www.thecentersquare.com – Justin Evan Smith | Young Voices – (The Center Square – ) 2025-05-20 13:30:00
Georgia’s new tort reform law, signed by Gov. Brian Kemp, has received praise for addressing issues like excessive damages and predatory litigation. It caps damages, tightens evidence standards, and limits litigation abuses. However, a provision requiring disclosure of third-party litigation funding could limit access to courts, potentially infringing on constitutional rights. While addressing genuine concerns about litigation finance, the law risks curbing plaintiffs’ ability to seek justice by introducing procedural hurdles. Critics argue that such reforms, while economically beneficial, must carefully balance legal efficiency with constitutional protections, ensuring the right to petition remains intact.
Georgia’s new tort reform package, recently signed into law by Gov. Brian Kemp, has been met with predictable applause from the business community and legal reform advocates.
It caps runaway damages, imposes new standards on evidence admissibility, and reins in what many see as a predatory litigation environment. For conservatives, it’s a familiar victory — an effort to restore balance, predictability, and economic competitiveness to a system distorted by jackpot verdicts and aggressive trial lawyer advertising.
On the surface, this is great for Georgia, and other states should be looking to follow suit. There is, however, one caveat: Buried in the text is a provision that should give pause, even to the most ardent tort reformers: A set of new restrictions and disclosure requirements aimed at third-party litigation funding.
On the surface, these rules appear procedural — mere transparency. In practice, they risk chilling access to courts and burdening a core constitutional right: the right to petition the government for redress.
This piece is not a defense of unchecked litigation finance. The industry, which connects plaintiffs with investors willing to fund lawsuits in exchange for a cut of any judgment or settlement, raises legitimate concerns. It can distort incentives, complicate discovery, and create conflicts of interest. But it also serves a real function — particularly for individuals or small businesses facing powerful defendants with deep legal war chests.
When the law makes it harder for those plaintiffs to access the resources they need to file a claim, it doesn’t just protect defendants. It curtails one of the most foundational elements of our legal system: The ability to assert your rights in court.
The First Amendment guarantees not just freedom of speech and association — it also protects the right to “petition the government for a redress of grievances.” Courts have consistently recognized that this includes access to civil courts. In NAACP v. Button (1963), the Supreme Court struck down Virginia’s attempt to restrict civil rights litigation on the grounds that it infringed associational rights.
In the case of In re Primus (1978), it reaffirmed that legal representation, funding, and coordination — particularly for public interest litigation — are forms of protected expression and advocacy.
Georgia’s new law doesn’t ban litigation funding outright, but by compelling disclosure of funding sources and adding procedural friction, it introduces the kind of selective burden that courts have previously frowned upon.
If litigation funders are forced into the open while insurance companies, defense consortia, and corporate legal departments remain shielded, that’s not neutrality — it’s viewpoint discrimination dressed up as reform.
There’s also a practical consequence worth noting. Many of the plaintiffs who rely on outside funding aren’t filing frivolous claims — they’re trying to stay in the fight. For them, the courtroom is the last available venue for justice. Reformers should be careful not to mistake asymmetry for abuse.
Conservatives are right to be skeptical of a litigation system that incentivizes massive payouts and strategic filings. But they should be equally skeptical of reforms that quietly erode constitutional rights in the name of efficiency.
The right to sue is not just a policy lever — it’s a protected mode of civic participation. And like any other constitutional right, it should not be curtailed simply because it’s inconvenient.
Georgia’s reform bill gets a lot right. It addresses real problems with creativity and courage. But if tort reform is going to remain a principled conservative project, it must hold the line not only on economics — but on the Constitution.
Justin Evan Smith is a law student and former business executive. He writes on contemporary legal issues, including constitutional law, judicial overreach, and the evolving balance of power in American governance.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article presents a clear ideological perspective that leans toward a Center-Left viewpoint. While it acknowledges conservative principles such as tort reform and the desire to limit excessive litigation and damages, it critiques specific elements of the Georgia tort reform package that impose restrictions on third-party litigation funding. The language frames these restrictions as potentially chilling constitutional rights and introducing “viewpoint discrimination,” which aligns with concerns often emphasized in progressive or Center-Left discourse about access to justice and protection of civil rights. The piece emphasizes the role of litigation funding in empowering less-resourced plaintiffs and warns against reforms that might undermine constitutional protections, reflecting a prioritization of individual rights and skepticism of reforms driven by business or conservative agendas. However, the article is measured and balanced, recognizing legitimate conservative concerns about litigation abuse, which places it in a moderate left-leaning position rather than a more radical one.
SUMMARY: Columbia County commissioners approved a $9.7 million project to build a 17,000-square-foot, two-story event center with storage for the Columbia County Performing Arts Center (CCPAC). Since CCPAC opened in 2021, storage has been insufficient, causing logistical challenges. The new facility’s first floor will offer storage and special event space, while the second floor will feature a large ballroom for weddings, banquets, and corporate events. This addition will free the PAC for ticketed performances and accommodate smaller events separately. Construction is expected to begin within two months and finish by the end of 2026, supporting local growth and event needs.
www.wsav.com – Matt McGovern – 2025-08-22 13:10:00
SUMMARY: Blue Bell Ice Cream is voluntarily recalling limited half-gallon Moo-llennium Crunch Ice Cream mistakenly packaged in Chocolate Chip Cookie Dough cartons at its Brenham, Texas plant. The packaging error omits allergen warnings for almonds, walnuts, and pecans, posing serious risks to allergic consumers. The mix-up was found on two half-gallons during restocking; no illnesses have been reported. Affected products have Moo-llennium Crunch lids with code 061027524 and Chocolate Chip Cookie Dough cartons. Distributed in multiple states including Texas and Alabama, consumers can return the product for a refund. For details, contact Blue Bell or visit retailers. The FDA is aware of the recall.
Georgia Congressman Mike Collins launched his 2026 U.S. Senate campaign to unseat Democrat Jon Ossoff, garnering endorsements from 40 GOP state legislators. Collins, backed by strong political connections and known personally by many lawmakers, faces two Republican primary opponents: U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter and Derek Dooley, the latter supported by Governor Brian Kemp. Though Collins leads in early polls, strategist Brian Robinson notes the race remains competitive. Trump has not yet endorsed any candidate but may back Collins eventually, sparking potential tensions with Kemp’s support for Dooley. Collins is also noted for sponsoring the Laken Riley Act, expanding detentions of non-citizens.
When Georgia Congressman Mike Collins kicked off his 2026 campaign for U.S. Senate this week, many in the crowd wore shirts emblazoned with stickers featuring his red, white and blue big rig-inspired logo.
More than a few at Tuesday’s rally also wore a rarer adornment: the glossy name tags worn by members of the Georgia Legislature.
Now weeks into the Jackson Republican’s plan to unseat Democratic U.S. Sen. Jon Ossoff, Collins’ campaign is touting endorsements from 40 GOP state senators and representatives.
Derek Dooley. Photo via Derek Dooley for Senate.
That might not be surprising except for the presence of two other high-profile candidates in the Republican primary, including one with the backing of Republican Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp. The governor was in contact with President Donald Trump to discuss choosing a candidate they could both agree on, though Trump has yet to make an endorsement.
Former University of Tennessee football coach Derek Dooley, son of legendary University of Georgia football coach Vince Dooley, entered the race at the start of the month with Kemp’s backing, joining Collins and U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter.
Lawmakers at the Collins event expressed personal and political reasons for their support. Many know him personally or knew his father, the late former U.S. Rep. Mac Collins, who served in Congress from 1993 to 2005.
“This is probably easiest for me because I live five minutes from Mike,” said state Rep. Clint Crowe, a Republican from Jackson. “This is my hometown. I’ve grown up here. I went to high school with his sister. I go to church with him and his parents. I’ve been friends with the family for most of my life, and so I know Mike and I know who he is and I know where he comes from, so it’s a very easy decision for me to make to support him.”
Others cited the Laken Riley Act, which Collins sponsored and Trump signed into federal law. It expands the government’s power to detain non-citizens, including for nonviolent or property crimes. Riley was a 22-year-old student who was murdered last year at the University of Georgia campus in Collins’ district. A Venezuelan man who had entered the U.S. illegally was convicted of her killing and sentenced to life in prison without a chance for parole.
None of the legislators said they had faced pressure from Kemp’s office to support Dooley or not back Collins.
“I haven’t had anybody reach out from Mr. Dooley’s team or from the governor’s office, so I would hope that they would understand my position. If they don’t, my position is not going to change,” Crowe said.
Still a three-man race
Georgia Republican strategist Brian Robinson downplayed the significance of the legislator endorsements in the contest that is still more than eight months away.
Sen. Jon Ossoff at a town hall in Cobb County this year. Ross Williams/Georgia Recorder
Collins’ popularity under the Gold Dome speaks to his political skill and connections, but it’s still early, said Robinson, who is not working with any of the candidates in the race. Even popular politicians can find it difficult to transfer their political capital to another candidate, he said.
Still, Collins is in a good spot, at least at the moment, he added.
“I think Mike Collins is certainly in the pole position, you would have to assume,” Robinson said. “There was a poll out last week that showed him up slightly over Buddy and both about 20 points ahead of Derek Dooley.”
Carter has connections of his own and enough personal wealth to put up a fight, Robinson said, and he’s not counting Dooley out either, especially with the governor’s support — and his financial backing.
“They’re putting some resources into it and providing air cover while Derek builds out his operation, builds out his why for the campaign — why him — and as he fundraises and as he gets around the state to meet people. You can’t do everything at once, and having Kemp spend money on his behalf while he’s doing all that other stuff is hugely important.”
Emory University political science professor Andra Gillespie said Dooley’s “legendary” last name could offer a leg up, and she drew parallels to another recent Republican candidate with ties to football.
Supporters of Congressman Mike Collins gathered at the Rivers Ranch in Butts County for barbecue and stump speeches. The house was packed tight with a handful of people listening in from a covered patio. The venue website lists the maximum occupancy at 275, but organizers estimated more than 400 people attended. Ross Williams/Georgia Recorder.
“I look at the Dooley candidacy as trying to do a better version of Herschel Walker, appeal to primary voters who might be drawn by the name and by their affinity for Georgia football – but hopefully somebody who, you know, has accounted for all of his children and doesn’t make weird comments on the campaign trail.”
Walker, a former UGA and NFL football legend, challenged Democratic U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock in 2022 but fell short in a runoff after a campaign plagued with scandals including acknowledging children he had previously not talked about and allegations of pressuring women he had been in relationships with to get abortions.
During that primary, Trump was sore at the governor for not backing his false claims of election rigging in 2020. But with a few exceptions, Trump-backed candidates bombed in Georgia in the 2022 primaries.
The Trump effect
Trump’s endorsement may not have been enough for Walker to become a U.S. senator, but the Republicans vying for Ossoff’s seat are working hard to get the POTUS tap.
Carter went so far as to nominate Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, but he’s not likely to get a senate nomination in return, Robinson said.
President Donald Trump speaks at a rally in Zebulon Oct. 2024. Ross Williams/Georgia Recorder
“Obviously we can assume that Trump is not interested in endorsing Buddy Carter by the fact that Buddy was already in the race when Kemp and Trump were in conversations, and Trump could have said then, ‘I’ll be with Buddy,’ but he didn’t.”
Trump has endorsed Lt. Gov. Burt Jones in his bid for the governor’s mansion, but he’s stayed mum on which Republican he thinks should be Georgia’s junior senator.
Gillespie said she expects Trump to keep quiet for the time being.
“What I suspect is Trump is going to sit this race out until it’s clear who Republicans want in the state, and then he will just ratify sort of like whoever the frontrunner is by endorsing them, because that’s how he tends to do it,” she said.
Robinson predicts Trump will eventually go with Collins, setting up a new “off again” phase in Trump and Kemp’s on-and-off again relationship.
“It would be my assumption that Trump will endorse Mike Collins at some juncture,” Robinson said. “And you’ll have this proxy war between Kemp and Trump to some degree, if that develops, because Kemp is openly supporting Derek Dooley. The Kemp people feel confident that the Kemp endorsement is influential just like the Trump endorsement is.”
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Georgia Recorder is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Georgia Recorder maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jill Nolin for questions: info@georgiarecorder.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The content primarily focuses on Republican candidates and their campaigns in Georgia, highlighting endorsements, political strategies, and intra-party dynamics. It presents the information in a factual and balanced manner without overtly favoring or criticizing any candidate or party. The emphasis on Republican figures, conservative policies like the Laken Riley Act, and references to Donald Trump’s influence suggest a center-right perspective, but the neutral tone and inclusion of multiple viewpoints keep it from veering into partisan advocacy.
