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Stricter bail rules advance through Texas House
“Stricter bail rules advance through Texas House, which had blocked an overhaul in previous sessions” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
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The Texas House on Monday advanced a sweeping package to crack down on bail laws, setting a longtime priority of Gov. Greg Abbott’s — to keep more dangerous people accused of violent crimes behind bars — on its clearest path to passage in years.
Lawmakers adopted the package’s centerpiece proposal asking voters to amend the state Constitution to create a list of violent offenses for which, in certain cases, judges must deny bail. Once the Senate concurs on the House’s version, as expected, the measure will be placed before voters on November’s ballot.
But a constitutional amendment to automatically deny bail to any unauthorized migrant accused of certain felonies failed to win the 100 votes required for passage. Because it received support from a majority, 88 to 50, it will have one more shot at adoption this week.
And the House gave initial approval to Senate Bill 9, which would restrict who is eligible for release on cashless personal bonds and allow the state to appeal bail decisions, leaving a defendant jailed for up to 20 days as the appeal is litigated. House lawmakers also advanced Senate Bill 40, which would bar municipalities from using public funds to bail defendants out of jail. Both bills must pass the House once more before going to the Senate, which has already passed its versions of the legislation.
Under the state Constitution, almost everyone who is arrested has the right to be released on bail. The limited exceptions are people charged with capital murder and those accused of certain repeat felonies or bail violations. According to the U.S. Constitution and the U.S. Supreme Court, bail cannot be excessive, and pretrial detention largely should not be considered the default, as criminal defendants are still legally presumed innocent.
Rep. John Smithee, R-Amarillo and chair of the House Criminal Jurisprudence committee, argued that stricter bail laws were necessary to protect the public from crime committed by dangerous defendants out on bail.
“I’ve never voted on any legislation more important than what we’re getting ready to consider, because it holds the very key to life or death of some very wonderful people, some very innocent people,” he said, telling lawmakers about the families of violent crime victims he had spoken to. “This is what crime has done to some of our families. And what all of these cases and so many more have in common is, they are a result of what Governor Abbott has described as a broken bail system.”
“It may not be perfect, but it’s the best we could do to fix a system that’s been broken for a long time,” Smithee added. “We’ve been working on this for 10 years now, and it’s finally time to get this done.”
The House’s approval of the bail package marks a significant victory for Abbott, who has made tightening the state’s bail laws an emergency item for three consecutive sessions. While lawmakers have previously approved more modest measures limiting the use of cashless bonds, more expansive proposals to overhaul the state’s bail laws have repeatedly died in the lower chamber.
“We’ve been working hard on this for a long time,” Abbott said to reporters on the House floor Monday. “Too many people have been murdered because of the broken bail system that we’ve had, and the members of the House stepped up and did what they needed to do for their constituents, which is to cast a vote that’s going to save lives in their districts.”
Bail is a legal tool used around the country to incentivize people accused of a crime to appear at court hearings. Defendants can pay the full bail amount, which is refundable if they go to all their hearings, or they can pay a nonrefundable partial deposit to a bail bond company that fronts the full amount. People who cannot afford to pay a deposit or their bail are often left detained for weeks or months, even though bail amounts are not meant to serve as a form of punishment.
The bipartisan effort to push the package over the finish line, despite initial opposition from some Democrats and civil rights groups, reflected the shifting politics of crime and immigration across the nation. The package’s movement in the House continued a longer-term evolution in the state’s approach to criminal justice reform, from a focus on reducing mass incarceration and wealth-based detention to increasing certain criminal penalties and keeping dangerous defendants in jail.
“We wouldn’t be here if there weren’t real life examples of people being released who plainly should not have been,” said Rep. Joe Moody of El Paso, the lead Democratic negotiator, adding that he was committed to addressing low-level offenders locked behind bars simply because they could not afford their bail.
“That’s how the bail reform conversation started a decade ago,” he said. “For every improperly released defendant who commits a serious crime, there’s 100 low-level offenders held when they shouldn’t be, whose lives are upended. We need to do both.”
Top Republicans and Democrats spent weeks negotiating a package that could gain traction across parties, and they ultimately produced legislation more stringent than initially proposed even while narrowing the types of defendants who would be subject to the harsher rules.
Republicans cast the issue as one of life-or-death, arguing that stricter bail laws are necessary to keep dangerous defendants locked up and to hold judges accountable. They pointed to numerous examples of violent crime committed by people let out on bond, and highlighted the stories of victims and their loved ones.
“Of all the things I’ve had an opportunity to work on in my life, this may be the most important,” Rep. Mitch Little, R-Lewisville, said. “We have an opportunity to heal a grievous wound to our state and to our communities.”
Civil rights groups and some Democrats, meanwhile, argued that the measures tied the hands of judges and infringed on the civil rights of anyone accused of certain crimes.
Senate Joint Resolution 5, which would require judges to deny bail in certain cases, was approved overwhelmingly, 133 to eight — winning approval by a larger margin than a less stringent proposal in 2021. That legislation, House Joint Resolution 4, was approved 104 to 35, but failed as a casualty of a Democratic walkout over a voting bill.
As approved by the House, SJR 5 goes further than the Senate’s original proposal by requiring judges to deny bail in certain cases, rather than simply giving them the discretion to do so.
The stiffer language was demanded by Abbott, who argued that constitutionally requiring the denial of bail for certain violent offenses was necessary to rein in “activist judges” setting low or cashless bail for defendants who proceed to commit more crimes while out of jail.
But the legislation softens Abbott’s proposal by requiring the state to show that a defendant is either a flight or public safety risk to obligate a denial of bail — instead of forcing defendants to prove that they are not a danger and will appear in court to get bail. It also grants defendants the right to an attorney in their bail hearings.
Some Democrats initially blasted the idea that judges would be forced to deny bail in any case, arguing that detaining more defendants before trial would inflate the state’s already overcrowded jail population and hamstring judicial discretion. Still, only eight opposed the resolution.
“This historic vote shows that the Texas House has decided to put public safety above party politics,” Nikki Pressley, Texas state director of Right on Crime at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, said in a statement. “This collaboration will undeniably make Texas stronger and our communities safer.”
Civil rights groups argued that SJR 5 flew in the face of the U.S. Supreme Court’s finding that liberty, not detention, is the “norm,” and pointed to stories of people who were wrongfully accused and detained for weeks. Advocates argued that holding more people behind bars before trial would separate them from their communities and hurt public safety, citing studies finding that pretrial detention increased a person’s likelihood of committing crimes in the future.
Senate Joint Resolution 1 — a novel proposal to automatically deny bail and detain any unauthorized migrant accused of certain felonies — faced greater opposition and won just two Democratic votes in favor.
Smithee said Monday that he would work with Democrats on an amendment to exempt more protected immigration statuses from the legislation’s automatic denial of bail, with the hopes that that would be enough to earn enough Democratic support when the House tries again.
SJR 1 includes a narrower definition of “illegal alien” than initially proposed to avoid sweeping in lawful permanent residents and those granted protected statuses, such as asylum and military parole in place, which is given to certain family members of U.S. service members.
Still, Democrats also offered several amendments to expand the protected classes under the resolution.
Rep. Ramon Romero Jr., D-Fort Worth, asked lawmakers to protect Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals defendants and those with active applications for lawful presence in the United States under the Violence Against Women Act.
“The DACA people that I know are as American as every single one of us,” Romero said, adding that his siblings were both recipients of the program. “They know no home other than the United States of America, and they are not a flight risk.”
Both of his amendments were rejected.
Rep. Mary Gonzalez, D-Clint, offered, then withdrew, an amendment to exempt victims of human trafficking and other crimes who receive T and U visas after Smithee agreed to work with her on an alternative.
Democrats in opposition to SJR 1 argued that the measure would unconstitutionally undermine defendants’ due process and equal protection rights by precluding individualized consideration of each case to determine bail conditions.
“Immigration determinations are an extremely complex matter,” Rep. Erin Gaméz, D-Brownsville, said, arguing that the magistrates responsible for bail do not have the training nor resources to determine defendants’ immigration status. “There are immigration judges who spend hours making this careful determination — entire courts that have been carved out alone to make these very carefully planned out judicial determinations.”
The House’s version of SJR 1 also limits the types of offenses for which an undocumented defendant would be denied bail — from all felonies as proposed by the Senate, to certain election felonies, drug-dealing crimes and the most serious violent felonies, including murder, sexual assault, human trafficking and aggravated robbery. And it provides for a transfer of an undocumented defendant to federal custody.
“This resolution began as something that I would never vote for,” Moody said before outlining the changes made to narrow its provisions. “On a policy level, the concept here is not offensive — if a person has already broken our immigration rules, they’re probably a flight risk as well. … But I also get how incendiary this issue is. So it’s a very reluctant vote from me.”
He voted in favor of the legislation, but objected to rhetoric that cast all unauthorized migrants as dangerous criminals.
“From Twitter to town halls, the language around immigration is toxic,” he said, noting the anti-immigrant sentiment that drove the 2019 mass shooting at an El Paso Walmart. “It’s dehumanizing, and in some cases, it’s nakedly racist. … And that makes it very hard to deal with just the policy on the paper.”
While SJR 5, SJR 1 and SB 9 are the primary bail provisions this session, both chambers have also approved a measure requiring judges to produce written findings explaining their decision to set bail after finding “no probable cause” that a defendant committed the offense for which they were arrested.
And last week, the Senate swiftly approved another bail constitutional amendment, Senate Joint Resolution 87, to require judges to deny bail to certain repeat offenders if they find, before trial or any evidentiary hearings, that there is probable cause that the defendant committed the crime. Its sponsor, Sen. Joan Huffman, R-Houston, said the measure was necessary to keep dangerous criminals behind bars.
Little offered an amendment on Monday that would have grafted the provisions of SJR 87 onto SJR 5. The amendment was taken down on a technical challenge.
Civil rights advocates, the only witnesses to testify before the Senate panel considering SJR 87 just hours after it was introduced, condemned the legislation as requiring detention without due process, and highlighted the hundreds of Texans wrongfully accused and convicted of crimes.
“I am confused and disturbed by the introduction of yet another constitutional amendment that doubles down on stripping discretion away from judges, and the unconstitutional practice of automatically denying bail without an individualized assessment of risk,” Kirsten Budwine, a policy attorney at the Texas Civil Rights Project, testified last week.
SJR 87 has yet to be heard in committee in the House. It was unclear if it would have a path to 100 votes.
“The bail package that has already been negotiated will overhaul the entire bail system in a way that will be felt for generations to come,” Budwine added. “This constitutional amendment adds insult to injury.”
Renzo Downey contributed to this report.
Disclosure: Texas Public Policy Foundation has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!
This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/19/texas-bail-overhaul-house-passage/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post Stricter bail rules advance through Texas House appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The article covers the Texas House’s advancement of a bail overhaul package championed by Republican Governor Greg Abbott. The language and tone reflect support for tougher bail laws, with frequent references to public safety concerns and the need to keep dangerous defendants behind bars. While it acknowledges opposition from civil rights groups and some Democrats, the article focuses more on the actions and priorities of Republicans, particularly Abbott, who has made bail reform a central issue. The inclusion of statements from both sides indicates a degree of balance, but the emphasis on law-and-order framing aligns more closely with a center-right stance.
News from the South - Texas News Feed
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News from the South - Texas News Feed
Oil companies want protection as Texas considers allowing treated fracking water released into rivers
SUMMARY: Texas oil and gas companies are seeking legal protection to treat and sell produced water, a waste byproduct of oil production, to address water shortages. State Rep. Drew Darby’s bill would shield companies, landowners, and transportation companies from liability once the water is sold for beneficial use, excluding cases of gross negligence or regulatory violations. The bill has passed the House and awaits Senate debate. While the oil industry supports the move, environmental groups express concerns over insufficient data to ensure the safety of treated water. Critics argue more testing is needed before granting permits to discharge produced water into public bodies.
The post Oil companies want protection as Texas considers allowing treated fracking water released into rivers appeared first on www.kxan.com
News from the South - Texas News Feed
Oil companies want protection if Texas reuses fracking water
“Oil companies want protection as Texas considers allowing treated fracking water released into rivers” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state.
ODESSA — Oil and gas companies are seeking legal shelter as Texas comes closer to using waste brine once considered too toxic for anything other than fracking to replenish Texas’ water shortages.
Legislation filed by state Rep. Drew Darby, R-San Angelo, could give them, transportation companies and landowners such protection.
Darby told a Texas House panel in March his bill will give industries the certainty they need to ramp up treatment of the industrial waste, known as produced water. The full House approved the legislation earlier this year and it is awaiting a Senate debate.
Gov. Greg Abbott and other Republican leaders have made water a priority issue this session. Several proposals aim to increase the state’s water supply, which is under duress from a growing population, climate change and leaking infrastructure. Cleaning produced water is one of several ways lawmakers hope to boost supply.
There is an extraordinary amount of backwash from oil production, which continues to break records, especially in West Texas. For every barrel of oil produced, as many as five barrels of water are captured, Darby told lawmakers on the committee on natural resources, where he introduced the bill.
That water is either reused for fracking or stored underground.
[Can Texas clean up fracking water enough to use for farming? One company thinks so.]
However, industry and legislators have put millions of dollars toward researching treatment methods.
And now, some companies say they have scrubbed out the toxic contaminants to help refill drying bodies of water in West Texas. But the oil and gas industry is hesitating to expand this effort unless it can be sure it is shielded from liability after it hands off the water.
If legislators fail to assure the industry, companies might not want to treat the water and sell it, said Michael Lozano, who leads government affairs at the Permian Basin Petroleum Association.
“Without developing this field with legal certainty, Texas will miss out on millions of barrels of day of treated produced water that could benefit industrial and land application of water uses, which could continue to decrease reliance on fresh water in these sectors,” Lozano said.
Darby’s bill, House Bill 49, says that after an oil company agrees to sell the water for beneficial use by someone else, it is generally not liable if there are consequences later on. Neither are the companies treating the water. The bill also protects landowners who pay to treat the water and sell it, including in cases of personal injury, death, or property damage.
Companies can be liable in some cases, including gross negligence, intentional, wrongful acts of omission, breaking state and federal treatment laws, or failing to meet standards under the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, the state’s environmental regulator.
It also directs the commission to write more rules outlining how the water should be treated and used.
In a statement to The Texas Tribune, Darby called liability a “key barrier” to expanding produced water treatment, adding the bill “does not shield bad actors — anyone who violates the law or their permit remains fully liable.”
It’s unclear when the state might begin allowing treated produced water into nature. Four treatment companies have applied for permits with the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality to discharge or dispose of produced water into the state’s bodies of water.
Darby’s proposal has set off alarms among environmental policy experts who say that regulators authorizing companies to discharge produced water are not working with enough data to support their decisions.
The commission, which oversees all discharges, including those from oil and gas, has said the agency follows state and federal guidelines. Regulators are also gathering information supplied by the Texas Produced Water Consortium, a research initiative consisting of five pilot projects established by lawmakers in 2021 to study treatment methods of produced water.
The amount of chemicals in produced water varies by sample. Some estimates have detected hundreds, establishing the liquid as one of the most complicated to treat.
Nichole Saunders, senior attorney at the Environmental Defense Fund, said she does not trust the permits to account for every chemical and toxic contaminant. She said the water could still contain dangerous contaminants that the permit does not account for. Regulators and scientists should continue to improve testing before issuing permits, she said.
“We’re basing the responsibility for outcomes on the safety net of our regulatory system with this bill,” she said. “Not on what outcomes might be possible in a best-case scenario.”
Dan Mueller, an engineer and a produced water expert, agreed that there is not enough data to issue permits. Mueller raised concerns about the capability of the treatment technologies, saying the five pilot projects have not been running long enough to ensure they clean the water reliably.
And if the treated water causes environmental or human harm, he said, there are no assurances that the companies that discharge the water can afford to remediate all issues. He says the bill and permits should include financial mechanisms that can cover environmental problems, should they occur.
Without these assurances, “the responsibility to clean up any contamination that might occur is going to fall to the state, and ultimately that falls to the taxpayer, who will have to foot the bill,” he said. “That’s just not right.”
Lozano, with the industry trade group, said there are no existing protections for oil and gas companies that treat and sell the water, adding that treatment gives them another alternative for the excess.
“If this segment of the industry cannot develop and mature, it could impact the record production that has occurred in the Permian Basin,” he said.
Disclosure: Environmental Defense Fund and Permian Basin Petroleum Association have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!
This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/19/texas-legislature-produced-water-legal-protections-oil-gas/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post Oil companies want protection if Texas reuses fracking water appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
This article provides a balanced perspective on the issue of produced water treatment in Texas. It presents viewpoints from both industry representatives, like Rep. Drew Darby and Michael Lozano, who argue for legal protections to promote water reuse, and environmental experts, such as Nichole Saunders and Dan Mueller, who express concerns about the lack of sufficient data and regulatory safeguards. The article emphasizes the debate between advancing industrial solutions and ensuring environmental and public safety, with no evident ideological bias in favor of one side. It simply reports on the conflicting perspectives surrounding the proposed legislation.
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