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How the Texas GOP moved on tuition for undocumented students

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feeds.texastribune.org – By Kate McGee – 2025-06-06 12:30:00


Twenty-five years ago, Texas became the first state to offer in-state tuition to certain undocumented students, passing the 2001 law with bipartisan support, including Republicans like Sid Miller and Tom Craddick. The policy aimed to increase access to higher education and strengthen the workforce. However, the Biden Department of Justice recently sued, claiming it was unconstitutional to offer undocumented students lower tuition than out-of-state U.S. citizens. Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton quickly sided with the federal government, ending the policy without resistance. This move reflects the GOP’s shift toward stricter immigration stances, despite earlier bipartisan endorsement of the law’s economic benefits.

Texas Republicans pioneered in-state tuition for undocumented students. Now they’re celebrating its end.” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

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Twenty-four years ago, Texas became the first state to grant in-state tuition to certain undocumented students.

It was an uncontroversial law, passed by the Legislature in 2001 without much debate and just a handful of nay votes from lawmakers. Democrats, who at the time held a narrow House majority, wanted to boost the number of students in Texas accessing college and Republicans, looking for ways to attract Hispanic voters, reasoned that a more educated workforce would strengthen the state’s economy.

Back then, some prominent Republicans who are still in office voted for the proposal, including now-Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller, state Sens. Lois Kolkhorst of Brenham and Phil King of Weatherford, and Midland Rep. Tom Craddick. Then-Gov. Rick Perry quickly signed the bill into law. Since then, more than 20 states have passed similar measures.

But on Wednesday, Texas abruptly ended the longstanding policy after the federal government filed a lawsuit arguing the state law was unconstitutional. The Department of Justice argued that undocumented students shouldn’t enjoy in-state tuition rates, if U.S. citizens that reside out-of-state must pay higher amounts.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton quickly urged a federal judge to side with the Trump administration, eliminating Texas’ legacy immigration policy without a smidge of a fight.

“Ending this un-American provision is a major victory for Texas,” Paxton posted on social media, taking credit for striking down the law. Paxton has long been against the practice, arguing since he was a state representative more than a decade ago that Texas should focus its resources on residents who are here legally.

Democrats blasted Texas’ quick concession as a “choreographed surrender,” while Texas Republican leaders widely celebrated the decision.

“It was never a good idea, nor is it fair to American citizens on many levels,” Lt. Gov Dan Patrick posted on social media Thursday.

Bill Hammond, a longtime supporter of the policy who was CEO of the Texas Association of Business at the time it initially passed, said the legislatures of the past have supported the measure because there is “a tremendous advantage to a better educated workforce.“

He added that it was frustrating that GOP leaders, who have long clamored in support of state’s rights, didn’t even try to defend their own state’s law.

“It’s extremely disappointing the state laid down on this and accepted an edict from on high when our history has been fighting for local control over these many years,” said Hammond, who served in the state House from 1983 to 1991.

The celebratory response from Texas Republicans about ending the benefits for undocumented students is a reflection of the party’s changing attitudes about immigration policy in the state and nationally. The rise of the Tea Party movement 15 years ago, which paved the way for the more populist and nationalist party of President Donald Trump, ushered in a new era of conservatives who have pushed hardline immigration policies, demanding more border security, fewer pathways to citizenship and stricter penalties for illegal immigration.

In an interview with The Texas Tribune, King said when the bill came up for a vote on the House floor in 2001 it was not explained clearly and he did not realize what he was voting for.

King said he has empathy for people who were brought to the United States as children, but he believes certain benefits should be reserved for citizens only.

“In-state tuition is one of those,” he said.

King said he thinks the increased numbers of migrants coming over the border to Texas over the past two decades and the rising costs to operate the state’s public higher education system contributed to the party’s shifting perspective.

Kolkhorst and Craddick did not respond to requests for comment. In an interview, Miller adamantly denied the bill did what it says it did.

Perry’s defense

The first time he ran for the White House, Perry found himself on the defense for signing the Texas law a decade prior.

At a Republican presidential primary debate in 2011, former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum was asked how the GOP could attract Latino voters. He turned the question around on Perry, accusing him of signing the law granting in-state tuition to certain undocumented students “to attract the illegal vote, I mean, the Latino voters.”

Through the primary, Perry continued to take heat, but he defended the law passionately.

“If you say that we should not educate children who have come into our state for no other reason than they’ve been brought there by no fault of their own, I don’t think you have a heart,” Perry said during another debate. “We need to be educating these children because they will become a drag on our society.”

His critics were capitalizing on a growing sentiment among members of the Republican base who felt immigration was negatively changing American culture. Perry’s support of in-state tuition for undocumented students became a weakness to pounce on.

“The Tea Party was looking for cracks in the old guard Republican movement they could exploit politically and this was one of them,” said Brandon Rottinghaus, a political scientist at the University of Houston who wrote Perry’s biography.

Perry declined to be interviewed for this story. He ultimately apologized in a news interview for calling people heartless.

Back in Texas, Patrick, then a state senator, used the issue during his campaign for lieutenant governor in 2013 to highlight his opposition for in-state tuition for undocumented students, pointing to a floor amendment he filed in 2011 that would have ended the policy if it had passed.

But while Patrick and others called for a repeal of the provision, then-Attorney General Greg Abbott was more muted on the issue as he campaigned for governor in a state where Tea Party sentiment was growing alongside the Hispanic population. On the campaign trail, he avoided questions from reporters until he clarified that the state should “reform,” the law but stopped short of calling for its repeal.

“Greg Abbott believes that the objective of the program is noble,” a spokesman said in 2013 to the Tribune. “But, he believes the law as structured is flawed and it must be reformed.”

Bills filed this session

Rottinghaus says the reasons that Republicans embraced this policy at the start don’t appear to be top-of-mind for today’s GOP leaders. State Republicans feel they’ve found other ways to keep the economy stable and they’ve shown success winning over Hispanic voters, which was made especially apparent after Trump in 2024 captured 55% of those voters in Texas.

As the Republican Party base shifted further to the right, lawmakers continued to file bills to repeal the policy every session, but they rarely gained any serious traction.

To Republicans supporters like Hammond, that was evidence that the Legislature still felt it was good policy.

“For the last 20 years the Legislature made a decision and that decision was to maintain this program,” Hammond said. “A bill not passing is a validation of the status quo. That’s a decision.”

This year, for the first time in more than a decade, a bill to end the policy made it out of a legislative committee. The Senate K-16 education committee voted 9-2 to send the bill to the Senate floor, but it never came up for a vote by the full chamber.

In a statement Friday, Patrick confirmed the legislation wasn’t going to pass. He said the bill author, Sen. Mayes Middleton, R-Galveston, “tried his best, but didn’t have support to bring it to the Senate floor.”

Ultimately, it didn’t matter. Two days after the Legislature adjourned, the Trump administration delivered.

“I’m glad AG Paxton settled this lawsuit after session because it immediately bans in-state tuition for illegal immigrants, rather than having to wait for legislation to go into effect,” he added.

Disclosure: Texas Association of Business and University of Houston have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.


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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/06/texas-gop-in-state-tuition-undocumented-students/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

The post How the Texas GOP moved on tuition for undocumented students appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

The article presents a largely factual and historical overview of Texas’s in-state tuition policy for undocumented students, emphasizing the bipartisan origins and the recent political shift. It reports on Republican opposition and legal challenges in a critical tone, highlighting phrases like “choreographed surrender” and “laid down on this,” which convey subtle criticism of the GOP’s handling of the issue. The framing and language suggest sympathy toward maintaining access to education for undocumented students and skepticism of conservative moves to end the policy. Overall, it leans center-left by favoring educational access and portraying Republican actions as a political retreat rather than principled defense.

News from the South - Texas News Feed

Texas Governor Greg Abbott signs school cellphone ban bill in Amarillo on Friday

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www.kxan.com – Caden Keenan – 2025-08-01 12:45:00

SUMMARY: Texas Governor Greg Abbott will visit Amarillo to ceremonially sign House Bill 1481, authored by local State Representative Caroline Fairly, which restricts phone use in public and charter schools starting in the 2025-2026 school year. The law mandates schools to implement policies that either store students’ phones and devices during the day or ban them on campus, aiming to improve focus, mental health, and social engagement. Abbott’s signing event will include officials like Representatives Fairly, Dustin Burrows, Jared Patterson, Amarillo ISD Superintendent Dr. Deidre Parish, and teacher Mellessa Denny. The law mirrors similar bans in other states but faces opposition from parents concerned about emergency communication. Fairly also championed the App Store Accountability Act requiring age verification and parental consent for app downloads by minors.

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The post Texas Governor Greg Abbott signs school cellphone ban bill in Amarillo on Friday appeared first on www.kxan.com

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News from the South - Texas News Feed

Rural Texas uses THC for health and economy

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feeds.texastribune.org – By Stephen Simpson – 2025-08-01 05:00:00


Rural Texas communities face worsening health outcomes and limited access to medical marijuana, leading many to turn to hemp-derived THC products for relief from chronic pain, mental illness, and addiction. The state’s restrictive Compassionate Use Program offers limited dispensaries and costly treatments, making hemp products a vital alternative. Senate Bill 5, which would ban most THC products except CBD and CBG, threatens this access. Supporters argue the ban would devastate rural economies and cut off a safer option for those recovering from alcoholism and opioid addiction. Opponents cite concerns over regulation, child safety, and unknown long-term effects.

Some rural Texans see THC as a lifeline for their health and economy” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news.


MIDWAY — Some who live in Texas’ small towns say that if someone looks close enough, they will see why hemp-derived THC has taken root in rural regions.

Faded crosses on the side of the road and faces of once-promising teens on “Don’t drink and drive” and fentanyl overdose billboards reveal the scars left behind in the isolated parts of Texas, where tight-knit communities have been permanently changed.

Anti-drug hardliners can argue rural Texas’ struggle with substance abuse is why THC has proliferated there and why it needs to be banned, but many cannabis users in the state’s small communities say it has spared them from spiraling further into the destruction of alcoholism and drug addiction.

“I spent over 10 years in the fire service, and I can tell you have seen more fatality and messed up accidents because of alcohol than any other drug,” said Timothy Mabry, a hemp proponent from Canyon Lake. “Also, the difference between someone who is violently drunk and someone who is happily high is drastic. And many of us here have seen it firsthand.”

Hemp supporters say a ban on THC, which lawmakers are mulling, would be catastrophic to rural Texas.

The lack of access to the Texas Compassionate Use Program, the state’s tightly regulated medical marijuana program, and other traditional forms of medical care in those communities has steered users — even those who qualify for prescription drugs — toward consumable hemp products. This has unfolded as rural areas are home to some of the state’s sickest and oldest populations, many of whom are looking for relief from mental illness or chronic pain and find an antidote in cannabis use.

Amid growing addiction problems that hit rural communities harder than their urban peers, some have used hemp products to wean off alcohol or opioids, and farmers and small-town retailers are eager to meet those needs in hopes of boosting their downtown economies.

“My family lives in Belleville in Austin County, a big farm community with maybe 4,000 people total. That little town has maybe 30 storefronts, and three of them are hemp CBD shops. It’s a big part of the economy in these rural areas,” Andy “Doc” Melder, a Navy veteran and founder of Warriors Integrating Possibilities, a group aimed at ending veteran suicide and the opioid epidemic, especially in rural Texas.

On Wednesday, the Texas Senate passed Senate Bill 5 by Sen. Charles Perry, R-Lubbock, which would criminalize products containing any “detectable amount of any cannabinoid” other than cannabidiol and cannabigerol, better known as CBD and CBG, non-intoxicating components of cannabis. This bill would eliminate the majority of hemp products, including those that are legal under the federal definition.

Hemp opponents have given various reasons for a ban, saying the industry is unregulated, caters to children, and that the long-term health effects of cannabis use are still unknown.

The effort by Republican lawmakers who support a ban has spurred blowback from their usual ardent political allies: rural Texans, from farmers to veterans, and the older generation.

Zach Lindeen pets Ruger, one of Romana Harding’s dogs, as his listens to his mom speak about how cannabis quiets his seizures during an interview on Tuesday, July 29, 2025, outside of Midway, TX.
Zach Lindeen pets Ruger, one of Romana Harding’s dogs, as he listens to his mom, Piper Lindeen, speak about how cannabis quiets Zach’s seizures. Credit: Annie Mulligan for The Texas Tribune

Limited access to medical marijuana

Texas has one of the largest rural populations in the country, with about 5 million of its approximately 31 million people living in rural areas. The health outcomes of Texans who live in these regions are significantly worse than their urban peers, partly due to the lack of physical and mental care access.

The inability to find help has driven some people to seek relief elsewhere.

“The funny thing is, my parents sent me to rehab when I was 15 for my cannabis use, and they hated the thought of it. Now they are using cannabis themselves for pain relief,” Melder said.

Some lawmakers have insisted the Texas Compassionate Use Program is the best route for cannabis users with mental illness and chronic pain. However, those who live in rural parts of the state don’t have access to those dispensaries, and if they do, products are expensive and limited.

“We don’t have additional options,” said Ramona Harding, a Navy veteran who lives on a 10-acre farm in Midway.

Currently, the state has two medical marijuana dispensaries, both of which are based in Central Texas, and a third one that has been deactivated, according to lawmakers. Because state law requires those dispensaries to drive products they sell in other parts of Texas back to a designated storage site every day, overhead costs are high, which has contributed to the expensive medical marijuana products.

A $15 bag of hemp-derived THC gummies purchased online could be more effective than a $75 bag of medical marijuana gummies, hemp supporters have said.

Many rural Texans also don’t have insurance to pay for the doctor’s visits required to sign up for the program and medical marijuana usually isn’t a covered benefit under most plans. The costs to participate start to add up, Mabry said.

“There is only a select number of doctors who can do it, so you have to travel, and anytime something touches a doctor’s hand, it costs more,” he said.

Legislation passed earlier this year expanded the medical marijuana program by increasing the number of dispensaries and satellite locations while offering more types of products to users and removing the storage restriction. Medical marijuana producers say the law will help drop prices and increase accessibility but that it could take a few years to happen, including in rural Texas.

Even when the dispensaries expand, some families are unsure if it will still meet their complicated needs.

When Piper Lindeen’s son Zach became the second child to be accepted into the state’s medical marijuana program, she felt pride. After fighting for several years, she and her husband finally had legal access to medical cannabis products that could slow down their son’s severe seizures.

At least that’s what they thought.

Although the Lindeens remain in the program to support it, Zach doesn’t use medical marijuana because some of the chemicals removed from it under state regulations are needed to stop their son’s seizures. They order hemp products from Oregon, which could become illegal if lawmakers approve a ban.

“There is no hope to control his seizures, and we tried,” the Sugar Land resident said of the medical marijuana program.

Amy Harper and Romana Harding embrace during an interview on Tuesday, July 29, 2025, outside of Midway, TX.
Amy Harper and Romana Harding embrace during an interview on Tuesday, July 29, 2025, outside of Midway. Credit: Annie Mulligan for The Texas Tribune

Combating alcohol and opioid addiction

In June, the Texans for Safe and Drug-Free Youth, the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Council of Deep East Texas, the Andrea’s Project in Amarillo, the Sheriffs Association of Texas, along with other anti-drug groups, sent a letter to Gov. Greg Abbott asking him to ban THC due to concern for children and the risk of impaired driving increasing.

Perry has said multiple times that cannabis might be responsible for veteran suicide, not preventing it, and has questioned the medical benefits since studies he has seen show long-term use causes dementia.

With all those risks and the lack of resources in rural communities to address them, some rural lawmakers like Perry fear THC could wreak havoc in the neighborhoods they represent.

Research has yet to definitively show what long-term impacts of THC use in a community can be, but rural users said they envision safer environments free from more dangerous addictions like alcoholism and opioid abuse.

“I know so many people who have used [hemp-derived THC] to get off tobacco, alcohol, or other pills… and I think that is one of the biggest things it could be used for,” Harding said.

All 177 rural counties in Texas are federally designated Health Professional Shortage Areas for Mental Health, meaning there are not a lot of addiction treatment options in these regions.

A 2022 study by UT Health San Antonio’s substance use disorder response program, Be Well Texas, found that more opioid prescriptions are dispensed to rural Texas residents per capita than to urban residents, contributing to increasing overdose rates and illegal drug markets.

For Harding, cannabis is how she can function each day, as she bears the physical and mental scars from a rape she endured while in service. If cannabis is taken away, she said her only other options are either the pills that were killing her liver slowly or alcohol, which killed her mother, father and brother.

“I have run into so many people and lawmakers who are like, ‘Well, go have some whiskey’. No. It killed my family, and it almost killed me. Alcohol isn’t the answer for everyone in Texas,” she said

THC edibles on Tuesday, July 29, 2025, outside of Midway, TX.
Rural Texas farmers told The Texas Tribune earlier this year that banning THC would mean they would have to stop growing hemp altogether. Credit: Annie Mulligan for The Texas Tribune

The economic costs of a ban

While there isn’t specific data on how many THC shops have opened in the rural parts of the state, a 2025 report by Whitney Economics, which studies data and does economic reports on global hemp and cannabis industries, found the number of physical locations had increased from 5,072 in 2022 to 7,550 in 2024 and was steadily growing all around Texas.

Hemp-related licenses have increased steadily since 2022 for both retailers and manufacturers, the latter of which are usually located in the rural parts of the state. The $5.5 billion industry is estimated to employ more than 53,000 workers, receiving $2.1 billion in wages.

Rural Texas farmers told The Texas Tribune earlier this year that banning THC would mean they would have to stop growing hemp altogether, even if it’s not going to be consumed, because there’s no way to have or manufacture this plant with no detectable THC in it.

Whitney Economics estimated a complete THC ban would shift $10.2 billion in economic activity out of the state, and it would disrupt the hemp supply chain throughout the United States.

“The worst part is if this ban goes through, it’s going to send thousands of farmers, workers, retailers, and more around here and all over the state, belly-up, and for what? No reason,” said Mabry.


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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/08/01/texas-rural-thc-hemp-cannabis-marijuana/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

The post Rural Texas uses THC for health and economy appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article largely highlights the struggles of rural Texans with substance abuse and limited medical options, emphasizing empathy for cannabis users and advocating for their access to hemp-derived THC products. It critiques restrictive legislation supported by conservative lawmakers and stresses the potential harm a ban could cause both economically and socially. The presentation leans toward supporting cannabis use as a harm reduction tool and addresses public health needs, reflecting a perspective more aligned with center-left viewpoints that favor drug policy reform and expanded healthcare access.

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Longhorns receiver lets everyone know the difference between Arch Manning, Quinn Ewers

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www.kxan.com – Billy Gates – 2025-07-31 22:26:00

SUMMARY: Texas wide receiver DeAndre Moore compares quarterbacks Quinn Ewers and Arch Manning, saying the main difference is speed—calling one “baby wheels” and the other “super wheels.” Moore, a junior who caught 39 passes for 456 yards and seven touchdowns last season, will see an expanded role and appreciates Arch Manning’s faster, zip-style passes. Now a leader among Longhorns receivers, Moore learned leadership from past teammates and is still developing his style. He aims high, targeting Texas touchdown records, over 1,200 yards, the Biletnikoff Award, and contributing as a punt returner—ready to build on last season’s foundation.

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