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Conservatives want to increase birth rates. These moms are terrified to have more kids. • Alabama Reflector

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alabamareflector.com – Kelcie Moseley-Morris – 2025-02-03 18:01:00

Conservatives want to increase birth rates. These moms are terrified to have more kids.

by Kelcie Moseley-Morris, Alabama Reflector
February 3, 2025

Clare Barkley of Ohio always pictured having a second baby. But watching the erosion of reproductive rights and fights over public education and health care, she said the world feels like it’s in upheaval and isn’t sure she wants to roll the dice.

Kristen Witkowski, a North Carolina mom of two, has had several life-threatening complications related to her pregnancies. She might have considered having a third child but is now so terrified of getting pregnant again, she said she wishes she’d had her fallopian tubes tied during her second Cesarean section.

And Brenna Craven Dumas, a mother of two in Arizona who had high-risk pregnancies, wanted to be so sure she didn’t have another, she got her tubes tied and asked her husband to get a vasectomy.

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These women live in states that currently or previously had abortion bans, and cited those policies as part of or the primary reason for their fertility decisions.

The national fertility rate — calculated as the total number of live births per 1,000 women of reproductive age — has declined steadily in the United States over the past decade, from 62.5 in 2013 to 54.5 in 2023, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The data shows the decline is present in every state to varying degrees. During the same time frame, rates have fallen steeply in states with abortion bans, including Idaho, where the rate dropped from 71.8 to 57.5, and Arizona, which fell from 66.3 to 54.1.

Those falls in fertility have been top of mind for elected politicians tied to President Donald Trump’s second-term administration. It is a central piece of Project 2025, the blueprint for Trump’s presidency as written by the conservative Heritage Foundation and several anti-abortion organizations.

In a memo issued on Jan. 29 by new U.S. Department of Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, programs supported or assisted by transportation funds have been directed to give preference to communities with marriage and birth rates higher than the national average. As a congressman for Wisconsin, Duffy supported and co-sponsored many anti-abortion bills, including a bill to defund Planned Parenthood.

Vice President JD Vance has expressed concern over declining fertility rates for several years, and repeatedly drew attention during the 2024 presidential election for negative comments he made about women without children and society as a whole becoming too detached from the ideal of becoming a parent. He has argued that policies limiting or prohibiting abortion access, which he supports, are not contributing to the rates, and advocates for higher taxes for those who don’t have children and for expanding the child tax credit to help families.

“Our society has failed to recognize the obligation that one generation has to another is a core part of living in a society to begin with,” Vance said at the annual anti-abortion March for Life event in January. “So, let me say very simply: I want more babies in the United States of America.”

Why fertility rates are lower

Phillip Cohen, a sociology professor at the University of Maryland who specializes in population science, said birth rates have been declining for centuries as modern culture shifted away from using children as a source of labor.

“So that gets you down from eight children per woman to three or four, and then the question is, what makes you continue to go all the way down to very low numbers?” Cohen said.

In the past two decades, he attributes the decline to positive and negative factors. People have more opportunities to spend their time in other ways, especially women, along with more career and life goals that previously were more difficult or impossible to pursue. Although some women manage both a career and a family, there is often pressure to choose one for financial, societal or individual reasons.

The negative factors that are driving down rates, Cohen said, are the expenses of having children, uncertainty and risk.

“(There is) concern about being able to raise children who are competitive in an increasingly unequal world and who can succeed in a society where the penalty for not succeeding seems to be growing,” Cohen said. “If you’re worried about how your kids are going to turn out, and Americans really are … then you can increase your chances of your children succeeding by having fewer of them.”

That rings true for Katie T. in Alabama. Growing up in Alabama as one of four children, she always thought that she would have a big family — probably five kids.

But with the past few years of political developments, including Trump’s re-election, the economy and five months of being a first-time mom, she has decided one baby is enough.

She and her husband are “one and done” after their son, who was born in August. Throughout her pregnancy, Katie said she was already stressed about living in a state with a near-total abortion ban in case anything went wrong, especially as a pregnant woman close to 35, the age when pregnancies are medically considered higher risk. The closest state with broad abortion access is Virginia, which is about 10 hours away by car.

We are realizing now that daycare is a literal second mortgage payment, and we just can’t afford that.

– Katie T., Alabama resident, on not having a second child

“After I had my baby, I went in for my first checkup to talk about birth control options, and I talked with my husband at length about how I just don’t think (more kids are) in our future anymore,” said Katie T., who asked not to use her last name out of fear of retaliation in her community for her political beliefs.

Not only that, but finances also weighed heavily.

“We are realizing now that daycare is a literal second mortgage payment, and we just can’t afford that,” she said.

Not having a sibling for her son is a disappointment, she said. Her siblings are all older than her, and she describes growing up essentially as an only child, so it was important to her for a long time to have more than one child. But facing a reality of political fights over vaccines and the education system, along with more potential restrictions to reproductive health care, Katie said she had an eight-year birth control implant placed right after the election.

“I hope he will forgive us one day for that,” she said.

‘If something happens, where do we go from here?’

Kiley DeVor, 28, moved from California to Idaho to obtain a degree in physical therapy, and she specializes now in pelvic floor therapy. She and her husband bought a house, thinking they could stay in Idaho for a while, until the U.S. Supreme Court issued the Dobbs decision in June 2022 and Idaho implemented its near-total abortion ban. The state has been at the center of several abortion-related lawsuits in the past two years, including a Supreme Court case in June about whether abortions that are performed during a medical emergency are subject to prosecution under the state law. That matter is still pending in the 9th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals.

During that time, DeVor said she’s discovered other health issues in addition to endometriosis she’s had for many years that may make conceiving a child more challenging.

“I’m just like, man, it is going to be incredibly difficult for us to get pregnant, so that’s one hurdle, and then if something happens, where do we go from there?” she said. “If we have to use IVF or IUI, if I have to travel out of state and spend another 10 or 20 grand to get the care I need, that’s just not feasible.”

DeVor’s husband started a general contracting business in Idaho that has done well, but she said he doesn’t want to risk starting a family in the state either and would rather wait until they can move somewhere she knows her health care will be protected.

“It’s been an interesting experience of moving to a state where people say, ‘We don’t want big government,’ but at the same time telling people, this is what you can and can’t do,” DeVor said.

Idaho economist doesn’t see worrying trends so far in population movement

Though one recent study from the National Bureau of Economic Research said the 13 states with total abortion bans are collectively losing 36,000 residents per quarter based on change of address data from the U.S. Postal Service, it’s unclear how many of those departures are related to politics. According to data from the American Community Survey, nearly 82,000 people moved to Idaho in 2023, while nearly 65,000 moved away, for a net increase of about 16,700 residents.

Jan Roeser, a regional economist at the Idaho Department of Labor, said the state’s population growth has slowed over the past two years, but it had accelerated greatly during the COVID pandemic between 2020 and 2022.

It’s possible that more young people are leaving the state, Roeser said, as seven districts announced or considered school closures in the first half of 2023 because of declining enrollment, according to Idaho Education News. But Idaho is among the eight youngest states in the nation, she said, and one of the leading states for job growth.

“We’d all like to be able to jump up and move just based on our beliefs, but the reality hits that most of us need a job,” Roeser said. “So really, economic opportunity is what I believe allows people to be able to make that final decision, because it’s expensive, and it’s disorienting.”

Until she starts seeing indicators like a spike in layoffs or a decline in enrollment at state universities, Roeser isn’t too concerned about outmigration. But she does worry about the steady decline of fertility rates.

“There’s not much you can do about it, of course, and it takes a long time to reverse once it starts,” she said. “It’s not something you can solve by coming up with public policy.”

Cohen said abortion bans may lead to a small increase in births initially since access is harder to reach, but in the long run, he expects it to contribute more to decreases because it creates uncertainty and fear about pregnancy.

Economically, increasing fertility rates would be a financial drain and potentially hamper growth, he said. That doesn’t mean policies that make it easier to have more children aren’t worth having, but they shouldn’t be done in the interest of increasing births.

“It’s one of the great victories of human development that we allowed people to lower their birth rates,” he said.

‘I’m not going to let them get me down’

For some people, having more children is almost an act of resistance.

Rachel West, a 34-year-old resident of central Texas, had a baby five months ago after a three-year struggle to conceive. She wants at least one more, but knows it might be a stressful experience again because of where she lives. Texas has a near-total abortion ban, along with an attorney general who has attempted to prosecute women who left the state to have an abortion. Cities in Texas have also tried to institute travel bans to prevent women from crossing state lines for abortions.

At the beginning of her pregnancy, West said there were concerns that her embryo was ectopic, when a baby grows in the fallopian tube rather than the uterus. Ectopic pregnancies are not viable and require termination to prevent infection and loss of fertility.

“We did have to think through what that would look like, if we would have to terminate, if we would have trouble finding somebody,” she said. “It was scary, we were just kind of spiraling at home trying to figure out what we would do.”

As someone who struggled to get pregnant the first time, West has also been concerned about efforts to restrict or ban IVF, just in case it becomes an option she has to utilize. But all of the news developments haven’t deterred her from the idea of having another.

“We’ve always wanted to have at least two, maybe three kids, and I would be very frustrated if because of laws in Texas, I had to change my personal life that dramatically,” West said. “It’s almost a prideful thing, where I’m like, I’m not going to let them get me down.”

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Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.

The post Conservatives want to increase birth rates. These moms are terrified to have more kids. • Alabama Reflector appeared first on alabamareflector.com

News from the South - Alabama News Feed

Alabama Leaders Warn of Text Scam | June 16, 2025 | News 19 at 6 p.m.

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www.youtube.com – WHNT News 19 – 2025-06-16 18:26:42

SUMMARY: Alabama officials are warning residents about a widespread scam involving fake text messages claiming to be from the non-existent “Alabama Department of Vehicles.” The messages urge recipients to pay phony traffic tickets and provide personal information. Captain Jeremy Burkett from the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency emphasized that the agency would never threaten to suspend licenses via text. Experts from the Alabama Securities Commission and the Better Business Bureau note that technology has made scams more sophisticated, with scammers creating urgency to pressure victims. Officials urge the public to ignore such messages and not engage with suspicious links or requests.

You might have received a text from the “Alabama Department of Vehicles,” which is an agency that does not exist.

News 19 is North Alabama’s News Leader! We are the CBS affiliate in North Alabama and the Tennessee Valley since November 28, 1963.

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News 5 NOW at 5:30pm | June 16, 2025

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www.youtube.com – WKRG – 2025-06-16 17:53:21

SUMMARY: On June 16, 2025, News 5 NOW at 5:30pm covered major stories including the end of the search for a woman involved in a deadly boat crash that claimed the life of a mother of four, whose child was injured. A disturbing incident of numerous dead pelicans in a Mobile neighborhood likely struck by lightning was investigated. Authorities are probing a death found in a car at The Crystals at the Loop and the brutal murder of a mother in Baldwin County. The ongoing search for a missing 10-year-old girl in Destin continues. News 5 also engaged viewers with sports favorites and a poll about a local protest.

The search for a woman involved in a boat crash ends, a local woman loses her life-savings, and when exactly are the dead pelicans going away.

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Housing advocates worry states can’t fill rental aid gaps if Trump cuts go through

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alabamareflector.com – Robbie Sequeira – 2025-06-16 12:01:00


President Donald Trump’s proposed 2026 budget includes a 44% cut to the Department of Housing and Urban Development and a 43% reduction in rental assistance, reshaping federal housing aid into block grants for states. The plan imposes two-year time limits for many voucher recipients and reduces federal oversight. Advocates warn this could raise homelessness, especially in high-need and rural areas. Critics cite instability for landlords and risks for vulnerable populations. Supporters argue the shift allows states to tailor aid. Housing providers and advocates stress the need for clarity and caution to avoid destabilizing the rental market and harming low-income renters.

by Robbie Sequeira, Alabama Reflector
June 16, 2025

This story originally appeared on Stateline

The Trump administration is pushing to reshape the federal housing safety net by slashing spending and shifting the burden of housing millions of people to states, which may be ill-equipped to handle the mission.

President Donald Trump’s recent budget request to Congress for fiscal year 2026, a preliminary plan released in early May and known as “skinny” because a more robust ask will follow, outlines a 44% cut to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, including a 43% reduction in rental assistance programs that support more than 9 million Americans.

Trump also wants to consolidate federal housing aid, which includes programs such as Housing Choice Vouchers and public housing, into block grants — or finite amounts of money that states would administer. The proposal also would cap eligibility for many aid recipients at two years, and significantly limit federal oversight over how states dole out housing aid to low-income, disabled and older renters.

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The approach tracks suggestions outlined in the Heritage Foundation playbook known as Project 2025, in which first-term Trump advisers and other conservatives detailed how a second Trump term might look. The chapter on HUD recommends limiting a person’s time on federal assistance and “devolving many HUD functions to states and localities.”

To that end, Trump’s new housing aid budget request would put states in charge, urging them to create new systems and removing federal regulatory certainty that residents, landlords and developers rely on for low-income housing.

Trump’s request also proposes new rules, such as a two-year time limit on the receipt of Housing Choice Vouchers, formerly known as Section 8 vouchers, for households that do not include persons with disabilities or older adults. The vouchers, federal money paid directly to landlords, help eligible families afford rent in the private market.

Trump’s allies call the changes responsible, while detractors worry about rising homelessness among those who now receive aid.

Among the nearly 4.6 million households receiving HUD housing assistance in the 2020 census, the average household was made up of two people, and the average annual income was just under $18,000, according to a department report last year.

In testimony to Congress this month about the proposed fiscal 2026 budget, HUD Secretary Scott Turner said that HUD rental assistance is meant to be temporary, “the same way a treadway facilitates the crossing of an obstacle.”

“The block grant process will empower states to be more thoughtful and precise in their distribution and spending of taxpayer dollars,” Turner said.

The current budget reconciliation package, the tax-and-spending bill named the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, doesn’t address individual Housing Choice Vouchers or send federal housing aid back to states. However, it would offer tax credits to developers of affordable housing and expand areas that could qualify for additional favorable tax cuts. That bill passed the House and is now undergoing consideration in the Senate.

Trump’s hopes for next year

The president’s fiscal year 2026 budget request serves as an outline of the administration’s vision for next year’s federal spending.

Congress — specifically the House and Senate Appropriations committees — must draft, negotiate and pass appropriations bills, which ultimately decide how much funding programs like rental assistance will receive.

Trump’s budget request provides sparse details on how much housing aid the federal government would give to each state, and how it would oversee spending. Housing advocates and state agencies are concerned.

“A big piece of the proposal is essentially re-creating rental assistance as we know it, and turning it into a state rental assistance block grant program,” said Kim Johnson, senior director of policy director at the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

Experts say any resulting aid cuts would disproportionately affect families with children, older adults and individuals with disabilities, many of whom rely on rental subsidies and support to remain stably housed in high-rent markets.

“It would completely change how households might be able to receive rental assistance of any kind,” said Sonya Acosta, a senior policy analyst with the center. “It combines five of these programs that millions of people rely on, cuts the funding almost in half, and then leaves it completely to states to decide how to use that funding.”

That’s a shift most states can’t afford, say housing advocates.

A state-by-state analysis by the National Alliance to End Homelessness shows the highest rates of housing assistance are in the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, along with a few blue states: Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York and Rhode Island.

“There’s no way to cut 43% of funding for rental assistance without people losing that assistance or their housing security,” said Johnson, of the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

And it’s not just urban centers that would be hit; rural areas of Mississippi and Louisiana also have high rates of federal housing aid.

“A rural community who solely relies on federal funding would be even more impacted,” Johnson added.

While state housing finance agencies proved during the pandemic that they can rapidly deploy federal funding, Lisa Bowman, director of marketing and communications at the National Council of State Housing Agencies, warned that the budget’s shift to block grants would require sufficient funding, a clear transition plan and strong oversight to ensure success.

Housing authorities are requesting further guidance from the feds and members of Congress, and more detail is needed on how any block-grant process would work, Bowman wrote in an emailed statement to Stateline.

“There is still a risk of overregulation and micromanagement with a block grant,” she wrote. “That said, for any type of new block grant to the states to work, there would need to be a transition period both to ensure states can build the necessary infrastructure and oversight and to test and train new systems with the private sector, local government, and nonprofit organizations that would interact with it.”

In New York City, which operates the nation’s largest housing voucher program, officials didn’t outline what steps they would take if Trump’s proposed cuts become reality, but a spokesperson said the plans would hurt residents.

Howard Husock, a senior fellow in domestic policy studies at the conservative-leaning American Enterprise Institute, believes the most innovative aspect of the Trump proposal is the introduction of time limits on housing assistance, a mechanism not currently used in HUD’s rental programs.

But he cautioned that a blanket two-year time limit — especially if applied to existing tenants — would be “a recipe for chaos,” particularly in high-need areas such as New York City. Instead, he supports a phased approach focusing on new, non-disabled, non-elderly tenants.

“Block grants would allow states to move away from one-size-fits-all and apply rules based on their own housing needs,” Husock said to Stateline in an interview.

Affordable housing advocates disagree.

“If passed, the president’s proposed budget would be devastating for all federally assisted tenants,” said Michael Horgan, press secretary for the New York City Housing Authority in a statement to Stateline. “Block grants, program funding cuts, and time limits will only worsen the current housing crisis.”

A recent analysis of 100 metro areas by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities shows that households using housing vouchers are more likely to live in higher income areas than those with other federal rental assistance.

“There is a high share of these households using [other] federal rental assistance in higher-poverty areas,” Gartland, the center’s researcher, explained, noting that programs such as the Housing Choice Vouchers are a rare but essential tool for expanding housing mobility.

“If you’re cutting the programming by 40%, you’re just putting additional strain on that program and just limiting that potential.”

For housing providers, uncertainty is growing

For property owners and landlords, the proposed shift in federal assistance and housing aid to the states isn’t just a policy question, it’s a business risk.

Alexandra Alvarado, director of education at the American Apartment Owners Association, said many smaller landlords are closely following proposed changes to the voucher program.

“Section 8 is a stabilizing force, especially for mom-and-pop landlords,” she said. “Many have had loyal tenants for years and rely on that steady income.”

According to Alvarado, landlords — especially small operators — have come to view housing vouchers not just as a public good, but also as a reliable business model where rent is often on time and predictable.

But with the proposed changes placing administration in the hands of state governments, landlords fear a breakdown in consistency.

“If the administration is serious about shifting responsibility to states, landlords will need a lot more clarity, and fast,” Alvarado said. “These programs are supposed to offer certainty. If states run them inconsistently or inefficiently, landlords may exit the market altogether.”

The transition itself, she added, may be destabilizing.

“You’re turning an ecosystem upside down. Change too many parts of the system at once, and you risk unintended domino effects.”

While developers may benefit from new tax incentives in the budget, Alvarado said that doesn’t offset the instability small landlords fear.

“Most mom-and-pop landlords don’t want to evict or raise rent, especially during hard times,” she said. “They just want to provide stable housing and be treated fairly.”

Stateline reporter Robbie Sequeira can be reached at rsequeira@stateline.org

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

Alabama Reflector is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Alabama Reflector maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Brian Lyman for questions: info@alabamareflector.com.

The post Housing advocates worry states can’t fill rental aid gaps if Trump cuts go through appeared first on alabamareflector.com



Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Left

This article presents a detailed report on the Trump administration’s proposed cuts to federal housing aid, primarily highlighting concerns from housing advocates, local officials, and policy analysts critical of the plan. While it includes perspectives from conservative voices like the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute, the tone and framing emphasize the risks and negative consequences of the proposed changes. The article’s reliance on quotes from advocacy groups and its focus on potential harm to vulnerable populations reflect a center-left bias, though it stops short of overt editorializing, maintaining a largely informative structure consistent with nonprofit journalism.

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