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How Texas House became a partner on Senate’s conservative agenda (⛔️⛔️ Note: check character count by selecting text and using cmd + shift + c)
“After years of tension, Texas House emerges as cooperative partner for Dan Patrick and his conservative agenda” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
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With tensions boiling over in the final days of the 2021 Texas legislative session, Rep. Dustin Burrows, a Lubbock Republican and a top House lieutenant, went out of his way to throw shade at the Senate and its leader, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, for letting too many House bills languish.
From the back microphone on the House floor, Burrows rhetorically asked then-Speaker Dade Phelan if he was aware that “less than 50% of the House bills that we sent over were passed by the Senate” — much worse than the success rate for Senate bills sent to the lower chamber. It came shortly after Patrick had flayed the House for killing several of his top conservative priorities.
Four years later, Burrows’ first session wielding the speaker’s gavel is winding down with little of the same inter-chamber acrimony. Conservative priorities that had failed in session after session in the House, from private school vouchers to stricter bail laws, have cleared the Legislature with time to spare. So have once-thorny issues, like property tax cuts, school funding and immigration, that in years past had generated bad blood between the chambers and needed overtime sessions to address.
Many of those now-imminent laws were in the sweeping agenda Patrick unveiled near the start of the session in January, marked by several issues that Gov. Greg Abbott also championed as “emergency items.” All but a handful of Patrick’s priorities — from conservative red meat to top bipartisan priorities to the lieutenant governor’s own pet issues — have made it across the finish line or are poised to do so in the closing days of the session, which ends June 2.
The lack of discord reflects the collegial relations Patrick and Burrows have worked to maintain from the start; Burrows’ apparent desire to avoid drawing Patrick’s wrath and the political damage it inflicted upon his predecessors; and the reality that the House, thanks to the turnover wrought by a bruising 2024 primary cycle, is now more conservative and more receptive than ever to Patrick’s hard-charging agenda.
“The tools that Patrick uses — and I think he uses them as effective as anybody — is he’s aggressive, he’s up front, and he’s early,” said Bill Miller, a veteran Austin lobbyist and political consultant. “He lets you know what’s coming and why and how important it is to him.”
Patrick’s influence — and that of the hardline conservative Senate he oversees — is evident down the homestretch of the Legislature, as a steady drumbeat of his highest priorities make their way onto the House floor as a waystation to Abbott’s desk.
For critics of the dynamic, the most telling case was the House’s move this week to adopt Patrick’s ban on hemp-derived THC products, in lieu of the carefully crafted regulatory bill offered up by one of Burrows’ lieutenants. Patrick’s crusade to eradicate the hemp industry, underscored by his threat to force a special session if the THC ban fell through, met almost no resistance from House Republicans, nearly all of whom stayed silent on the issue throughout the session.
Speaking from the House’s back microphone Friday, Rep. Harold Dutton, D-Houston, jokingly asked whether Texas has a “bicameral legislature” and, if so, whether either of the chambers is “superior to the other.”
“I believe that democracy calls for this house to exercise its authority in as much as or to the same extent that the other side does, and I don’t believe that’s happening,” Dutton said, before echoing his favorite refrain about the Senate: “If they won’t respect us, they need to expect us.”
In a statement, Patrick disputed the notion that either chamber “gets its way over the other” and noted that, without cooperation from the House and Senate, “nothing gets to the governor’s desk to be signed into law.”
“The Speaker and I don’t keep track of what’s a Senate bill or a House bill. That simply depends on the flow of legislation and how we divide up the work as the session progresses to find the best way to pass a bill,” Patrick said. “The Speaker and I, and the members from both chambers, have never had a more positive and collaborative relationship in my 18 years in office and that’s why this session will be the most productive in history on so many major issues.”
Burrows said he and Patrick “began session aligned on many major issues” and kept their “shared legislative priorities” moving by staying in contact.
“As a longtime conservative member of the Texas House, I appreciate the input and perspective from our Senate colleagues in crafting legislation and the support of Lieutenant Governor Patrick in making sure this was a banner conservative session for our state,” Burrows said in a statement.
Democrats in recent weeks had intensified their criticism of Senate Republicans for failing to move on a multibillion-dollar school funding package, sent over by the lower chamber in tandem with a $1 billion school voucher bill that was quickly sent to Abbott and signed into law. The Senate’s lead negotiator, GOP Sen. Brandon Creighton of Conroe, said the delay was a matter of lawmakers doing their due diligence on “the most complex piece of legislation we will consider and negotiate this session.”
Both chambers struck a deal on the $8.5 billion package this week. Just before it advanced out of the Senate Friday evening, Patrick — perched on the Senate dais — took aim at “the media and those outside who said, why is it taking so long?”
“You don’t pass those bills with the snap of a finger, because there are 150 opinions over there and 31 opinions over here,” Patrick said. “So, we shut out the rest, the outside noise, the media who doesn’t even understand how a bill passes. … It’s really been a five-month process, and it’s a masterpiece for the rest of the country to follow.”
This session, Patrick has also taken a special interest in reining in the Texas lottery, which has come under scrutiny over the proliferation of online ticket sellers — known as couriers — and the revelation that a $95 million jackpot in 2023 went to a group that printed 99% of the 26 million possible ticket combinations. Couriers and bulk ticket purchases would each be banned under a last-minute Senate bill that has zoomed through the House and is set to reach the floor on Sunday.
Patrick has also championed a push to more than double the amount of money the state spends to lure film and television production to Texas, with extra incentives for faith-based productions. That measure, Senate Bill 22, also made it onto Sunday’s House floor agenda.
The House has until the end of Tuesday to give initial approval to most Senate bills. The Senate, meanwhile, faces a Wednesday deadline to grant final passage to legislation from either chamber. Senators and House members will then spend the final days of the session reconciling their different versions of bills in closed-door conference committees.
Some of Patrick’s priorities have already cleared those hurdles and been sent to Abbott’s desk, including a measure to allow time for prayer in public schools and create a $3 billion dementia research fund, the latter of which will also need approval from voters in November.
Several priorities of Patrick and fellow hardline social conservatives also are on track to reach Abbott’s desk after stalling in the House in recent sessions. Those include a requirement for public school classrooms to display the Ten Commandments and a law barring residents and governments from countries deemed national security threats from buying property in Texas.
The pressure for the House to pass conservative legislation has also come from within the chamber, with GOP members from the party’s rightmost flank urging Burrows’ lieutenants to push key bills through their committees. On Friday, a group of the House’s most conservative members called on Rep. Ken King, a moderate Republican from Canadian who chairs the influential State Affairs Committee, to advance a bill aimed at restricting the flow of abortion pills into Texas.
“If Chairman King kills a bill that would protect tens of thousands of innocent children from the murder that is abortion, Republicans will be forced to hold him accountable,” Rep. Nate Schatzline, R-Fort Worth, said at a news conference highlighting conservative legislation stuck in limbo.
King’s committee advanced the measure, Senate Bill 2880, hours later.
It was one of a handful of high-priority Senate bills that have been voted out by King’s panel in recent days after being parked there for weeks, including the school prayer measure and a proposal to bar local governments from helping Texans travel out of state to receive abortions. Around the same time, some of King’s bills sent over to the Senate — most of which had been frozen — suddenly began moving. Patrick has denied that King’s bills were purposely being held up.
The House’s hardline ranks have swelled after last year’s wave of GOP primary defeats that saw more than a dozen incumbents ousted, largely over their opposition to vouchers, support for the impeachment of Attorney General Ken Paxton or a combination of both. Others chose to retire and were replaced by more conservative successors, forming a class of insurgent GOP freshmen who make up the bulk of the House’s more than 30 new members — the largest freshman class since 2013.
“There are two things that are working in Patrick’s favor,” said Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston. “Number one, the House is more ideologically conservative than it’s ever been. And two, a lot of the members are brand new.”
Still learning the ropes, many of those new members “are going to follow Patrick’s lead,” Rottinghaus said, “because he is, in some ways, the party’s de facto leader.”
That was especially clear in the debate over THC. King, who carried the Senate’s THC bill in the lower chamber, proposed a version that would have sharply tightened regulations on the hemp industry and restricted which products are allowed to contain THC, while preserving hemp-derived THC edibles and drinks. That was done away with by proponents of a ban, who centered their pitch for a complete crackdown around the idea that Texas would expand its limited medical marijuana program, known as the Texas Compassionate Use Program, or TCUP.
Midway through the House’s THC floor debate, Patrick voiced support on social media for expanding the medical program to allow for more licensed medical marijuana dispensers and let providers operate satellite storage facilities designed to make it easier for patients to fill their prescriptions. Rep. James Frank, R-Wichita Falls, read off Patrick’s post to the full chamber to bolster the case for a ban.
House lawmakers included those provisions in legislation approved by the chamber last week. Their draft also would add several qualifying conditions, including chronic pain, and extend eligibility to honorably discharged veterans — both key selling points from House Republicans championing the THC ban.
Both provisions — eligibility for chronic pain and veterans — were stripped from a new Senate draft of the bill unveiled days after the House’s THC vote.
The change sparked one of the first real signs of public discord between the chambers, kicked off when Rep. Tom Oliverson, the Cypress Republican who led the charge to restore the THC ban in the House, wrote on social media Saturday that he was “deeply disappointed in the removal of chronic pain” from the Senate medical marijuana bill.
Pitching the ban this week, Oliverson told his House colleagues he had fought to include chronic pain in their version of the bill, and he promised he would “fight for that on the other side.”
In an addendum, he later added, “To clarify my statement below, no agreement on chronic pain in TCUP was ever reached with the Senate and none have been broken.”
Patrick followed later Saturday evening by thanking Oliverson for clarifying, before adding a key detail: Patrick said he had told Oliverson personally that the Senate would not add chronic pain as a qualifying condition, well before Oliverson later told House members he would fight for its inclusion.
“I was as transparent as I could be. He knew the Senate wasn’t adding chronic pain 2 weeks ago,” Patrick said, adding, “For all of us, our word is the most important currency we have in the legislature.”
In conference committee, Patrick said, “Tom will get a chance to make another pitch. We’ll listen in good faith.”
Disclosure: University of Houston has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/25/texas-house-senate-burrows-patrick-cooperation/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post How Texas House became a partner on Senate’s conservative agenda (⛔️⛔️ Note: check character count by selecting text and using cmd + shift + c) appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
This article primarily reports on the legislative dynamics within the Texas Republican-controlled government, focusing on conservative leaders like Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and House Speaker Dustin Burrows. It highlights their cooperation to pass traditionally conservative priorities such as school vouchers, bail reform, and stricter abortion-related legislation, reflecting the current conservative tilt of the Texas legislature. The tone is generally factual and descriptive, though it conveys a clear focus on Republican leadership and conservative policy achievements, with limited critical perspective from Democrats or liberal viewpoints. Overall, the coverage leans center-right by emphasizing conservative legislative successes and framing the political environment from a GOP-dominant lens.
News from the South - Texas News Feed
East Texans grapple with closing schools
“An East Texas community grapples with school closures as education options shift” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state.
LUFKIN — Kurth Primary’s campus was quiet as parents pulled their cars into line to pick up their kids on Wednesday, the last day of school. The peace didn’t last long. As noon approached, teachers began helping kids to their parents’ cars for the last time. Kids waved goodbye to their friends and teachers.
Wednesday wasn’t just the last day of the school year at Kurth. It was the last day, for the immediate future, the school will be open at all. The Lufkin Independent School District board earlier this year voted to close it and another school, Coston Elementary.
Jupiter Collins, 7, had big plans for the lake over Memorial Day weekend, she said as she waited to crawl into her dad’s car. As excited as she is for her summer plans, Jupiter is also nervous about going to a new school next year.
“Because I’ll have new people there, and I won’t know them,” Jupiter said.
Jupiter’s friend, Nicole, will be going to Willie Mae & Ecomet Burley Primary School with her next year, but she doesn’t know about anyone else. Caleb Collins assured his daughter that several teachers would also be making the move with her, and more than likely, several of her friends too.
Jupiter’s anxiety is part of a wave of emotions washing over this East Texas community as it grapples with the closure of two schools for the first time since 1978.
[Private school vouchers are now law in Texas. Here’s how they will work.]
Schools are more than brick and mortar in Deep East Texas. They are the places where students experienced historic events with their peers. They are a common ground for generations of families who walked their halls. They are evenings spent performing plays and days spent taking tests and playing tag at recess.
That made the decision to close the decade-old schools that much harder, school leaders said.
The board closed the schools due to declining enrollment in the East Texas district. The last few months have been spent deciding where the dislocated students, teachers and staff would go.
Lufkin ISD lost about 1,600 students to other nearby school districts and independent charter schools over 15 years. The district now faces more competition in the years ahead. The Texas Legislature in early May approved a private school voucher program that will allow families to use tax dollars to send their students to private schools.
Lufkin school leaders added that stagnant school funding from the state and a disproportionate staffing to student ratio made it nearly impossible to keep the schools open. As the end of yet another legislative session looms heavy over the state, financial support for public education again hangs in the balance.
Lufkin Superintendent James Hockenberry said he isn’t waiting for the state to make things better. Lufkin needs to pay its teachers and staff better, and he intends to make the most out of the numerous tough choices he faced in his first year as superintendent.
“We had to grow smaller to become stronger, better and more relevant in the educational realm,” Hockenberry said. “We’re shrinking to build strength.”
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Saying goodbye
In a last farewell, community members spent a May evening walking the halls of Coston Elementary and Kurth Primary schools. Teachers opened their classrooms and let visitors wander through and reminisce about the many years those rooms facilitated education.
Amy Rhoades’ connection to Coston runs deep, her mother was the school nurse at Coston in the 1970s. It was where she taught fourth and fifth graders for the last 19 years of her 37-year career. Coston was also where she taught her first year out of college before moving on.
The whiteboard Rhoades normally used to teach was removed from her classroom to expose the original chalkboard that was used when Coston first opened in 1958. Her students had asked that she let them use it before the campus closed for good, and she took the opportunity to teach them about persuasive letters. Each child wrote Hall a letter advocating for their ability to use the chalkboard.
“We do have a sweet little school,” Rhoades said. “It’s the sweetest school in the district. I understand why we had to close it. The budget problem, and our school is the only one that’s not completely enclosed. And it has the smallest enrollment. It’s no-brainer why we had to do it. It doesn’t make it any easier.”
Shannon Largent meandered around the cafeteria where school yearbooks were laid out. She attended Coston in the 90s and loved the music program that encouraged her to try out for the high school band.
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“Just walking through here brings back all memories of a time when things weren’t so chaotic and so stressful,” she said.
Rodney Ivy sat alone at a table in the elementary school where he spent some of his most formative years. Now 68, he still recalls the sadness and worry he felt as a 6-year-old learning that President John F. Kennedy was shot in Dallas.
“My teacher came in from outside and she was crying. I thought, man, teachers don’t cry. They make us cry. They don’t cry,” Ivy said. “She told us President Kennedy had been shot and killed. That was a lot of magnitude there for a first grader.”
Tom Brevard and his brother Sam played in the classroom that Tom attended for his last year at Coston. Nearby, their mom, Megan, discussed her boys’ education with a teacher. Tom took it personally that his school was closing, Brevard said.
“It’s a very inclusive school,” Brevard said. “It’s just in their culture here. That’s why I wanted him to come here.”
The boys will be going to Hudson, another public school district nearby, in August. It will be a big change for the family.
Closing a school
Starla Hill, the Coston Elementary School principal, fought for months to keep the campus open. And with quiet resignation and a determination to make the future brighter, she helped her staff pack decades of memories into boxes to move to other Lufkin campuses.
With help from Harmony Hill Baptist Church, teachers and staff spent the last two weeks of school packing up decades of educational materials to move to other campuses in the district.
The decision for Lufkin school district’s board members was not easy, but it was backed by 15 years of declining enrollment and rising costs. The final decision came in February, in front of dozens of teary-eyed Coston and Kurth teachers and staff who packed into Lufkin’s boardroom.
Most of the Coston staff chose to stay with Lufkin and will move to Brandon Elementary School, Hill said.
“I’ll be the principal at Brandon,” Hill said. “I’m excited to be a Brandon Bear. I’m such a planner, so I’m excited to move forward with planning all the great things with the staff there at Brandon Elementary.”
The district made changes beyond just closing campuses. It is also selling the large administration building in downtown Lufkin and relocating to Kurth. It has also reduced the number of staff employed.
About 140 people either gave an early notice they were retiring, accepted other positions that needed to be filled at the district, or chose not to renew their contracts, which allowed the district to cut the position. That’s about 11 percent of the district’s staff.
“When you lose 1,600 kids, your schools are less full, and that was very noticeable,” Hockenberry said. “Then you couple it with the Legislature’s failure to act to fully fund schools, and so you have a perfect storm.”
Lufkin needs to adapt to meet the needs of its community in the modern age, Hockenberry said. Which is why he has turned his focus into what the district can gain by closing these campuses. He has several opportunities in mind, including better pay for teachers and staff and a new alternative school.
One of those opportunities is particularly exciting for Caleb Collins and Jupiter, who excels in science — a STEM elementary school.
The district recently received a $2.5 million School Action Fund grant to establish a Science, Technology, Engineering and Math, or STEM, elementary school.
“We already have STEM in our middle school, and we have a STEM Academy at our high school. This will align perfectly,” Hockenberry said.
The school should open in 2026.
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First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!
This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/27/east-texas-school-choice-closures/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post East Texans grapple with closing schools appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article provides a detailed, empathetic look at the closure of public schools in an East Texas community, focusing on the emotional impact on students, teachers, and families. It highlights issues such as declining enrollment, stagnant state funding for public education, and competition from private school voucher programs. The coverage includes voices from affected community members and school leaders emphasizing fiscal challenges and the need for improved teacher pay and educational opportunities. The narrative aligns with a center-left perspective by acknowledging the problems caused by legislative underfunding and voucher policies while presenting efforts to strengthen public education despite difficulties, without overt political rhetoric or polarizing language.
News from the South - Texas News Feed
House takes up injury lawsuit reform bill
SUMMARY: The Texas House passed Senate Bill 30 by a 94-52 vote, a lawsuit reform measure critics say will make it harder for victims to seek justice. The bill requires attorneys to disclose doctor referrals, and medical expenses must align with Medicare and workers’ compensation rates. Texans for Lawsuit Reform backs the bill, aiming to reduce inflated medical costs and large jury verdicts, claiming it targets abusive lawsuits. Opponents argue it burdens patients and benefits insurance companies by limiting medical cost recovery. The bill faces criticism from abuse survivors concerned it restricts pain and suffering claims. It awaits final Senate approval.
The post House takes up injury lawsuit reform bill appeared first on www.kxan.com
News from the South - Texas News Feed
Texas may block cities’ gun buyback programs
“Texas Republicans want to block cities’ gun buyback programs” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state.
The Texas Senate gave preliminary approval Monday to a bill that would prevent cities or counties from holding a gun buyback program.
The proposal also seeks to stop local governments from sponsoring or organizing such a program.
State Sen. Bob Hall, R-Edgewood, told lawmakers Monday it was a “necessary guardrail against misuse of local authority.”
Much of the debate on House Bill 3053 focused on the often fraught relationship between local governments and the state Legislature. State Republican lawmakers have spent multiple legislative sessions reining in city councils in the state’s largest metro areas, which are often run by Democrats.
State Sen. Royce West, D-Dallas, asked Hall who is best to make choices for a community: the state or a city council.
Hall said all levels of government have an equal role in serving the people.
“I don’t agree that they always know what’s best for the people just because they’re closest to them,” Hall said.
West said the bill usurps the authority of city council members to make decisions for their constituents. Hall said the bill is about making sure money is not wasted on things that are “ineffective.” West called it bad policy.
“What you’re doing is telling people the government closest to the people is not best for them,” West said.
State Sen. Roland Gutierrez, D-San Antonio, said state lawmakers are stewards of state dollars, but not city money.
“No disrespect, but how dare you come to me and tell me what the City of San Antonio should do with their tax dollars?” Gutierrez asked.
Gutierrez then listed out several recent policies pushed by Republicans — banning social media, renaming the Gulf of Mexico, and the F.U.R.R.I.E.S. Act — that he says go into big government territory.
Other parts of the debate did focus on the merits of buy-back programs, which Hall called “ineffective.” He also suggested the programs insinuate that gun ownership is illegal.
State Sen. Jose Menendez, D-San Antonio, said his city and Houston have held successful gun buyback events. The voluntary program in San Antonio exchanged weapons for gift cards.
“People were happy to take something that was going unused and exchange it for something they could take care of their family with,” Menendez said.
Hall responded that “it’s not the role of government to go out and buy people’s guns in order for them to be able to buy their food.”
State Sen. Borris Miles, D-Houston, brought up situations where people want to dispose of old firearms or collections that were left behind from deceased family members. Miles asked how people would be able to do this without buyback programs. Hall said again they could sell the guns, but Miles said the reality of the situation is more dangerous than Hall thinks. Miles said some of the people in his community would be forced to put them in the trash.
“One solution doesn’t fit all,” Miles said. “Everybody doesn’t go to gun shows, everybody doesn’t know how to go online or have computer access to sell a firearm.”
The Senate will vote on the bill one more time before it has final approval.
First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!
This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/26/texas-gun-buyback-program-ban/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post Texas may block cities’ gun buyback programs appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The content primarily reports on a gun buyback ban bill supported by Republican state senators in Texas, highlighting the partisan divide between Republican lawmakers and Democratic city officials. The article presents viewpoints from both sides but includes detailed defenses from Republican legislators emphasizing state oversight and skepticism about gun buybacks’ effectiveness, while Democratic perspectives focus on local governance rights and community safety concerns. The framing and source (Texas Tribune, known for balanced reporting) maintain a largely neutral tone but lean slightly toward the Republican legislative perspective on state control and skepticism of gun buyback programs, typical of a Center-Right viewpoint.
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