by Ralph Chapoco, Alabama Reflector
September 2, 2025

BIRMINGHAM — Robert Cheeks cast a ballot in Birmingham’s municipal elections last week and received a standing ovation from poll workers.

It was the first time that Cheeks, 82, had voted. Until the most recent election, his criminal history barred him from participating in the electoral process.

“I had never voted before and it was always my wish to vote,” he said after he cast his ballot. “I had the opportunity, encouraged, to vote, and I said I want to exercise my right as a citizen in the state, and I wanted to vote because I had never voted before.”

For Black Alabamians like Cheeks who have criminal convictions, getting the right to vote restored can be difficult, according to a new report from Return My Vote, an organization that assists people with criminal convictions with regaining their right to vote.

The study, “Alabama’s Moral Turpitude Law Disproportionately Strips Black Citizens of Their Voting Rights,” found that Black Alabamians were four times more likely to lose their right to vote than white Alabamians.

“The most basic, and most important, finding is that overall that people who were dropped from the voter file or denied registration due to felony conviction, a majority of them were Black,” said Richard Fording, a professor of political science at the University of Alabama and a co-author of the study. “Not a large majority, but over 50% of them were Black. It was about twice the percentage of the general population that is Black in Alabama, and so, of course that is alarming.”

Alabama laws generally deny the vote to those convicted of crimes of moral turpitude, a broad phrase that was subject to interpretation until the state began listing specific crimes under it in 2017. While some states automatically restore voting rights after a person completes a sentence, Alabama has a more complicated process.

While only a handful of crimes can permanently cost a person their vote, some require pardons from the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles. Others require a Certificate of Eligibility to Register to Vote once they have completed their sentence, which includes payment of any fines, fees and restitution.

The authors of the study studied 25,000 people removed from the voter rolls or disqualified from voting between 2017 and 2020 due to criminal conviction. Study authors were able to review the information only after the Campaign Legal Center had obtained the records after a federal judge had required the Alabama Secretary of State’s Office to release it.

Disparities

According to the study, Black men were disenfranchised at a rate of 22.4 citizens per 1,000 men of voting age. That is almost four times the rate for their white counterparts, whose rate was 6.7 citizens per 1,000.

The rate for disenfranchising Black women was 3.9 citizens per 1,000, almost twice the rate of white women, whose disenfranchisement rate was 2.1 citizens per 1,000 white women.

Counties with significant Black populations had some of the highest Black disenfranchisement rates and largest racial disparities in disenfranchisement. Seven of the 10 counties with the highest rates of disenfranchised voters are within the Black Belt. The rate for disenfranchising Black men in Monroe, more than 40% Black, was 40.6, compared to 8 per 1,000 for white men. In Perry County, with a Black population of 70%, the rate was 30 citizens per 1,000 Black men of voting age. The rate was 11.4 for white men, almost three times lower.

The disparities are less pronounced for women in the same counties, but they still exist. In Monroe County, Black women are disenfranchised at a rate of 5.6 citizens per 1,000 Black women who are at least 18 years old. For white women in that county, the rate is 2.4, less than half.

Study authors stated in the report that even though there is some uncertainty with the information because of problems collecting data, after reviewing the Uniform Crime Report data obtained from the FBI website, the findings indicated that more Blacks are disenfranchised than whites even when criminal convictions are considered.

“Nevertheless, the most important takeaway is that the disproportionate percentage of arrests for disqualifying offenses by Blacks in Alabama (42%) cannot fully account for the significantly higher percentage of Blacks disenfranchised by the state (52%) during 2017-2021,” the report states.

The study also found that Blacks have a more difficult time regaining their right to vote after they are removed from the voter rolls after getting convicted of a crime.

Authors also investigated the number of people who were removed from the voter rolls from 2017-2021 who had regained their voting rights and registered to vote once again by 2024. According to the study, 1,034 people who are Black reregistered to vote after they completed their sentence, about 8.3% of the total. That is less than the almost 13% of whites registered to vote after a criminal conviction.

The study suggested that the disparities could stem from disparities in the application of Alabama’s felony disenfranchisement law and uneven methods of voter file maintenance in the state.

“Regardless of the reason, the significant variation in county-level disenfranchisement rates calls for further investigation into how Alabama’s felony disenfranchisement law is being implemented at the local level,” the report said. “This is especially important given federal law that requires uniform implementation of state election laws across counties.”

‘It means so much’

Cheeks spent almost 40 years in the custody of the Alabama Department of Corrections after receiving a mandatory life sentence in 1985 for a robbery. Cheeks had prior convictions of forgery and assault, leading to the sentence but no one was physically injured. Cheeks spent 30 years working in the kitchen at Donaldson Correctional Facility in Bessemer without pay, according to Alabama Appleseed.

Cheeks was released in July 2022. His criminal convictions required him to obtain a Certificate of Eligibility to Register to Vote, which he applied for and received from the Alabama Bureau of Pardons and Paroles. Cheeks, with the help of supporters, then registered to vote with the Board of Registrars in Jefferson County and acquired full citizenship once again after spending nearly four decades incarcerated in Alabama’s prisons.

“It is more important now than it would have been in the first place,” Cheeks said of voting. “I have been so anxious over the years to vote. I have been hearing so much about voting, and I wanted to express my opportunity for the right to vote. It is granted to American citizens by right, and I wanted to do that. I am so thankful. It is a blessing, and it means so much.”

Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.

The post Study: Alabama’s moral turpitude laws contribute to racial disenfranchisement disparities appeared first on alabamareflector.com

Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This content highlights issues of racial disparities and systemic barriers related to felony disenfranchisement in Alabama, focusing on the disproportionate impact on Black citizens. It emphasizes social justice concerns and critiques existing laws and their implementation, which aligns with a Center-Left perspective that advocates for voting rights expansion and racial equity. The tone is factual and empathetic, without overt partisan language, but the focus on structural inequalities and reform suggests a leaning toward progressive policy viewpoints.

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