

“It is harder for a rural hospital to absorb when somebody without insurance shows up in the emergency room or needs to be hospitalized,” Billings said. “There’s just not much fluff at all left in a rural hospital’s margins to suffer any significant hit to their collection.” 

The Mitchell County Hospital District serves the county of nearly 9,000 in the southern area of Arrington’s district, situated between Big Spring and Sweetwater. CEO Michelle Gafford told the Observer that the county hospital projected to lose about $700,000 in Medicaid funding, or roughly 3 percent of its 2026 fiscal year budget. “The cuts are going to hurt everybody, but they are not as crucial as they once would have been,” Gafford said, since the hospital’s share of Medicaid patients has steadily transferred to privately run managed care organizations. In the 13 years Gafford has worked at the hospital, it’s made a profit in only one year. The hospital is designated as a critical-access hospital, which allows it to receive Medicare reimbursements at roughly the same amount of the cost of services. However, other insurers, particularly Medicare Advantage and other private insurers, routinely underpay or deny coverage for services, leaving rural hospitals like the Mitchell County Hospital District persistently in a financial hole.

 

More recent data gathered and analyzed by the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform shows that 11 rural hospitals in Arrington’s district now have had a negative total margin in the most recent three consecutive years with available data—representing over half of the 19 total such hospitals in the state. According to that data, three hospitals in the district have 20 percent or more of the hospital’s patient costs associated with Medicaid services. That includes the Muleshoe Area Medical Center. 

Since the 1980s, the Muleshoe-area hospital, located in the sparse western Panhandle near the New Mexico border, has gone through its ups and downs as its owners changed from one group to another. According to the hospital’s website, after one national company bankrupted the hospital in 1987, a Muleshoe physician named Bruce Purdy kept it running by seeing patients, cleaning its bathrooms, repairing the facilities, and even sleeping in his clinic to attend to late-night emergencies. Dennis Fleenor, a Lubbock transplant, now runs the critical-access hospital on a shoestring budget. “It’s a struggle everyday. But we’re here to take care of our community, and we will take care of our community whatever challenges we face,” he told the Observer. But he said that Congress can go a long way to help rural hospitals by making insurers fully reimburse hospitals for patient service costs. Even though the hospital reported an average of 20 percent of the hospital’s patient service costs over the last two years were related to services for Medicaid patients, Medicaid paid the hospital for only 18 percent of those costs. 

Between 2005 and 2025, 25 rural hospitals in Texas have closed, the most of any state, according to the center’s analysis. In CD-19, two rural hospitals closed during that time and at least six of the district’s 30 counties in the district already lack hospitals. In Jones County, north of Abilene, there once were three hospitals. In 2018, Stamford Memorial Hospital closed because it didn’t have enough in-patients. The following year, nearby Hamlin Memorial Hospital closed, leaving only its medical clinic and emergency medical services open. By 2023, Anson General Hospital was hanging by a thread with $1.9 million in outstanding debt. At that point, its board decided to convert the facility to a “rural emergency hospital.” That federal designation was established under a 2021 law that Arrington helped spearhead as a last resort for rural hospitals; in order to qualify for federal grants, those facilities must eliminate in-patient services. Texas now has five Rural Emergency Hospitals statewide; two, Anson General Hospital and Crosbyton Clinic Hospital, are in Arrington’s district. 

Vance Boyd, an Anson-based cattleman, pro bull rider, and general contractor, told the Observer he remembers when Anson General Hospital was “thriving, productive, and employed a lot of people.” But he said it’s now “a triage center to get you to a bigger market.” As a cancer survivor, he travels roughly 24 miles to Abilene to see his doctor. “If you’re having a health emergency in a more remote area, you’re pretty much on a dice roll whether you’re going to make it,” Boyd said. 

Gaines County, which borders New Mexico, was the epicenter of Texas’ recent measles outbreak. Since January, the outbreak led to 762 cases, 99 hospitalizations, and two deaths statewide, according to the Texas Health and Human Services. Eighty-one percent of the cases occurred in counties within Arrington’s district. Cash-strapped county hospitals with crumbling infrastructure in the surrounding area lacked the space to test for measles or beds to treat patients, the Texas Tribune reported

Frustrated with the healthcare system, the “death spiral” of rural hospitals, and “AWOL” politicians, Boyd, a conservative Republican, ran against Arrington unsuccessfully in the 2020 and 2024 GOP primaries. His campaign centered, in part, around the need to expand Medicaid in Texas. 

“When you live in an area where the average income is low and many are on some sort of government assistance, to expect everybody to have a premium healthcare plan is not realistic,” Boyd said. “I feel like our representative didn’t fight for us.” 

Arrington, meanwhile, has his sights set on even further cuts to Medicaid. In mid-July, less than two weeks after he helped pass the OBBBA, Arrington told Bloomberg News that he would be seeking to pass deeper cuts to Medicaid, along with Medicare cuts that he had tried and failed to get locked into the Big Beautiful Bill. Among Arrington’s goals for a budget bill sequel this fall are to cut the federal reimbursement rate to penalize states that expanded Medicaid coverage under the ACA and reduce Medicare reimbursements to hospitals by paying the same rate regardless of the provider. 

“I think we will do one before the end of the year,” Arrington told Bloomberg News. “It’s going to be a more targeted set of reforms.”

The post West Texas Congressman’s ‘Big Beautiful’ Cuts Could Harm Rural Hospitals in His District appeared first on www.texasobserver.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This content presents a critical perspective on a Republican congressman’s budget bill, emphasizing the negative impacts of Medicaid and ACA cuts on rural hospitals and vulnerable populations. While it acknowledges the congressman’s achievements and conservative district context, the overall tone highlights concerns about healthcare access and funding reductions, reflecting a viewpoint more aligned with center-left critiques of conservative fiscal policies.

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