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Undeterred by four years of sluggish progress and certain defeat at the Texas Capitol, the gambling industry is plodding ahead with its ambitious bid to legalize casinos and sports betting in a state with some of the most restrictive gaming laws in the country.
For the third straight session, the Las Vegas Sands casino empire has deployed a murderers’ row of high-powered lobbyists to coax the Republican-controlled Legislature into authorizing “destination resorts” with casino gambling in Texas’ largest cities.
Also part of the lobbying blitz is the Texas Sports Betting Alliance, a coalition of the state’s pro sports teams, racetracks and betting platforms — such as FanDuel and DraftKings — that is looking to extend its momentum from 2023, when a proposal to legalize online sports betting squeaked through the Texas House.
It was the furthest either chamber had gone toward loosening the state’s 169-year-old gambling restrictions. But it was also largely symbolic: Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, a Republican who runs the Texas Senate, immediately quashed the measure, citing his repeated claims that there is minimal support among the chamber’s GOP majority to expand gambling.
With the 74-year-old Patrick in office until January 2027 and vowing to seek another four-year term, supporters and opponents of gambling legalization have settled into a state of trench warfare in the House. It is a familiar playbook gaming industry leaders have used to legalize gambling in other states: patience and money, in large doses, until the breakthrough comes. In Texas, that means pursuing incremental wins until a base of support calcifies in the House, laying the groundwork for when the Senate is run by someone more sympathetic.
“The effort to bring destination resorts to Texas has received an overwhelming amount of support from Texans and lawmakers since it was first introduced, and the groundswell of momentum is only continuing to build,” Andy Abboud, Sands’ senior vice president of government relations, said in a statement. “Texans want to decide and vote on this issue, and we look forward to working with the legislature to give them that opportunity this session.”
Opponents include the Texas Republican Party, the Kickapoo Traditional Tribe of Texas, advocacy groups like Texans Against Gambling, and a litany of conservative activist organizations. While Patrick’s shared opposition virtually ensures nothing will make it out of the Legislature this session, the anti-gambling contingent still wants to prevent gaming interests from establishing a beachhead in the House.
“Sports gambling and casinos are economically regressive, scholarly studies show, because they produce nothing of external value,” the Texans Against Gambling group wrote on social media last week. “They do not spur long-term economic growth. Instead they hinder it. Keep Texas, Texas.”
The comment came days after Gov. Greg Abbott voiced guarded support for sports betting legalization, telling the Houston Chronicle, “I don’t have a problem” with such a proposal — echoing comments from 2023 when he told the USA TODAY Network he would not stand in the way.
Abbott’s comments generated a burst of excitement among sports betting advocates, paired with the release of a statewide poll from the University of Houston’s Hobby School of Public Affairs that found 60% of Texans support legalized sports betting, including 64% of Democrats and 59% of Republicans.
Still, sports betting legislation has yet to be filed in the House, and the author who carried the measure through the chamber two years ago, Republican Rep. Jeff Leach of Plano, told the Austin American-Statesman in December he did not plan to push his own legislation again unless the Senate moved first. Leach did not respond to a request for comment.
Karina Kling, a spokesperson for the Sports Betting Alliance, said the group expects legislation to be filed soon in the House. Lawmakers have until March 14, the 60th day of the session, to file most bills, including gambling measures.
The same University of Houston poll measured 73% support for legalizing “destination resort casinos” in Texas — a prospect for which Abbott has also signaled tentative support in recent years.
Statewide backing for casinos has consistently outpaced that for sports betting, said Mark Jones, a Rice University political science professor who helped conduct the survey. Still, it was sports betting legislation that cleared the Texas House in 2023 with 101 votes, while the casino measure fell short with just 92 votes.
Texas’ gaming laws can be changed only by amending the state constitution, which requires two-thirds approval in both chambers — including the 150-member House — and support from a majority of voters on the statewide ballot. Rep. Charlie Geren, a Fort Worth Republican who carried the casino amendment in the lower chamber two years ago, did not respond to a request for comment about whether he planned to revive the effort again this session.
Jones said that for the handful of Republican lawmakers who voted for sports betting and against resort casinos, it likely came down to a belief that voters would have a more muted response to online sports betting, because it is not “physically present” in the same way as resort-style casinos and the “actual visuals of people engaged in gambling” there.
“I think, from a legislator’s perspective, for at least a subset, there was the belief that the blowback for voting for online sports betting is going to be more reduced than the blowback for voting for casinos,” Jones said.
Those who support online sports betting argue that many Texans are already betting illegally and spending millions of untaxed dollars that would otherwise generate revenue for the state. Legalizing and regulating the practice, they argue, would shield those users from risky, illicit markets.
The failed 2023 casino legislation would have authorized at least eight licenses for casino gambling at destination resorts across Texas, with preference for metro areas where horse-racing has already been authorized. Geren amended the bill to set aside 80% of casino tax revenue for teacher pay raises and cost-of-living adjustments for retired teachers.
But while supportive lawmakers touted the jobs and other economic benefits of casinos, opponents argued that casinos would lead to spikes in human trafficking, domestic violence and gambling addiction, bringing more trouble than it was worth. The measure was also bitterly opposed by the Eagle Pass-based Kickapoo Tribe, which is allowed under federal law to operate a casino offering bingo-based games, a notch below Las Vegas-style options like blackjack and roulette. Tribal leaders said the legislation would have wiped out their main source of revenue — guests from San Antonio — by diverting them to a new casino in the Alamo City.
Both sides of the gambling push in Texas — resort casinos and online sports betting — could face steeper odds this session, Jones said, with the ouster of several pro-gambling Republican incumbents who were replaced by hardline conservatives opposed to gaming measures.
And the House’s new leader, Speaker Dustin Burrows, R-Lubbock, opposed casino and sports betting legislation last session, while his predecessor, Rep. Dade Phelan, R-Beaumont, had said he wanted to authorize “destination-style casinos that are high quality.”
Even if Burrows wanted to expand gambling, Jones said, the move would provide ammunition for his critics from the Texas GOP’s rightmost flank — most of whom oppose efforts to legalize casinos and online sports betting and are eager to challenge Burrows and his allies in next year’s primaries.
“The challenge will depend in part on the legislation that he passes and does not pass this session,” Jones said of Burrows. “So, strategically, it may not make a lot of sense for Burrows to bring online sports betting and casino gambling to the floor, because if he passes that legislation, that’s a potential liability in 2026.”
Thus far, the only gambling legalization measure has been filed by Sen. Carol Alvarado, a Houston Democrat who has penned similar legislation each session since she joined the Legislature in 2009. The proposal, like in past years, would impose a 15% tax on gross casino revenue and use it for public education, public safety and “responsible gaming” education for adults.
Though the measure is unlikely to go anywhere in the Patrick-led Senate, Alvarado said filing it gives her more excuses to evangelize about the tourism, conventions and other business that would flow in by way of the new high-end hotels.
“You do these things with the notion that we’re in for the long haul,” she said. “This is not a sprint, it’s a marathon.”
Disclosure: Rice University and University of Houston have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Bethany Blankley | The Center Square contributor – (The Center Square – ) 2025-09-05 09:21:00
The Fifteenth Court of Appeals has reinstated restraining orders against former U.S. Rep. Beto O’Rourke, his group Powered by People, and partners like ActBlue, preventing them from moving funds out of Texas. The case involves fundraising for Texas House Democrats who fled the state opposing a redistricting law. Initially, O’Rourke ignored the orders, prompting Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton to seek contempt charges. After a controversial appellate ruling paused the contempt hearing, the court reversed itself to allow full review, keeping the orders active. O’Rourke denies wrongdoing, faces criminal contempt and bribery accusations, and urges supporters to continue fundraising.
(The Center Square) – In yet another reversal in an ongoing case against former U.S. Rep. Robert (Beto) O’Rourke, D-El Paso, the Fifteenth Court of Appeals has ordered that existing restraining orders already issued against him, his organization, Powered by People, and other groups remain in effect.
The case stems from O’Rourke, his group, and others raising millions of dollars for Texas House Democrats who left the state in opposition to a redistricting bill that passed the legislature and has now been signed into law.
The case was filed in Tarrant County District Court, 348th Judicial District, then appealed to the Fifteenth Court of Appeals, then an emergency filing was made with the Texas Supreme Court. Initially, Tarrant County Judge Megan Fahey issued a restraining order against O’Rourke and Powered by People, The Center Square reported. She later expanded it to include Act Blue, a Democratic Party online fundraising platform, and any other platforms or organizations they were working with that are transferring funds.
However, O’Rourke ignored the orders and continued to fundraise, prompting Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton to file a motion for contempt against O’Rourke, The Center Square reported.
Prior to a Sept. 2 hearing on the contempt motion, O’Rourke filed a mandamus petition with the Fifteenth Court of Appeals challenging Fahey’s orders.
In response, the appellate court halted the contempt hearing, effectively allowing Fahey’s orders to expire in an “historically unprecedented decision,” Paxton said. He then appealed to the Texas Supreme Court to reverse its decision.
In his appeal, Paxton points out that the appellate court requested his office respond to a 75-page petition in less than 24 hours, an “impossible deadline.” After his office filed a mandamus petition with the court, the appellate court issued an administrative stay of the Sept. 2 hearing “without providing the State an opportunity to respond,” he argued.
The court’s actions would have enabled O’Rourke to continue fundraising, “without even allowing the State to respond and prove to the court how he’s hurting Texans,” Paxton said. The appellate court’s ruling was an “insult to the people of Texas, an affront to our judicial system, and a disastrous precedent if allowed to continue without being reversed,” he added.
A week later, the appellate court reversed its ruling “to preserve this court’s ability to fully review” the original proceedings, it said in a one paragraph order. It also put back into effect Fahey’s orders issued against O’Rourke, Powered by People and ActBlue. It said her temporary restraining order and emergency temporary restraining order “shall remain in effect” until the appellate court reaches a decision.
Paxton said the reversal was “a welcome development.”
He also said House Democrats who left the state “abandoned Texas at the behest of financial backers who promised them money for fleeing the state and abdicating their responsibilities. Texas is not for sale, and Beto must face justice for his illegal bribery scheme.”
The appellate court’s order prevents O’Rourke, Powered by People, and any of its institutional partners, including ActBlue, from removing any property or funds out of Texas.
O’Rourke said in a social media post that he faces criminal contempt charges, bribery accusations, his Texas-based assets have been frozen, and he and his organization have “racked up over $300,000 in legal fees” in the last two weeks of August.
He denies that he has broken any laws after he continued to fundraise and post videos of him doing so, including posting links to fundraising appeals.
He is also encouraging his followers and supporters to “continue the fight by whatever means necessary.”
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The article primarily reports on the legal actions involving Robert (Beto) O’Rourke and Texas officials without explicitly endorsing a particular viewpoint. However, the language and framing lean toward a Center-Right perspective by emphasizing the criticisms and accusations from Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a Republican, and highlighting O’Rourke’s alleged legal troubles and fundraising activities in a negative light. The article quotes Paxton’s strong condemnations and uses phrases like “illegal bribery scheme” and “abandoned Texas,” which convey a critical tone toward O’Rourke and his allies. While it includes O’Rourke’s denials, the overall framing and selection of details suggest a subtle bias favoring the state’s legal actions and skepticism of O’Rourke’s conduct, aligning the piece more with a Center-Right viewpoint rather than neutral reporting.
SUMMARY: Bevo, the iconic University of Texas mascot, enjoys peaceful life on a 300-acre Williamson County ranch with his half-brother and a few others. Handled by four Silver Spurs—an honorary student group responsible since 1945—Bevo undergoes extensive training and care, including walking, feeding, and grooming before game days. The Silver Spurs, led by Executive Director Ricky Brennes, prepare Bevo for appearances at Darrell K Royal Texas Memorial Stadium, where over 100,000 fans await. Brennes, inspired since childhood, now oversees the program year-round. The 2025 football home opener marks the new handlers’ debut, continuing a cherished tradition with pride and excitement.
Most Texas Republicans in Congress avoided public town halls during the August recess, sidestepping protests over their support for President Trump’s unpopular tax and spending megabill. Only a few held in-person events, often facing criticism and heckling, especially regarding Medicaid cuts and demands to release Epstein investigation files. The GOP, following advice from the National Republican Congressional Committee, preferred smaller, private meetings or virtual events to avoid confrontations. Experts say this strategy aims to minimize negative media exposure ahead of the challenging 2026 midterms, as Trump’s approval ratings and the megabill’s popularity remain low among voters.
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Most Texas Republicans in Congress refrained from holding public town halls back in their districts during their annual August recess, skirting the protests and heckling that have overshadowed events held by their peers.
Only a few of the 25 Republicans in Texas’ congressional delegation held in-person and publicly accessible town hall events during last month’s summer break, according to a tally by The Texas Tribune, tracking the low-profile approach taken by GOP members across the country during a time lawmakers usually travel their districts and meet with constituents.
Some Texas Republicans who did hold town halls faced criticism over their July votes for the GOP’s tax and spending megabill, the centerpiece of President Donald Trump’s domestic agenda that has polled consistently underwater with voters ahead of the 2026 midterms. At least one member also encountered demands for the Trump administration to release its investigative files tied to the sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
The delegation’s shunning of public Q-and-A sessions comes after the National Republican Congressional Committee earlier this year advised members to avoid such events and instead opt for virtual ones. GOP members were told to stay alert for Democratic agitators and attempts to rile them on camera, reflecting a view pushed by Trump and other Republicans that the protests are being cooked up by paid activists.
“Republican members of Congress have been encountering a lot of hostility at town hall meetings,” said Matthew Wilson, a political scientist at Southern Methodist University. “A lot of Republican representatives have decided that this is just not worth it.”
Some members, like Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Richmond, are intentionally avoiding public events where they could be bombarded by protesters. He said in a social media post earlier this year that he would not hold an event that could be disrupted by “George Soros-funded Democrat activists.”
Instead of hosting public town halls, Nehls held smaller constituent and stakeholder meetings over Congress’ summer break. He is not alone.
Several Texas Republicans spent their recesses targeting constituents in smaller and more private settings, including meetings with business owners, neighborhood associations and community groups.
Rep. Keith Self, R-McKinney, held multiple public events over the August recess but was careful not to call them town halls. Billed as “Koffee with Keith,” the events are only open to Self’s constituents from his district, located in the suburbs north of Dallas.
Self said he doesn’t know the questions being asked ahead of time, so they could be coming from supporters or critics alike. At one event in late July, he fielded questions about the Epstein files, calling for them to be released to the public.
“We’ve done this throughout my career so I see no reason not to continue,” he told The Texas Tribune.
Some of the Texas Republicans who held in-person and public town halls faced jeering and tense confrontations with their constituents.
At a town hall in Kingwood last week, Rep. Dan Crenshaw, R-Houston, was interrupted by dozens of protesters who booed and heckled him for voting for Trump’s megabill, especially its cuts to Medicaid.
Having never expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, Texas avoided most of the looming federal cuts other states will face under the legislation. But up to 1.7 million Texans are expected to lose their health insurance through other parts of the bill, including changes that make it harder to enroll in coverage through the ACA marketplace, along with the move not to extend Biden-era enhanced premium tax credits that lower out-of-pocket costs for people with marketplace coverage.
Some attendees also yelled at Crenshaw to “release the Epstein files!” as he tried to address the audience.
“The protesters did a great job of annoying all the actual constituents in the room,” Crenshaw posted on social media after the event.
The Houston Republican hosted four public town halls across the 2nd Congressional District in August to “let constituents know about the wins he and House Republicans are delivering for them,” his chief of staff Kenneth Depew said in a statement to the Tribune.
Crenshaw and the other Republicans who did tour their districts over the recess emphasized the GOP wins in Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, including a permanent extension of income tax cuts signed by Trump in 2017 and increased funding for border security and immigration enforcement.
Republicans in Congress are facing pressure from the White House to promote the legislation by focusing on its more popular provisions.
But a recent survey from Pew Research Center indicates that the megabill is largely unpopular with Americans, about a third of whom approve of the bill compared to nearly half who disapprove. Other polling has found that Americans support the bill’s tax changes and immigration enforcement spending but disapprove of its clean energy incentive cuts, changes to social safety net programs and the increase to the federal deficit driven by the tax cuts.
“It’s certainly neither surprising nor unnoticed that Republican members are kind of hiding from their constituents,” Harris County Democratic Party Chair Mike Doyle said, pointing to the megabill changes that are expected to spike Texas’ uninsured population.
In the meantime, Doyle said, activists across Texas have hosted their own “empty chair” town halls to call out Republicans “refusing to answer at all for the bad things they’ve been doing in Washington.”
19 of the 25 Texas Republicans in the U.S. House did not respond to a request for comment. Of those who responded, Crenshaw and Self were the two who held town hall-style events; the other four held smaller events, with Rep. Brandon Gill, R-Flower Mound, hosting “neighborhood town halls” that were promoted by invitations sent to community leaders to distribute around where the town halls were held.
Two other Republicans, Rep. Pat Fallon of Sherman and Rep. August Pfluger of San Angelo, publicized town hall events online but did not respond to confirm whether the events had happened.
Shying away from public town halls is probably a smart political strategy ahead of the 2026 elections, political science experts told the Tribune.
Midterm cycles are historically difficult for the party that controls the White House, especially when the president’s approval numbers are low, signaling congressional Republicans may have to contend with built-in headwinds next year. Public approval of Trump’s job performance has fallen since his inauguration, settling in the low- to mid-40s in recent months.
Getting booed at town halls is more detrimental to Republicans than allowing Democrats to control the narrative around the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, said Sean Theriault, a government professor at the University of Texas at Austin.
The public appearances open Republicans up to negative media coverage that could hurt the entire party’s chances in the midterms, Theriault said, adding, “They just didn’t want that spectacle to make the front pages.”
Disclosure: Southern Methodist University and the University of Texas at Austin have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article presents a critical view of Texas Republicans’ avoidance of public town halls during a politically contentious period. It highlights the unpopularity of the “megabill” pushed by the GOP and President Trump, emphasizing the concerns of constituents and Democratic activists, which points to a perspective that leans slightly left of center. The coverage includes factual reporting and quotes from political experts and party representatives, maintaining a generally neutral tone but with an undercurrent that scrutinizes Republican strategies and policies more than Democratic ones. This results in a center-left bias, typical of outlets that focus on holding conservative lawmakers accountable while aiming to inform readers with in-depth political context.
