News from the South - Louisiana News Feed
Maine schools report thousands of restraints and seclusions per year, but the real number is higher
by Eesha Pendharkar, Louisiana Illuminator
May 25, 2025
Maine students have been restrained and secluded more than 22,000 times a year in some years. But the real number of times educators put students in holds, move them against their will and shut them alone in small rooms is likely much higher.
Restraint and seclusion are widely condemned practices that create lasting trauma for students, their families and the educators involved. That’s why every use is supposed to be documented and reported to the state. But over the past decade, only 24 out of more than 250 private schools and public districts in Maine have consistently reported their numbers.
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Maine law mandates annual reporting to the Maine Department of Education, however the department did not say whether there was any penalty for failing to report.
Maine law mandates annual reporting to the Maine Department of Education. However, according to Bear Shea, the department’s restraint and seclusion specialist, Maine DOE “has not been given statutory authority or mechanisms to enforce compliance.”
Rather, the department seems to operate under the assumption that a district’s lack of reporting means schools didn’t restrain or seclude any students that year.
“It is possible that if a school district does not have any incidents of restraint and seclusion in a school year, they will not report any data,” said Chloe Teboe, the department spokesperson, when asked about the dozens of districts that aren’t reporting every year, according to publicly available state data. “The Maine DOE can only act on the data that is shared by school districts, as required by statute.”
Atlee Reilly, managing attorney for the advocacy organization Disability Rights Maine, said it’s “beyond unlikely” that districts failing to report have not used restraint or seclusion.
Overall, reporting to the DOE has fallen off in recent years, Reilly told lawmakers on May 9 during discussion of a proposed bill that aims to relax the rules on restraint and seclusion. Many of the state’s largest districts and schools that historically reported frequent use of restraint and seclusion have stopped sharing their numbers in recent years, according to statewide data.
“I know that some schools that have historically reported high numbers of restraints haven’t reported,” Reilly said. “So does that mean that they, all of a sudden, are not restraining or secluding youth? I think probably not.”
At least one school not reporting high use to state
A closer look at the Bangor Regional Program, a school for students with disabilities, reveals how restraint and seclusion practices can go unreported for years.
Bangor Public Schools is responsible for reporting its own numbers, as well as the data for the Bangor Regional Program, which serves students from several area districts. The state database includes numbers from the regional program for one of the past 10 years, after a 2019 investigation found the school had been restraining and secluding students thousands of times each year from 2015 to 2018, more than almost any other school in the state.
During the 2019-20 school year, the regional program used 261 restraints and 325 seclusions on 33 individual students. Internal data provided by Bangor schools to Maine Morning Star in response to a records request shows that in the following years, the program continued using these practices. In 2021-22, the school reported 419 total uses of restraint and seclusion. In 2022-23, use dropped to 187, and in 2023-24, increased to 281.
None of these incidents were reported to the state, according to publicly available state data.
Though Bangor Public Schools reports its data every year, when asked why the regional program’s numbers were not shared with the state, spokesperson Ray Phinney said he didn’t know and couldn’t find out due to recent changes in district leadership.
“The superintendent who oversaw the submission of this is no longer with us,” he said.
The DOE did not respond directly to questions about this school’s lack of reporting, but the spokesperson said the department “reports any data received from school districts and does not make a practice of not publishing it.”
Ben Jones, director of legal and policy initiatives for Lives in the Balance, a Maine-based nonprofit that works with schools to reduce restraint and seclusion, said it’s important for the department to explain what happens when schools like the regional program collect data but don’t report it to the state.
“We still don’t have a true sense of the scope of using these dangerous practices, so this, to me, points the spotlight back at reporting and collecting,” he said. “So what more is DOE doing to ensure the completeness of the data, the completeness of this picture?”
Few districts regularly report data
This underreporting casts doubt on the apparent progress Maine has made in relying less on these practices in the wake of a 2021 law, which specified restraint and seclusion should only be used in emergency situations.
The law was intended to reduce the use of emergency behavioral interventions that are known to be traumatic — particularly for students with disabilities, who are disproportionately affected.
“It’s very difficult to tell if the numbers went down or up after the law change because of underreporting,” Jones said.
In the 2022-23 school year, Maine schools reported 44% fewer incidents of restraint and seclusion in schools than it did four years earlier. But only 140 of Maine’s 300-plus school administrative units submitted their data for that school year. In 2018-19, that number was 213.
I don’t want anyone to think that people in schools are just wanting to put hands on kids. Because it’s traumatic, it’s not good. However, there are times, when for the safety of an individual student or others around that individual, it becomes necessary to restrain or seclude.
– Superintendent Clay Gleason, Maine School Administrative District 6
Only 24 districts have submitted restraint and seclusion data every year for the last decade, a Maine Morning Star analysis found.
Together, they represent fewer than one-quarter of Maine’s roughly 170,000 K-12 students. Only two of the state’s 10 largest districts, Bangor and Maine School Administrative District (MSAD) 6 in the Buxton area, are among them.
In the 2018-19 school year, MSAD 6 staff reported restraining students 150 times and placing them in rooms by themselves 256 times.
By 2022-23, MSAD 6’s use of those tactics, especially seclusions, had dropped considerably. District staff that year reported restraining students 100 times and placing them in seclusion rooms 132 times.
That district’s reliance on restraint and seclusion roughly matches the trend statewide over that period. Across Maine, use of restraint and seclusion peaked in the 2018-19 year at more than 22,000 reported uses, according to the available state data. After passage of the 2021 law restricting their use to instances when a student’s behavior poses an “imminent danger” of serious injury, overall incidents fell to just under 12,600 in the 2022-23 school year — a 44% drop.
“I don’t want anyone to think that people in schools are just wanting to put hands on kids. Because it’s traumatic, it’s not good,” said MSAD 6 Superintendent Clay Gleason. “However, there are times, when for the safety of an individual student or others around that individual, it becomes necessary to restrain or seclude.”
Numbers still high despite underreporting
Despite inconsistent reporting, it’s clear many Maine districts still rely on these practices thousands of times a year. In 2021, data reported directly by schools to the federal government showed that Maine ranked first and second in restraining and secluding students, respectively, per capita. According to an analysis of the most recent national numbers, the state fell to third and fourth per capita.
“These are still extremely high numbers,” said Jones with Lives in the Balance. “Each one of these is a kid being grabbed or put into a closet, and then there’s probably more of it going on based on what we know.”
The number of reported restraints and seclusions vary widely from district to district, noted Alan Cobo-Lewis, director of the Center for Community Inclusion and Disability Studies and associate professor of Psychology at the University of Maine.
Some districts have reported zero incidents for many years, and others like those in the Buxton-area, report large numbers. But “whether they’re model programs, or whether they’re just not reporting their restraints, I don’t think that you can know that without actually visiting schools,” Cobo-Lewis said.
“I have advocated for a while for the department to visit the schools that had high rates and also visit the schools that had zero,” he said.
While the federal government collects this data from districts, there is no federal oversight, and every state has different laws about restraint and seclusion. Some members of Congress have proposed a federal ban on school use of restraint and seclusion, with the most recent legislation introduced in 2023.
The proposal currently before Maine lawmakers would allow districts to move students against their will without reporting it as a restraint and would allow educators more flexibility in determining when they use these practices by decreasing the level of danger posed by a student’s behavior from “serious physical injury” to just “injury.”
Both Jones and Reilly of Disability Rights Maine worry that if the bill passes, schools will no longer have to report incidents where staff move students against their will into classrooms and quiet rooms. That would mean the statewide data on the number of restraints could drop.
“What we’re going to do is take a whole class of stuff — like the physical management of students that I think most people would look at and say, that child’s being restrained — and say it’s no longer restraint,” Reilly said.
He added, “It doesn’t mean that people are going to be putting their hands on kids less.”
From 2014 to 2023, school units reported 55 serious bodily injuries to students and 594 to staff members related to the use of a restraint or seclusion, according to publicly available data. In recent years, the number of students injured while being restrained and secluded has increased, with 22 of those 55 instances reported in the 2022-23 school year, all reported by Biddeford Schools. The southern coastal district did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Most years, the vast majority of districts reported zero injuries.
MSAD 6 in Buxton is one of the only districts that has reported staff and student injuries to the department every year, but Gleason said he did not recall any serious incidents, and did not know what criteria was used by staff who filled out forms.
“There are minor injuries that happen to both staff and students, sometimes with somebody getting a little rug burn or bumping into a desk or something,” he said, explaining the typical ways staff or students might get injured during a restraint or seclusion.
“But I don’t know if it’s a standard kind of thing across districts and how they report it, or if it’s like an internal measure,” he added.
According to state law, school units would not report injuries that do not meet the definition of serious physical injury, according to Shea, the department’s restraint and seclusion specialist. But in practice, “I have talked with many schools and there is a wide range of ways that [school administrative units] choose to report injuries with some tending to report even more minor injuries,” he said.
While the department collects injury data, there is no statewide policy about what districts should do in response to student or staff injuries.
Majority of reports from schools for students with disabilities
When public school districts determine they can’t adequately serve a student with disabilities, some of them are referred to special purpose private schools. Although these schools still receive public funding, Jones said the programs are often insulated from scrutiny.
Having sat through dozens of those placement meetings, Jones said the student’s parents and advocates are hoping that a move would increase support for the child, but that’s not always the case.
Pointing to the high number of reported incidents, Jones said these schools can often be “hotbeds for the inappropriate use of restraint and seclusion.”
Over the past decade, Maine’s special purpose private schools have accounted for roughly 57% of all uses of restraint and seclusion in the state each year, going up to almost 70% in 2019-20, when the state saw the most incidents in a decade.
Though the data from these schools haven’t been consistently included in the state’s annual data, students with disabilities in Maine and nationwide are much more likely to be subject to these practices.
Maine’s special purpose private schools served roughly 850 students in 2022-23 but accounted for 58% of all 7,975 restraints in the state, according to a Maine Morning Star analysis. That same year, they also accounted for about 47% of all seclusions in Maine: 2,154 of 4,618 incidents.
The Margaret Murphy Centers for Children, a special purpose private school with campuses in Auburn, Lewiston, Saco and Turner, has topped the state’s list for seclusion every year since 2014-15; it has also restrained students more than any other school every year since 2017-18, state data shows.
The centers used these practices more than 11,000 times on just 108 students in 2019-20, according to the state data from 2023.
There is no state law restricting an educator from using these practices repeatedly on a particular child. And unless a parent complains and requests a district try a new approach, there is no statewide process for addressing the frequency of incidents.
Margaret Murphy Senior Director Michelle Hathaway attributed those numbers to the severity of the student population’s needs. The school exclusively serves children and young adults (up to age 22) with significant behavioral and developmental challenges, many of whom are referred to the school specifically because of the “intensity or dangerousness of their behaviors,” she said.
They sometimes display aggression — including attempts to hit, choke, or rip out hair — that can pose serious safety risks to themselves or others.
Hathaway wrote in an email that restraints are only used as a “last resort” but argued the law leaves room for interpretation and that ambiguity means some schools may “over-document and over-report.”
For example, she said a staff member holding a 3-year-old’s hand to prevent them from running into a parking lot could technically, under current law, be considered a restraint.
But repeatedly using restraint and seclusion on a small number of students should be a red flag that something is not working, Jones said.
“Of course emergency situations will arise, but after the first few uses of restraint or seclusion, we are no longer talking about emergencies,” he said. “We are talking about predictable behavior that can be planned for, trained for.”
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This report was originally published by the Maine Morning Star. It’s part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Maine Morning Star maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Lauren McCauley for questions: info@mainemorningstar.com.
Louisiana Illuminator is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com.
This report was originally published by the Maine Morning Star. It’s part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Maine Morning Star maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Lauren McCauley for questions: info@mainemorningstar.com.
The post Maine schools report thousands of restraints and seclusions per year, but the real number is higher appeared first on lailluminator.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This article presents a generally critical view of restraint and seclusion practices in Maine schools, emphasizing the trauma caused by these measures and the systemic underreporting of incidents. It highlights advocacy voices pushing for stricter oversight and transparency, and it questions legislative efforts that would loosen restrictions. The language tends toward advocating for vulnerable populations, especially students with disabilities, which aligns with progressive or center-left perspectives prioritizing social justice and reform. However, it also includes viewpoints from school officials acknowledging safety concerns, which balances the narrative and prevents it from being overtly partisan. Overall, the piece leans center-left by framing restraint and seclusion as harmful practices needing reform while acknowledging complexity.
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed
Louisiana upholds its HIV exposure law as other states change or repeal theirs
by Halle Parker, Verite, Louisiana Illuminator
July 20, 2025
SHREVEPORT — When Robert Smith met his future girlfriend in 2010, he wanted to take things slowly. For Smith, no relationship had been easy in the years since he was diagnosed with the human immunodeficiency virus, or HIV. People often became afraid when they learned his status, even running away when he coughed.
The couple waited months to have sex until Smith felt he could share his medical status. To prepare her, Smith said, he took his girlfriend to his job in HIV prevention at the Philadelphia Center, a northwestern Louisiana nonprofit that offers resources to people with HIV, which also provided him housing at the time.
Finally, he revealed the news: Smith was diagnosed with HIV in 1994 and started taking daily antiviral pills in 2006. The virus could no longer be detected in his blood, and he couldn’t transmit it to a sexual partner.
Smith said his girlfriend seemed comfortable knowing his status. When it came to sex, there was no hesitation, he said. But a couple of years later, when Smith wanted to break up, he said, her tone shifted.
“She was like, ‘If you try to leave me, I’m gonna put you in jail,’” recalled Smith, now 68. “At the time, I really didn’t know the sincerity of it.”
After they broke up, she reported him to the police, accusing him of violating a little-known law in Louisiana — a felony called “intentional exposure to HIV.” He disputed the allegations, but in 2013 accepted a plea deal to spend six months in prison on the charge. He had a few months left on parole from a past conviction on different charges, and Smith thought this option would let him move past the relationship faster. He didn’t realize the conviction would also land him on the state’s sex offender registry.
For nearly two decades, Smith had dealt with the stigma associated with having HIV; the registry added another layer of exclusion, severely restricting where he could live and work to avoid minors. Not many people want to hire a sex offender, he said. Smith has been told by the local sheriff’s office he’s not allowed to do simple things, like go to a public park or a high school football game, since the conviction.
“I’ve been undetectable for 15 years, but that law still punishes us,” Smith said.
Louisiana is one of 30 states with criminal penalties related to exposing or transmitting HIV. Most of the laws were passed in the 1980s during the emergence of the AIDS epidemic. Since then, several states have amended their laws to make them less punitive or repealed them outright, including Maryland and North Dakota this year.
But Louisiana’s law remains among the harshest. The state is one of five that may require people such as Smith to register as a sex offender if convicted, a label that can follow them for over a decade. And state lawmakers considered a bill to expand the law to apply to other sexually transmitted infections, then failed to pass it before the session ended.
Meanwhile, people with HIV also face the threat that federal funding cuts will affect their access to treatment, along with prevention efforts, supportive services, and outreach. Such strategies have proved to slow the HIV/AIDS epidemic, unlike the laws’ punitive approach.
The tax and domestic policy law previously known as the “One Big Beautiful Bill” will likely affect HIV-positive people enrolled in Medicaid by reducing federal support for Medicaid and restricting eligibility. About 40% of adults under 65 with HIV rely on Medicaid.
The Trump administration proposed in its fiscal 2026 budget request to eliminate HIV prevention programs at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and to cancel a grant that helps fund housing for people with HIV. The Ryan White HIV/AIDS program, the largest federal fund dedicated to supporting HIV-positive people, also faces cuts. The program serves more than half of the people in the U.S. diagnosed with HIV, including in Louisiana, according to the health information nonprofit KFF.
Public health officials maintain that state laws criminalizing HIV exposure hurt efforts to end the HIV epidemic. Epidemiologists and other experts on AIDS agree that the enforcement of such laws is often shaped by fear, not science. For example, in many states that criminalize HIV exposure, people living with HIV can face heightened criminal penalties for actions that can’t transmit the virus, such as spitting on someone. The laws further stigmatize and deter people from getting tested and treatment, undermining response to the epidemic, experts say.
At least 4,400 people in 14 states have been arrested under these laws, though data is limited and the actual number is likely higher, and the arrests aren’t decreasing, according to analyses by UCLA’s Williams Institute.
“ Some people think it’s an issue that’s gone away, and that simply isn’t the case,” said Nathan Cisneros, a researcher at the Williams Institute.
In Louisiana, a 2022 Williams Institute analysis found at least 147 allegations reported to law enforcement under the state’s HIV law from 2011 to mid-2022. Black people made up nearly three-quarters of the people convicted and placed on the sex offender registry. Most were Black men, like Smith. At the time of the analysis, Black people made up about two-thirds of HIV diagnoses in the state.
“ We see over and over that Black people are disproportionately affected by the HIV epidemic and disproportionately affected by policing and incarceration in the United States,” Cisneros said.
Nationally, other marginalized groups such as women, sex workers, the queer community, or people who overlap across more than one group are also disproportionately arrested and prosecuted under similar criminalization laws, Cisneros said.
Ensnared in the system
Louisiana’s law hinges on the requirement that if a person knows they have HIV, they must disclose their HIV status and receive consent before exposing someone to the virus.
Louisiana District Attorneys Association Executive Director Zach Daniels said these cases don’t come up often and can be difficult to prosecute. Daniels said the intimate nature of the cases can lead to little evidence in support of either side, especially if the accuser doesn’t contract HIV.
When it comes to talking about one’s sex life, Daniels said, “there are often no other witnesses, besides the two participants.”
Louisiana’s law is written so that “intentional exposure” can occur through “any means or contact.” That includes sex and needle-sharing, practices known to transmit the virus. But the language of the law is so broad that actions known not to transmit the virus — like biting or scratching — could be included, said Dietz, the statewide coordinator for the Louisiana Coalition on Criminalization and Health, an advocacy network founded by people living with HIV that has opposed the law.
The broad nature of the law creates opportunities for abuse, as the threat of being reported under the law can be used as a coercive tool in relationships, said Dietz, who goes by one name and uses they/them pronouns. Such threats, Dietz said, have kept people in abusive relationships and loomed over child custody battles. Dietz said they’ve supported people accused of exposing their children to HIV in ways that are not medically possible.
“ ‘Any means or contact’ could be just merely being around your kids,” they said.
The prosecutors’ organization still supports the law as a recourse for emergency responders who, in rare instances, come into contact with blood or syringes containing the virus. In one recent high-profile case in New Orleans, the law was used against a local DJ accused of knowingly transmitting HIV to several women without informing them of his status or using a condom.
The person accused of violating the law, not the accuser, must prove their case — that they disclosed their HIV status beforehand. Without a signed affidavit or tape recording, courts can end up basing their decisions on conflicting testimonies with little supporting evidence.
That’s what Smith alleged happened to him.
After his relationship ended, he said, he remembered being called into a meeting with his parole officer where a detective waited for him, asking about his former relationship and whether his girlfriend had known about his HIV status.
Smith said yes. But that’s not what she had told police.
Verite News could not find a working phone number for Smith’s former girlfriend but corroborated the story with the incident’s police report. His attorney at the time, a public defender named Carlos Prudhomme, said he didn’t remember much about the case, and court documents are sealed because it was a sex offense.
In court, it was her word against his. So when he was offered six months in prison instead of the 10-year maximum, he switched his plea from not guilty to guilty. But he said he didn’t know his new conviction would require him to register as a sex offender once he got out — worsening the stigma.
“When people see ‘sex offender,’ the first thing that comes to their mind is rape, child molester, predator,” Smith said. “This law puts me in a category that I don’t care to be in.”
He has tried to make the most of it, despite the expense of paying fees each year to re-register. After being rejected from jobs, he started a catering business and built a loyal clientele. But he said he’s still stuck living in a poorly maintained apartment complex primarily inhabited by sex offenders.
“I understand their strategy for creating this law to prevent the spread, but it’s not helping. It’s hurting; it’s hindering. It’s destroying people’s lives instead of helping people’s lives, especially the HIV community,” he said. “They don’t care about us.”
The case for reform
Since 2014, there has been a nationwide effort to update or repeal state laws that criminalize HIV nondisclosure, exposure, or transmission. A dozen states have changed their laws to align more closely with modern science, and four have gotten rid of them completely in hopes of reducing stigma and improving public health outcomes, according to the Center for HIV Law and Policy.
Sean McCormick, an attorney with the center, said these changes are influenced partly by a growing body of evidence showing the laws’ negative consequences.
McCormick said the laws offer a “clear disincentive” for people to get tested for HIV. If they don’t know their status, there’s no criminal liability for transmission or exposure.
A 2024 survey by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and DLH Corp. researchers found that after California updated its HIV criminalization law in 2018, respondents were more likely to get tested. Meanwhile, survey respondents in Nevada, which still had a more punitive law on the books, were less likely to get tested.
There’s no one-size-fits-all solution, McCormick said. His center works with HIV-positive people across the country to determine what legislative changes would work best in their states.
Texas was the first to repeal its HIV law in 1994.
“As a person living with HIV in Texas, I’m deeply appreciative that we don’t have an HIV-specific statute that puts a target on my back,” said Michael Elizabeth, the public health policy director for the Equality Federation.
But Elizabeth points out that Texans living with HIV still face steeper penalties under general felony laws for charges such as aggravated assault or aggravated sexual assault after state courts in Texas equated the bodily fluids of a person with HIV with a “deadly weapon.”
Louisiana activists have pushed lawmakers in the state to amend the law in three ways: removing the sex offender registration requirement, requiring transmission to have occurred, and requiring clear intent to transmit the virus.
“Our strategy, as opposed to repeal, is to create a law that actually addresses the kind of boogeyman that they ostensibly created the law for: the person who successfully, maliciously, intentionally transmits HIV,” said Dietz with the Louisiana Coalition on Criminalization and Health.
In 2018, a bill to narrow the statute was amended in ways that expanded the law. For example, the updated law no longer had any definition of which actions “expose” someone to HIV.
In 2023, state lawmakers created a task force that recommended updating Louisiana’s law to align with the latest public health guidelines, limit the potential for unintended consequences, and give previously convicted people a way to clear their record.
Lawmakers in the state House pushed forward a bill this year to criminalize other sexually transmitted infections, including hepatitis B and the herpes simplex virus. That bill died in the Senate, but it spurred the creation of another legislative task force with a nearly identical mission to that of the first.
“ This state has no idea how closely we just dodged a bullet,” Dietz said.
In the meantime, the Louisiana coalition is helping Smith petition the state to take his name off the sex offender registry. Louisiana law allows people to petition to have their names removed from the registry after 10 years without any new sex crime convictions. Smith expects his case to be approved by the end of the year.
Despite the difficulty of the past 12 years, he said, he’s grateful for the chance to be free from the registry’s restrictions.
“It’s like a breath of fresh air,” Smith said. “I can do stuff that I wanted to do that I couldn’t. Like, go to a football game. Simple stuff like that, I’m going to be ready to do.”
YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE.
This story was produced in collaboration with KFF Health News.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.
This article first appeared at Verite News New Orleans and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. PARSELY = { autotrack: false, onload: function() { PARSELY.beacon.trackPageView({ url: “https://veritenews.org/2025/07/18/louisiana-upholds-its-hiv-exposure-law-as-other-states-change-or-repeal-theirs/”, urlref: window.location.href }); } }
Louisiana Illuminator is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com.
The post Louisiana upholds its HIV exposure law as other states change or repeal theirs appeared first on lailluminator.com
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Left-Leaning
This article presents a critical examination of Louisiana’s HIV criminalization laws, emphasizing their disproportionate impact on marginalized communities and contrasting them with more progressive reforms in other states. The piece heavily features expert opinions that align with public health advocacy and highlights the harms of punitive legal approaches, particularly those enacted during the AIDS crisis and maintained under Republican leadership. It critiques the Trump administration’s proposed budget cuts to HIV-related programs and includes emotionally resonant storytelling that frames existing laws as unjust. While rooted in factual reporting, the framing and emphasis reflect a perspective sympathetic to criminal justice reform and public health equity.
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed
KEDM Reacts to CPB Funding Cuts
SUMMARY: The House has approved a Trump administration plan cutting $1.1 billion from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB), affecting NPR and member stations like KEDM. KEDM faces a $145,000 loss, about 22% of its budget. To address this, they plan to reduce programming and staff and boost fundraising, relying more on community volunteers. Currently, under 10% of listeners financially support public radio, so KEDM aims to increase donor numbers and monthly contributions. While uncertain about fully replacing the lost funds, KEDM remains committed to providing quality service to Northeast Louisiana despite financial challenges and possible added costs like music licensing fees.
KEDM Reacts to CPB Funding Cuts
News from the South - Louisiana News Feed
Magnolia customers fight rate increases – The Current
SUMMARY: Magnolia Water, a for-profit utility in Lafayette Parish, already charges the highest sewer rate in Louisiana at $69 monthly for 83% of its customers and now seeks to raise it to $76. The company has regularly increased rates since acquiring local systems in 2019, using a formula rate plan to meet profit goals. Facing growing backlash, including formal protests in Slidell, the Louisiana Public Service Commission delayed a vote until fall. If no settlement is reached by September 1, a status conference may be held. Magnolia also seeks to extend its rate plan through 2028 despite similar opposition in other states.
The post Magnolia customers fight rate increases – The Current appeared first on thecurrentla.com
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