www.thecentersquare.com – By Jordan Richardson | Pelican Institute – (The Center Square – ) 2025-03-24 16:47:00
Crime remains a top concern in Louisiana, outpacing even economic worries for two years running, according to recent surveys. Yet, alongside this demand for safety, Louisianians overwhelmingly support a justice system that balances accountability with rehabilitation – 86% favor alternatives to incarceration for non-violent offenses, and 65% want judges to have more sentencing discretion.
Conservatives know that rule of law matters, and crime should clearly have consequences. But toughness alone isn’t strength; it’s failure if offenders return to crime. Louisianians want a system that works – one that punishes but also restores. Our report proposes four pillars to achieve this: empowering law enforcement with transparency and accountability; using data to pinpoint effective programs; creating pathways for the formerly incarcerated to rejoin society; and reforming sentencing laws for fairness and fiscal responsibility. Here’s how lawmakers can act.
First, expand reentry and drug courts. These programs, proven to reduce recidivism, remain underutilized in Louisiana. Only 47.6% of judicial districts offer drug courts, and just 19% have reentry courtsn– lagging far behind neighbors like Alabama and Tennessee, where 100% of districts provide both. Alabama’s Pre-Release and Reentry Program, for instance, slashed recidivism from 30% to 4%, saving money and strengthening communities. For every dollar spent, drug courts return $2.21 – enough to hire a new police officer – or $3.36 for high-risk offenders, nearly a year’s school supplies for a classroom. Louisiana could fund these programs through targeted grants and training, ensuring every district can offer these pathways to redemption.
Second, adopt a felony classification system. With over 600 felony offenses, Louisiana’s current sentencing framework is a maze of inconsistencies. Stealing $4,950 worth of goods carries a five-year maximum, but $5,050 – barely $100 more – doubles that to 10. Louisiana’s neighbors show a better way: Arkansas sorts felonies into Classes Y through D, Florida ranks them from third-degree to capital, Tennessee uses A to E, and Texas spans state jail to first-degree levels – all structured systems inspired by clear models like the Model Penal Code. A tiered system, as urged by the 2018 Louisiana Felony Class System Task Force, would standardize penalties, cut disparities, and bring clarity and predictability to a system James Madison might have called too “voluminous” to read or “incoherent” to understand.
Third, improve data collection. In 2022, only 58% of Louisiana’s law enforcement agencies reported crime data to the FBI, with just 37% submitting a full year’s worth – placing the state behind 39 others. Better data, backed by training and annual reporting mandates, would show what’s working, where crime festers, and how to deploy resources smartly. Without it, we’re guessing in the dark.
Finally, address the overuse of fines and fees that many can never afford to pay and are a fiscally irresponsible way of funding the state’s courts. Louisiana’s 600-plus charges – funding judicial salaries and operations – also create an appearance of conflict, as seen in federal rulings like Caliste v. Cantrell and Cain v. White. Repealing obscure penalties, capping fees, and expanding ability-to-pay assessments would restore trust and fairness.
These reforms aren’t about going soft – they’re about getting smart. They uphold the rule of law while offering second chances, saving taxpayer dollars, and building safer neighborhoods. Louisiana can lead as a model of conservative justice: firm, fair, and forward-looking. Lawmakers should seize this moment to act. The full report is available at pelicanpolicy.org – let’s start the conversation today.
Jordan Richardson is a Visiting Scholar at the Pelican Institute and author of The Future of Justice.
SUMMARY: Marcella Simien, a Lafayette native and daughter of zydeco legend Terrance Simien, tours as a Memphis brand ambassador supported by Music Export Memphis, a nonprofit aiding local musicians. Since 2018, Music Export has granted over $170,000 in 2024 alone to help artists tour beyond Memphis, promoting the city while sustaining musicians financially. The program offers grants, business training, and industry exposure, aiming to retain talent locally amid economic challenges and declining venues. Founder Elizabeth Cawein emphasizes music as a sustainable export that benefits the community. Simien credits the support for her career growth, international opportunities, and strong Memphis ties.
SUMMARY: On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck Louisiana as a Category 3 storm with 125 mph winds, making landfall in Plaquemines Parish. It became the third most intense U.S. landfalling hurricane, causing massive devastation and loss of life, with impacts still felt 20 years later. Across New Orleans, Jefferson, St. Tammany, St. Charles, Plaquemines, and St. Bernard Parishes, officials and first responders reflected on the tragedy, honoring resilience, sacrifice, and ongoing recovery efforts. Leaders emphasized remembrance, community strength, and commitment to building safer, stronger futures while mourning those lost and celebrating the courage of survivors.
Since Hurricane Katrina in 2005, Louisiana has heavily relied on FEMA for disaster recovery, receiving $12.6 billion in assistance plus billions more from other federal programs. Katrina exposed FEMA’s failures, sparking local distrust. Now, President Trump signals reducing federal disaster aid, raising concerns about Louisiana’s ability to manage costly recoveries alone. FEMA has faced staff cuts and policy changes, causing uncertainty about future support. Louisiana officials emphasize the federal government’s crucial role but acknowledge states should handle smaller disasters. Governor Landry expresses confidence in FEMA cooperation, while a FEMA review council including Louisiana representatives explores reforms, possibly increasing state responsibilities.
For years after Hurricane Katrina, New Orleanians made the Federal Emergency Management Agency the butt of their bitter jokes.
Anti-FEMA sentiment was so high in Louisiana that local businesses started selling T-shirts a couple of months after the storm lampooning the federal agency with slogans like “Where’s FEMA?” and “FEMA stands for Federal Employees Missing in Action”.
The sentiment is understandable. Almost a half dozen federal investigations launched in the six months after Hurricane Katrina made landfall Aug. 29, 2005 – and turned into the country’s most catastrophic natural disaster – determined FEMA failed in nearly every way to respond to the storm.
“Hurricane Katrina exposed flaws in the structure of FEMA and DHS that are too substantial to mend,” concluded a 2006 U.S. Senate report titled “Hurricane Katrina: A Nation Still Unprepared.”
Yet 20 years after the agency’s feckless Katrina response, some Louisiana leaders find themselves in the awkward position of having to defend FEMA.
President Donald Trump has made it clear he wants the federal government to play less of a role in natural disaster response, raising concerns that state and local governments might need to cover more of their recovery costs.
Such a change would likely affect Louisiana more than almost every other state in the country.
Since Katrina, Louisiana has received more public and individual assistance from FEMA ($12.6 billion) than all states but Florida ($16.6 billion) and New York ($19.4 billion), according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which tracks federal disaster spending.
The money helped Louisiana respond to 25 extreme weather events, including 11 hurricanes, six floods and one ice storm, over the past two decades.
That FEMA figure doesn’t account for all of the money Louisiana has received in the wake of Katrina. There was another $11 billion from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development went to the Road Home program to rebuild housing. All told, the federal government put an unprecedented $76 billion toward Louisiana’s recovery from the 2005 storm.
Louisiana simply wouldn’t be able to handle the financial burden of major disaster response without significant support from the federal government, according to several former state officials interviewed. Storms with far less impact than Katrina have the ability to overwhelm the state’s assets, they said.
If Louisiana has to worry about covering more disaster recovery costs, the state will have less money to spend on schools, universities, roads, bridges and economic development.
“If we didn’t have the federal money, we would be in a terrible mess, and we would have been in a terrible mess from Katrina going forward,” said Jay Dardenne, Louisiana’s former lieutenant governor and state budget chief for former Gov. John Bel Edwards.
A damaged home is seen after Hurricane Laura passed through the area on Aug. 27, 2020, in Lake Charles. The hurricane hit with powerful winds causing extensive damage to the city. (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
Uncertainty at FEMA
To what extent Trump will pull back on federal disaster assistance isn’t clear.
As recently as June, the president said he would push to eliminate FEMA altogether. He then backed off that rhetoric after July 4th weekend flooding in Texas killed at least 136 people, including children attending a sleepaway camp. His administration’s response was directly criticized.
Still, the Trump administration has already made several preliminary changes to FEMA that alarm emergency response experts. The agency has reduced staff and some of those who remain have been asked to help with hiring immigration enforcement agents instead of working on disaster relief.
The FEMA cuts come on top of those to the National Hurricane Center and other federal programs that provide crucial information to hurricane-prone states and help them ready for incoming storms.
Some reforms Congress enacted in the year after Katrina to strengthen FEMA have also been ignored. A law requiring FEMA’s director to have experience in emergency response and disaster recovery isn’t being followed. Trump’s acting FEMA administrator David Richardson previously oversaw counter terrorism programs but does not have natural disaster management experience.
There are also concerns about whether a new policy delayed assistance during the Texas flood, similar to what unfolded in the aftermath of Katrina.
Due to a bureaucratic breakdown 20 years ago, FEMA failed to promptly provide boats for search-and-rescue teams in New Orleans, even after federal officials knew flooding was widespread, according to a U.S. Senate report from 2006.
This past July, several questions were raised about whether search-and-rescue teams were delayed during the Texas flood because Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem now requires every FEMA contract over $100,000 to be approved personally by her, the Associated Press reported. The Trump administration has denied those allegations.
Richard Schafer navigates a boat past a flooded home in Baton Rouge on Aug. 15, 2016. Record-breaking rains drenched Louisiana over multiple days, causing historic levels of flooding that were blamed for at least 13 deaths and damaged thousands of homes. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
The ability of Louisiana and other states to respond to catastrophic weather with their own staff would also likely be impacted if Trump changes the traditional funding reimbursements for recovery efforts.
“The federal government will have a lasting role in responding to and funding the impact of disasters; local and state governments simply do not have the resources to do so,” said Paul Rainwater, who was executive director of the Louisiana Recovery Authority that managed federal funding for state rebuilding efforts after Hurricane Katrina. He went on to serve as former Gov. Bobby Jindal’s chief of staff and budget czar.
“The question the Trump administration faces, given some of its comments about FEMA, is: When will a White House step in and help?” he said.
Presidential discretion
The president has a significant say in when FEMA provides funding to states after natural disasters, as well as how much money states or local governments receive.
Since returning to office in January, Trump has denied disaster relief that was expected to be approved. His decisions have affected liberal-leaning states such as Maryland and Washington and more conservative ones like West Virginia.
He even stalled for a month on accepting a disaster declaration from Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders, who personally knows Trump and served as his press secretary during his first term as president.
As president, Trump has the ability to not only approve federal assistance, but to also increase the share of the state or local costs that FEMA will reimburse. For example, federal law gives presidents the discretion to reduce or waive the requirement for a state or local government to cover 25% of the cost of debris removal after a storm.
Louisiana has benefited from a reduction of these local financial responsibilities for nine weather events in the past 25 years, including for hurricanes Ida (2021), Laura (2020), Ike (2008), Gustav (2008), Rita (2005), Katrina (2005) and Ivan (2004). The 2016 Baton Rouge-area floods and a severe ice storm in 2001 were also approved for enhanced federal assistance, according to a 2023 Congressional report.
But all the upheaval should be a signal to local and state officials to prepare as if that extra FEMA help might not be coming their way, former FEMA administrator Deanne Criswell, who worked for President Joe Biden, said in a call with reporters this week.
“There are, right now, a lot of questions about whether any of those costs are going to be eligible for reimbursement,” Criswell said. “You need to put plans in place to make sure that you can do it, regardless of whether you get federal support.”
U.S. Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., said he personally advocated for the federal government to cover more disaster recovery bills after Hurricane Laura, which hit Southwest Louisiana, and the 2016 flooding.
Sometimes a disaster is so profound that local governments have a hard time coming up with the tax revenue to cover their share of the recovery. If people lose their homes and are displaced, as happened after Katrina, cities and parishes won’t have much money to put toward cleanup, Cassidy said.
“When you destroy a community, you destroy their ability to raise tax money,” he said in an interview.
Jindal, who served as Louisiana’s governor from 2008-16 and was a congressman during Hurricane Katrina, said he thinks the federal government will always be an important partner in major disasters. But states and local governments should take on more responsibility for smaller events.
“There are many day-to-day disasters that many state and local governments can handle themselves,” Jindal said. “For the bigger disasters that can overwhelm, you still want to have some federal role.”
It’s also crucial that local and state officials know what to expect from the federal government so they can be prepared, said Jindal, who was governor when hurricanes Gustav and Ike hit Louisiana.
“I think it’s important to have clear rules ahead of time,” he said.
People who escaped flooding after Hurricane Katrina caused levees to fail in New Orleans await aid and treatment outside the Morial Convention Center on Sept. 1, 2005, three days after storm struck the region. The federal government’s response to the disaster was widely criticized. (Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)
Landry: Louisiana shouldn’t worry about FEMA
Trump may have denied disaster relief to other states, but Gov. Jeff Landry said Louisiana has nothing to worry about when it comes to FEMA because of his good relationship with the administration.
“I think it’s all just a bunch of media hype trying to scare people. We’re ready for hurricane season,” the governor told reporters this week.
Landry has a close relationship with Noem and said Trump’s homeland security leader has already responded to requests for assistance for matters in Lake Charles and Terrebonne Parish this year.
“What Kristi Noem has done lately, I mean, we just call her, and we say, ‘These are projects that need to be moved,’” Landry said.
Louisiana is one of only a few states that has a local representative on Trump’s FEMA review council, which is supposed to make recommendations on reforming the agency this fall.
One of the council’s 12 members, who include Noem and Department of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, is Louisiana native Mark Cooper, Jindal’s former head of emergency management and former Gov. Edwards’ chief of staff.
“Obviously, Louisiana is playing a big role in this reimagining for FEMA,” Cooper said this week in an interview from Oklahoma where the review council was meeting. “We’re being heard. Louisiana is being heard as part of this process.”
Cooper said the council already met directly with Louisiana emergency response officials in the Landry administration. It held its second public meeting in New Orleans in July at his suggestion.
The council has made no decisions about whether FEMA’s reimbursement policies for state and local governments should change, Cooper said, but he suggested more might be asked of states.
“We need to do more to help states to be more self-reliant and resilient,” he said.
Let us know what you think…
Louisiana Illuminator is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content presents a critical view of the Trump administration’s handling of federal disaster relief, particularly regarding FEMA, while highlighting the ongoing necessity and benefit of federal assistance for disaster-prone states such as Louisiana. It underscores the shortcomings and controversial decisions under Trump, including staffing cuts and hesitance to approve disaster aid, often citing sources and officials who lean toward advocating for stronger government roles in disaster recovery. While it provides some conservative perspectives, such as Governor Landry’s and former Governor Jindal’s comments about state responsibility and positive relations with the current administration, the overall tone emphasizes support for federal involvement and skepticism toward efforts to reduce it—both typical of center-left media framing that stresses government responsibility in social support systems.
