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Deportations, tariffs and federal workforce cuts define Trump’s second-term start

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lailluminator.com – Ashley Murray, Jacob Fischler, Jennifer Shutt, Shauneen Miranda – 2025-04-30 08:00:00

by Ashley Murray, Jacob Fischler, Jennifer Shutt and Shauneen Miranda, Louisiana Illuminator
April 30, 2025

WASHINGTON — Tuesday marked the 100th day of President Donald Trump’s second term, a period filled almost daily with executive orders seeking to expand presidential power, court challenges to block those orders and economic anxiety that undermines his promised prosperity.

Trump has taken decisive actions that have polarized the electorate. He’s used obscure authorities to increase deportations, upended longstanding trade policy with record-high tariffs, made drastic cuts to the federal workforce and ordered the closure of the Education Department.

Those moves have garnered mixed results and led to legal challenges.

The approach to immigration enforcement has yielded lower numbers of unauthorized border crossings compared to last year. But the immigration crackdown has barreled the country toward a constitutional crisis through various clashes with the judiciary branch.

Those nearing retirement have watched their savings shrink as Trump’s blunt application of tariffs, which he promises will replace income taxes, roils markets. Administration officials have promised the short-term tariff pain will benefit the country in the long term.

And White House advisor and top campaign donor Elon Musk’s efforts at government efficiency have resulted in eliminations of wide swaths of government jobs. That includes about half of the Education Department workforce so far, though Trump has signed an executive order to eliminate the department.

The controversial moves appear unpopular, as Americans delivered record low approval ratings for a president so early in his term. Polls spearheaded by Fox NewsNPRGallup and numerous others yield overall disapproval of Trump’s job performance.

Trump speaks to reporters after signing executive orders in the Oval Office on April 23, 2025. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick, Secretary of Labor Lori Chavez-DeRemer and Secretary of Education Linda McMahon look on. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Deportation push tests legal boundaries

Immigration was Trump’s signature issue on the campaign trail and his first 100 days were marked by a crackdown carried out against people with a range of immigration statuses and at least three U.S. citizen children. The aggressive push has led to clashes with the judiciary branch.

A burst of Inauguration Day executive orders Trump signed upon his return to office included some hardline immigration policies he’d promised.

On day one, he declared a national emergency at the U.S.-Mexico border that enabled his deployment two days later of 1,500 troops to help border enforcement.

He sought to end birthright citizenship and ended several forms of legal immigration, including humanitarian parole for people from certain countries, and suspended refugee resettlement services.

District courts blocked the birthright citizenship and refugee resettlement measures and an appeals court has upheld those interpretations. The U.S. Supreme Court will hear arguments in May on birthright citizenship.

Trump’s record on immigration is a clear example of his desire to expand executive power, said Ahilan Arulanantham, a co-director of the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at the University of California Los Angeles School of Law.

“It’s an attempt to expand the government’s powers far beyond anything that we have seen before in this realm,” he said.

Unprecedented authorities

The administration has taken a series of actions considered nearly unprecedented to conduct mass deportations.

On March 8, immigration authorities detained Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident who helped organize Palestinian protests at Columbia University.

Authorities never accused Khalil of committing a crime, but sought to revoke his green card under a Cold War-era provision that allows the secretary of State to remove lawful permanent residents if the secretary deems their presence has “potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences.”

Similar arrests followed at universities across the country.

In mid-March, Trump invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to deport two planeloads of people his administration said belonged to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua.

It was only the fourth time the law was invoked and the first outside of wartime. The first flights left U.S. soil en route to a mega-prison in El Salvador on Saturday, March 15, amid a hearing on the legality of using the law in peacetime.

Prison officers stand guard over a cell block at the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo, or CECOT, on April 4, 2025 in El Salvador. (Photo by Alex Peña/Getty Images)

When a federal judge entered an oral order to turn the flights around, the administration refused, arguing the oral order was not valid. The administration also ignored a subsequent written order demanding the return of the flights, later arguing the flights were outside U.S. airspace at that time and impossible to order returned.

Administration officials mocked the court order on social media.

The Supreme Court on April 7 allowed for the use of the Alien Enemies Act to deport suspected gang members of Tren de Aragua. However, the justices unanimously agreed that those removed under the wartime law needed to have due process and have a hearing to challenge their removal.

Abrego Garcia

A third March 15 flight carried a man who was mistakenly deported in an episode that has gained a national spotlight.

Maryland resident Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a native of El Salvador, had a final order of removal, but was granted deportation protections by an immigration judge because of the threat he would be harmed by gangs if he were returned to his home country. Despite the protective order, he was deported to the notorious Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo, or CECOT prison.

After his family sued over his deportation, the administration admitted he’d been removed through an “administrative error,” but stood by its decision.

The administration argued it had no power to compel the El Salvador government to release Abrego Garcia, despite a possibly illegal $6 million agreement with the country to detain the roughly 300 men.

A Maryland federal court and an appeals court ruled the administration must repatriate Abrego Garcia, whose wife and 5-year-old son are U.S. citizens, and the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that the Trump administration must “facilitate” his return, but stopped short of requiring it.

The administration has done little to indicate it is complying with that order, earning a rebuke from a conservative judge on the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals.

“The Supreme Court’s decision does not … allow the government to do essentially nothing,” Circuit Court Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson III wrote.  “‘Facilitate’ is an active verb. It requires that steps be taken as the Supreme Court has made perfectly clear.”

The administration’s relationship with the courts — delaying compliance with orders and showing a clear distaste for doing so — has led to the brink of a constitutional crisis, Arulanantham said.

“They’re playing footsy with disregarding court orders,” he said. “On the one hand, they’re not just complying. If they were complying, Abrego Garcia would be here now.”

But the administration has also not flagrantly refused to comply, Arulanantham added. “They’re sort of testing the bounds.”

Tariffs prompted market drop

Trump’s first 100 days spiraled into economic uncertainty as he ramped up tariffs on allies and trading partners. In early April, the president declared foreign trade a national emergency and shocked economies around the world with costly import taxes.

Following a week of market upheaval, Trump paused for 90 days what he had billed as “reciprocal” tariffs and left a universal 10% levy on nearly all countries, except China, which received a bruising 125%.

Some products, including pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, lumber and copper, remain exempt for now, though the administration is eyeing the possibilities of tariffs on those goods.

A billboard in Miramar, Florida, displays an anti-tariff message on March 28, 2025. The Canadian government has placed the anti-tariff billboards in numerous American cities in what they have described as an “educational campaign” to inform Americans of the economic impacts of tariffs. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

The administration now contends it will strike trade deals with some 90 foreign governments over the pause, set to expire in July.

Meanwhile, an all-out trade war rages with China after Trump hiked tariffs on the world’s no. 2 economy even further to 145%. China responded with 125% tariffs on U.S. goods. The two economies share a massive trading relationship, both in the top three for each other’s imports and exports.

‘Chaotic’ strategy

Inu Manak, fellow for trade policy at the Council on Foreign Relations, summed up Trump’s first 100 days as “chaotic.”

“We haven’t seen anything like this in our U.S. history in terms of how trade policy is being handled. It’s very ad hoc,” Manak said.

“U.S. businesses can’t figure out what to do. And even for the large companies, it’s hard for them to know some of the long-term trajectories of where this was going to go,” Manak said.

Shortly after his second term began, Trump declared a national emergency over illicit fentanyl entering the U.S. — an unprecedented move to trigger import taxes — and began escalating tariffs on Chinese goods, as well as up to 25% on certain products crossing the borders from Canada and Mexico.

Trump hiked existing tariffs on steel and aluminum in mid-March under trade provisions meant to protect domestic production and national security, followed by 25% levies on foreign cars and auto parts — though Trump signed two executive orders Tuesday to grant some tariff relief to carmakers. 

The import taxes have alarmed investors, small businesses and American consumers following the 2024 presidential campaign when Trump made lowering prices a major tenet of his platform.

The latest University of Michigan survey of consumers — a staple indicator for economists — reported consumer outlook on personal finances and business conditions took a nosedive in April. Expectations dropped 32% since January, the largest three-month percentage decline since the 1990 recession, according to the analysis

Manak said Trump’s tariffs are “really at odds with” with the administration’s objectives of helping U.S. manufacturers and cutting costs for Americans.

“The U.S. now has the highest tariff rates in the world,” she said. “That’s going to hurt both consuming industries that import products to make things, and then consumers as well. We’re starting to see notifications coming out on layoffs, and some small businesses considering closing up shop already. And the tariffs haven’t been in place for that long.”

Rhett Buttle, of Small Business for America’s Future, said the policies are “causing real damage in terms of not just planning, but in terms of day-to-day operations.”

Buttle, a senior advisor for the advocacy group that claims 85,000 small business members, said even if Trump begins to strike deals with other countries, entrepreneurs will likely be on edge for months to come.

“It’s that uncertainty that makes business owners not want to hire or not want to grow,” Buttle said. “So it’s like, ‘Okay, we got through this mess, but why would I hire a person if I don’t know if I’m gonna wake up in two weeks and there’s gonna be another announcement?’”

Support dropping

Trillions were erased from the U.S. stock market after “Liberation Day” — the White House’s term for the start of its global tariff policy. The S&P 500 index, which tracks the performance of the 500 largest U.S. companies, is overall down 8.5% since Trump’s inauguration, according to The Wall Street Journal’s analysis.

Numerous recent polls showed flagging support for Trump’s economic policies.

In a poll released Monday, Gallup found 89% of Americans believe tariffs will result in increasing prices. And a majority of Americans are concerned about an economic recession and increasing costs of groceries and other goods, according to an Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research survey between April 17 and April 22.

The Pew Research Center similarly found a growing gloomy outlook among U.S. adults from April 7 to April 13. Results showed a majority of Americans — 59% across race, age and income levels — disapproved of Trump’s approach to tariffs. But when broken down by party, the survey showed a majority of Democrats disapprove while the majority of Republicans approve of the tariff policy.

American households are poised to lose up to $2,600 annually if tariffs remain in place and U.S. fiscal policy doesn’t change, according to the Yale Budget Lab. Analyses show low-income households will be disproportionately affected.

“If these tariffs stay in place, some folks are going to benefit, but a lot of people are going to get hurt,” Manak said.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

Government spending

Elon Musk, accompanied by his son X Musk and Trump, speaks during an executive order signing in the Oval Office on February 11, 2025. (Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

Trump began his second term with a flurry of action on government spending, challenging the balance of power between the president and Congress.

Efforts to unilaterally cancel funding already approved by lawmakers, who hold the authority to spend federal dollars under the Constitution, led to confusion and frustration from both Democrats and Republicans, especially after the U.S. DOGE Service froze allocations on programs that have long elicited bipartisan support.

Many of the Trump administration’s efforts to roll back appropriations are subject to injunctions from federal courts, blocking the cuts from moving forward while the lawsuits advance through the judicial system.

Kevin Kosar, senior fellow at the conservative-leaning American Enterprise Institute, said Trump’s actions on spending so far have sought to expand the bounds of presidential authority.

“We’ve never seen a president in modern times who’s been this aggressive in trying to seize control of the power of the purse,” he said. “To just say, ‘I’m not going to fund this agency, like USAID, despite money being appropriated for it. And we’re going to walk over and take their plaque off their wall and lock their doors.’ This is new.”

Many of Trump’s actions so far indicate to Kosar that the administration expects a change to the balance of power following next year’s midterm elections, when the president’s party historically loses control of at least one chamber of Congress.

“It feels to me that the first 100 days are in large part predicated on an assumption that they may only have two years of unified Republican control of the House of Representatives, the Senate and the presidency,” he said. “We know the margins in the House are quite narrow, and the heavy use of executive actions and the simple defunding of various government contracts and agencies all through executive action, just tell me that the administration feels like they have to get everything done as fast as they possibly can, because the time is short.”

Kosar said he’s watching to see if Trump works with Republicans in Congress, while they still have unified control, to codify his executive orders into law — something he didn’t do with many of the unilateral actions he took during his first term.

“He just did executive actions, which, of course, (President Joe) Biden just undid,” he said. “And I’m just wondering: Are we going to see this movie all over again? Or is he going to actually partner with Congress on these various policy matters and pass statutes so that they stick?”

Zachary Peskowitz, associate professor of political science at Emory University, said Trump has been much more “assertive” during the last 100 days than during the first few months of 2017.

DOGE ‘winding down’

U.S. DOGE Service and Musk hit the ground running, though their actions have fallen short of the goals he set, and appear to be sunsetting with the billionaire turning his attention back toward his businesses.

“I think the big bang is winding down. They did a lot of things early on. It’s not clear how many of them are going to stick, what the consequences are,” Peskowitz said. “And I think, big picture, in terms of federal spending, the amounts of money that may have been saved or not are pretty small.”

Democrats in Congress released a tracker Tuesday listing which accounts the Trump administration has frozen or canceled to the tune of more than $430 billion.

But Trump has just gotten started.

The administration plans to submit its first budget request to Congress in the coming days, a step that’s typically taken in early February, though it happens a couple months behind schedule during a president’s first year.

That massive tax-and-spending proposal will begin the classic tug-of-war between Congress, which will draft the dozen annual appropriations bills, and Trump, who has shown a willingness to act unilaterally when he doesn’t get his way.

Trump and lawmakers must agree to some sort of government funding bill before the start of the fiscal year on Oct. 1, otherwise a partial government shutdown would begin. And unlike the reconciliation package that Republicans can enact all on their own, funding bills require some Democratic support to move past the Senate’s 60-vote cloture threshold.

Trump stands with McMahon after signing an executive order to reduce the size and scope of the Education Department during a ceremony in the East Room of the White House on March 20, 2025. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Eliminating the Education Department

Researchers and advocates predicted even more changes to the federal role in education, underscoring anti-diversity, equity and inclusion efforts and a continued ideological battle with higher education that have marked Trump’s approach to education policy in his first 100 days.

In a torrent of education-related decisions, Trump and his administration have tried to dismantle the Education Department via an executive order, slashed more than 1,300 employees at the department, threatened to revoke funds for schools that use DEI practices and cracked down on “woke” higher education.

The Trump administration has taken drastic steps to revoke federal funding for a number of elite universities in an attempt to make the institutions align more with them ideologically.

Rachel Perera, a governance studies fellow at the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution, cited “brazen lawlessness” when reflecting on Trump’s approach to higher education in his second term.

“The ways that they’re trying to withhold funding from universities are very clearly in violation of federal law and the processes mandated by civil rights law in terms of ensuring that institutions are offered due process in assessing whether violations have taken place,” Perera said. “There’s not even a pretense of pretending to investigate some of these institutions before taking really dramatic action.”

Whether the administration’s approach continues or not depends on court action, she added.

“I think what the next three years might look like is really going to depend on how some of these lawsuits play out,” Perera said, referencing some of the major legal battles involving the Trump administration

Wil Del Pilar, senior vice president at the nonprofit policy and advocacy group EdTrust, said “much of what this administration has done has been overreach.” He pointed to the Education Department’s letter threatening to yank federal funds for schools that use race-conscious practices across aspects of student life as one example.

Del Pilar, who was previously deputy secretary of postsecondary and higher education for the state of Pennsylvania, said the administration is “going to take any opportunity to grab at power that advances their ideology.”

Meanwhile, Perera said the consequences of the department implementing a reduction in force plan in March “have yet to be felt.”

“I think we will start to see really the material consequences of the reduced staffing capacity in the coming years, in terms of how programs are administered, in terms of how funding is moving out the building, in terms of auditing, making sure funding is going to the right groups of students that Congress intended for the money to go to, whether big data collection efforts that are congressionally mandated are being carried out in timely and effective ways,” she said.

“All of that remains to be seen.”

Ariana Figueroa contributed to this report. 

Last updated 8:21 a.m., Apr. 30, 2025

Louisiana Illuminator is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com.

The post Deportations, tariffs and federal workforce cuts define Trump’s second-term start appeared first on lailluminator.com



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This content presents a critical analysis of President Donald Trump’s second term actions, highlighting controversies, legal challenges, and negative consequences, particularly in immigration, tariffs, education, and government spending. The language is detailed and factual but frames Trump’s policies as aggressive and polarizing, frequently emphasizing legal disputes and public disapproval. While it references viewpoints from conservative and centrist sources, the overall tone leans toward skepticism of the administration, which is more characteristic of a center-left perspective. The piece is not overtly partisan but tends to underscore policy risks and opposition more than support, indicating a moderate critical stance typically aligned with center-left media.

News from the South - Louisiana News Feed

Water company hiked sewage rates in Lafayette to state’s highest

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thecurrentla.com – Camden Doherty – 2025-06-29 08:00:00

SUMMARY: Since Magnolia Water, a for-profit subsidiary of Central State Water Resources, took over over 140 water and sewer systems in Lafayette Parish in 2022, residents have faced rate hikes up to 200%. Many, including Lee Johnson from Quail Hollow, report bills doubling or more, straining fixed incomes without visible system improvements. Magnolia attributes increases to costly upgrades and past undercharging, implementing a tier system to set rates based on system complexity. The company has resolved 235 federal environmental violations inherited from the previous operator TESI. Despite public opposition and regulatory challenges, Magnolia continues to seek annual rate increases, while some locals urge municipal takeovers or collaborative solutions to lower costs.

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‘Abnormal’ is the norm for Louisiana’s chief public defenders since Landry’s takeover

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lailluminator.com – Julie O’Donoghue – 2025-06-29 05:00:00


Since Governor Jeff Landry gave State Public Defender Rémy Starns increased control over Louisiana’s public defense system in 2024, chief public defender contracts have been marked by irregularities. Starns inserted a clause granting himself sole authority to adjust pay, contradicting a law requiring adherence to a board-established compensation plan. Several chief defenders opposed this and altered their contracts, leading Starns to refuse signing theirs, though they continued working. Many contracts were signed late or remain unsigned. Starns also implemented his own pay plan, disregarding the board’s rejected proposals, sparking criticism. His expanded authority raises concerns about political interference undermining public defenders’ independence and defendants’ rights.

by Julie O’Donoghue, Louisiana Illuminator
June 29, 2025

Last year, the attorneys who run local public defender offices noticed an unexpected clause in their annual state work contracts. It dictated the state public defender would have “sole authority” to increase their compensation “at any time for any reason.”

The provision ran contrary to a law the Louisiana Legislature approved a few months earlier requiring the state public defender to set pay rates for lead local public defenders “according to a compensation plan established by the board,” that oversees the public defender system. 

State Public Defender Rémy Starns had asked the legislature to give him exclusive control over chief public defender pay in February 2024, but the lawmakers declined. Instead, they added the stipulation to state law that requires him to use the Public Defender Oversight Board’s pay guidelines. 

Some local public defenders believe Starns slipped the extra clause into their contracts – which started on July 1, 2024, and run through the end of this month – to give himself power the legislature wouldn’t. Three of the state’s 36 chief public defenders crossed out the language before signing their contracts and sending them back to Starns. 

In response, Starns did not sign those three contracts, though the three attorneys – Michelle AndrePont of Caddo Parish, Brett Brunson of Natchitoches Parish and Trisha Ward of Evangeline Parish – continued to work the past year as if they were in place. 

Their experience is indicative of a wider pattern of irregularities since Gov. Jeff Landry and lawmakers restructured the public defender system last year to give Starns more authority. The Louisiana Illuminator obtained and reviewed copies of the annual contracts of the 36 chief public defenders currently working through a public records request. 

Over the past three months, Starns has refused to answer calls, texts and written questions sent through a series of emails about this report. 

Public defender contracts are late, unsigned 

In all, Starns had not signed contracts for 10 attorneys running local public defender offices as of March, nine months into the 12-month term of their agreements. Five weren’t signed by either Starns or the applicable chief public defender, though the attorneys continued to oversee the local offices as if the agreements were in effect. 

Of the contracts Starns did sign, at least 20 were signed late. All but two of the contracts with 36 current chiefs had a start date of July 1, 2024, but Starns signed only four before that deadline. 

It’s unclear why so many contracts were not completed or signed before they took effect. The chief public defenders in question have not commented, with 21 either not responding to phone calls made to their offices or declining to talk to a reporter. 

People who have previously worked in Louisiana’s public defender system said it is unusual for so many employment agreements to not be completed by their start date. 

“As far as I recall, all the contracts were always signed,” said Jay Dixon, who served as Louisiana’s state public defender from 2013-19. “When I was there, there was never anybody whose contract was not renewed.”

For nearly two decades, a state public defender board was in charge of hiring chief public defenders and had to vote on their contracts. That all changed in 2024 when the governor and Starns successfully lobbied for the state public defender to have more control over those positions.

Starns now mostly controls the hiring of chief public defenders instead of the board. Louisiana’s sprawling public defense network includes 850 attorneys who represent 146,000 people annually, accounting for approximately 88% of criminal defendants in the state. 

Frank Neuner, a Lafayette corporate defense attorney who was chair of the state public defender board from 2008-13, was taken aback when told about the irregularities in the contracts under Starns’ watch. 

“That’s very abnormal,” said Neuner, who serves on the board for the Legal Services Corp., a legal aid nonprofit, as an appointee of President Donald Trump. “That’s your contract. That shows me poor administration.”

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Starns adds pay incentives without board approval

When hiring two new chief public defenders this year, Starns ignored the state public defender board’s pay scale he was supposed to follow. Instead, he used a compensation plan he asked the board to adopt three times in the last year but that board members rejected. 

The board compensation structure bases pay on a chief public defender’s experience as well as the size and complexity of the offices they run. For example, some oversee offices in more than one judicial district, and they would be compensated more under the board plan.

Starns’ proposal, which the board has never agreed to use, relies more heavily on offering incentive pay to chief public defenders who personally try cases in court. It also encourages chiefs with smaller offices to run private law practices in addition to their public criminal defense work.

In some cases, Starns’ compensation plan would cut the pay of individual chief public defenders by tens of thousands of dollars, which is a primary reason the board has declined to approve it. Starns has said he believes some current chief public defenders are paid too much.

In August, Chris Bowman signed a contract Starns drafted to become chief public defender in Winn Parish. It stipulates Bowman will be paid $60,000 per year, with the potential to earn up to $75,000 as long as he personally represents clients in court. It doesn’t give a specific number of cases that Bowman must pick up, but it appears to allow Starns to decide if Bowman has done enough work to earn the salary boost.

Bowman could not be reached at his office for comment about his contract. 

In November, Antonio Birotte signed a contract from Starns to become chief public defender of St. Landry Parish. His base salary is $84,000 per year, with the potential to earn up to $112,000 as long as Birotte personally represents defendants in murder cases as well as parents in juvenile court. 

As with Bowman, no specific number of cases is mentioned, presumably leaving it up to Starns to decide if Birotte has done enough work to receive his bonus pay. Birotte hasn’t responded to phone calls and messages left at his office. 

Public defender board members are angry with Starns for structuring contracts with his own compensation plan and not the one they have approved. They said Starns is breaking the law enacted just last year.

“It’s our authority to approve a compensation plan,” member Adrejia Boutté told Starns at a board meeting earlier this month. “It’s still violating something that we’ve already passed.”

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New contracts with more control for Starns

The contracts Starns has asked chief public defenders to sign for the fiscal year that starts Tuesday give him even more power over their compensation.

They stipulate that Starns and the chief public defenders can terminate their contracts at any time for any reason with 30 days notice. The chief defenders also have to waive the right to appeal their termination to the public defender board and decline their right to use the board’s compensation plan. 

At the June board meeting, Starns said he would not agree to use the board’s compensation plan in any of the contracts.

“I’m not going to have contracts that have those provisions in them,” he told the board members.

“That’s why they were waived,” he added. 

Starns’ new stipulations appear to be in response to five chief public defenders who he is trying to oust that have challenged their dismissals. Earlier this month, a board committee recommended the full public defender board block Starns from firing the attorneys. Members are expected to vote on whether to try and stop the dismissals Monday. 

Starns is trying to dismiss AndrePont, Brunson and Ward – the three attorneys who struck language from their contracts that Starns wanted to include last year. He also wants to terminate Deirdre Fuller of Rapides Parish and John Hogue, who works in  East Carroll, Madison and Tensas parishes. 

The five attorneys have been the most vocal about opposing Starns’ policies since he first became state public defender in 2020 under former Gov. John Bel Edwards. They have pushed back on his proposed compensation plan several times in front of the board and state lawmakers.

Starns said 30 chief public defenders have agreed to his additions to their contracts that give him more control over their pay and more ability to fire them without cause.

Board member Frank Thaxton is skeptical, saying chiefs have only agreed to those conditions because they are afraid Starns will retaliate against them otherwise. A retired district court judge, Thaxton said some have contacted him personally asking for help.

“The district defenders are afraid to even discuss this among themselves, due to a well grounded fear of immediate termination if their opinions get back to the state public defender. We have no protection at all other than the board,” Thaxton said, reading from an email sent from a chief public defender whose name wasn’t disclosed during this month’s board meeting. 

“The overwhelming mood is fear. I am even afraid to send this message,” Thaxton said, quoting the email further.

Derwyn Bunton, Orleans Parish chief public defender from 2009-22, said the concessions Starns has inserted into the chiefs’ contracts for the upcoming year are substantially different from what was expected when he worked in Louisiana’s public defense system.

Bunton is now the chief legal officer of the Southern Poverty Law Center, a nonprofit organization that fights racism and other forms of discrimination, particularly in the criminal justice system. 

“It is a level of interference that no district attorney would ever allow or tolerate,” Bunton said. “The idea was to have the public defender stand on equal footing with the district attorney … and this is certainly a departure from that.”

Starns’ overwhelming control over the chiefs’ jobs could also make it more difficult for the attorneys on the frontlines of the public defender system to do their jobs. The state public defender is appointed by the governor, whose political goals often run contrary to the mission of the public defense system. 

Defendants have a constitutional right to legal counsel when facing criminal charges, but that doesn’t make it a popular choice to represent people accused of heinous acts.

In order to represent their clients adequately, public defenders often have to be insulated from powerful political groups, said Nathan Fennell, an expert on indigent defense with Southern Methodist University’s Deason Criminal Justice Reform Center in Dallas.

“The more that a public defender has to worry about how to keep their job … then the bigger the structural problem is … and the more the client may suffer,” Fennell said.

Louisiana Illuminator is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Louisiana Illuminator maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Greg LaRose for questions: info@lailluminator.com.

The post ‘Abnormal’ is the norm for Louisiana’s chief public defenders since Landry’s takeover appeared first on lailluminator.com



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article presents a critical view of the actions taken by Gov. Jeff Landry and State Public Defender Rémy Starns, focusing on perceived overreach and irregularities in managing Louisiana’s public defender system. The tone is investigative and highlights concerns from public defenders and legal experts, including those affiliated with progressive organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center. While the article largely sticks to facts and quotes multiple perspectives, its framing emphasizes accountability and the defense of public defender autonomy against political interference, which aligns with a Center-Left perspective prioritizing checks on government authority and support for legal defense rights.

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Shooting by Elmendorf police officer stirs sad memories for community

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www.youtube.com – KSAT 12 – 2025-06-28 22:19:07

SUMMARY: A man was shot by an Elmendorf police officer during a burglary after he pointed a gun at the officer while fleeing the scene. The man, 25-year-old John Blackmore, was wounded in the shooting. The incident took place near West 10th Street and Old Corpus Christi Road. Police say shootings involving Elmendorf officers are rare, recalling the 2014 shooting death of Chief Michael Pimentel during a traffic stop, a memory still felt by longtime residents. A second suspect, a 23-year-old woman, admitted to having a gun and said the burglary was her idea; the property belongs to Elmendorf City Councilwoman Linda Pena Ortiz.

A shooting earlier this week by an Elmendorf police officer has raised concerns and stirred sad memories among some residents in the community.

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