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Beyond vouchers: Other Texas public education bills to track
“It’s not just about vouchers and school funding. Here are other Texas public education bills you should track.” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
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Private school vouchers, public school finance and teacher pay have been the focus of heated debates during this year’s legislative session over how to direct taxpayer dollars to support Texas children’s education. But those haven’t been the only education-related issues up for discussion.
Many other bills aim to reshape public education in Texas. Some offer additional resources, while others introduce new restrictions. Proposed legislation would boost funding for campus safety, support students who are falling behind in math and reading, and prohibit the use of cellphones during school hours.
Other measures have drawn more controversy. These include bills that would extend the state’s higher ed ban on diversity, equity and inclusion programs to K-12 schools, require the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public school classrooms, and expand teachers’ authority to discipline students. Supporters say these changes will improve classroom environments, while critics warn they could harm the state’s most vulnerable children.
Here’s a look at some of the most significant education bills under consideration and where they stand in the legislative process.
K-12 DEI ban and school libraries
In March, the Texas Senate approved a bill that would expand the state’s DEI ban on its public colleges and universities to K-12 public schools. The measure, Senate Bill 12, is now under consideration in the Texas House.
SB 12, filed by Sen. Brandon Creighton, the Conroe Republican who chairs the Senate’s K-16 education committee, would prevent school districts from taking race, ethnicity, gender identity or sexual orientation into account in employment decisions. It would also outlaw trainings, programs and activities that reference those characteristics, unless required by federal or state law.
In addition, the bill would bar student groups centered on sexual orientation or gender identity from public schools. It would also give parents the right to file complaints about any perceived violations of the DEI ban, prompting formal investigations.
Supporters say that DEI initiatives waste instructional time and taxpayer funds, and push political ideologies onto students. During a hearing earlier this year, Creighton said DEI programs are “using millions of taxpayer dollars meant for the classroom to fund political activism and political agendas.”
Opponents warn that eliminating DEI support could worsen inequities; increase bullying, harassment and discrimination; exacerbate mental health problems; make some students feel ashamed of their identities; limit how topics like race are discussed in classrooms; and allow racism to grow in schools.
Meanwhile, Senate Bill 13, by Sen. Angela Paxton, R-McKinney, would give school boards and parents more control over what books can be put in school libraries, as well as ban books that have “indecent content or profane content.” Anti-censorship advocates say it could lead to the removal of books featuring gender and sexuality content from school libraries. The bill was passed by the Senate in March and is awaiting consideration in the House.
More religion in schools
Earlier this year, the Texas Senate approved a pair of bills that would require the Ten Commandments to be displayed in classrooms and set aside time during the school day for prayer.
The measures are priorities for Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, the leader of the Texas Senate, which approved them in March. They are now awaiting consideration in the House.
Supporters say the bills are an acknowledgement of the country’s religious roots and would help restore traditional values. Sen. Mayes Middleton, the Republican who authored Senate Bill 11, the prayer-in-school bill, defended the legislation by saying, “Our schools are not God-free zones.” He added, “We are a state and nation built on ‘In God We Trust.’”
Senate Bill 10, the Ten Commandments bill, was met with sharp criticism from some Democratic lawmakers. Sen. Sarah Eckhardt, D-Austin, has argued the measure goes too far in promoting a specific faith. “Most Texans are religious,” she said during floor debate in March, “but I would venture that Texans do not want religion crammed down their throat by their government.”
Sen. Nathan Johnson, D-Dallas, also raised concerns during the debate. He read aloud a letter signed by 166 religious leaders from across the state, including Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Sikh and Buddhist representatives, who urged lawmakers to oppose the Ten Commandments bill. The letter warned against turning public schools into places of worship, arguing that such moves risk alienating students from diverse backgrounds.
STAAR and school accountability
Both the Texas House and Senate have passed their own versions of legislation that would overhaul standardized testing in Texas public schools. But it remains to be seen if lawmakers can find a middle ground and reconcile the differences between the proposals.
House Bill 4 got a near unanimous vote in the House in May. The Senate passed Senate Bill 1962 the month before.
Both bills would swap the State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness, or STAAR, with a shorter test to free up time for more instruction. Students would be tested at the beginning, middle and end of the school year so teachers could use test results to identify areas for improvement and shape their lesson plans.
The similarities stop there. The House proposal, but not the Senate’s, would change how students are graded. Instead of using a rigid scale to track students’ academic performance, their outcomes would be compared to their peers around the country. Supporters of the House proposal say that approach would be a better measuring stick. Critics say the change would obscure whether Texas students have met expectations for grade-level skills.
The bills also differ in their response to a pair of lawsuits school districts filed against the state. The districts said they sued because the TEA was too hasty in introducing changes that affected their score in the state’s school accountability rating system, giving an inaccurate picture of their performance. The suits blocked the release of those scores for two years in a row. A judge ruled to allow the release of the 2023 scores last month.
Under HB 4, the TEA commissioner would have to get approval from the Legislature for all major changes to the state’s school ratings system. Districts could still sue to challenge changes to the accountability system, but the House bill sets up a fast-track court process for those lawsuits to be settled so disputes do not affect the release of the ratings.
Meanwhile, the Senate’s version of the bill would solidify the TEA commissioner’s authority to determine how school performance ratings are calculated. SB 1962 would make it difficult for districts to use the courts to challenge changes to the performance ratings system. The Senate also largely leaves it up to the TEA to set the standards schools and districts have to meet to get a good rating.
Uncertified teachers
As Texas struggles with a severe teacher shortage, school districts, especially in rural areas, have increasingly turned to hiring uncertified educators to fill classroom vacancies. Last year, 56% of newly hired teachers across the state were not certified, raising concerns about the quality of education students are receiving.
Senate Bill 2253, would require schools to have only certified teachers in core subjects by the 2029-30 school year. To help teachers, it would include a one-time $1,000 stipend for some untrained educators who were recently hired and get certified by the end of the next school year. The Senate approved the bill, which now heads over to the House.
Student discipline
Amid rising concerns about classroom violence, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic, Texas lawmakers are pushing legislation that would expand school districts’ authority to discipline students.
House Bill 6 passed the House and is now being reviewed by the Senate K-16 Education Committee. It seeks to give schools more flexibility in handling disruptive behavior. The bill would allow administrators to suspend students for “repeated and significant” classroom disruptions or for actions that endanger the safety of others, requiring those students to remain out of school during the suspension period.
In recent years, Texas law has limited such discipline. Students in pre-K through second grade have generally been protected from suspension unless they committed serious crimes. Similar protections have applied to homeless students, who could only be suspended in cases involving violence, weapons, drugs or alcohol. HB 6 would roll back those restrictions, giving schools broader discretion to suspend these students.
Though the bill has received strong Republican support in the House, some lawmakers say it needs more clarity. In March, Rep. Gina Hinojosa, D-Austin, urged representatives to tighten the bill’s language, warning, “we’re not sending kindergarteners home to an empty apartment.”
Another bill, Senate Bill 1872, which has passed by the Senate and is under review by the House Public Education Committee, would require the expulsion of any student who assaults a teacher or a school volunteer, even if the incident happened off campus. Expelled students would be placed in the Juvenile Justice Alternative Education Program, which serves students who have been removed from their original schools.
Another bill would expedite the process of referring students to truancy court when they miss out on school. Senate Bill 1925, which still hasn’t received a vote in the Senate K-16 Education Committee, would no longer require schools to intervene before referring students to court. It also requires schools to notify parents if their children have three truancies in four weeks.
Meanwhile, Senate Bill 1871 would make it easier for students to get mental health help through the telehealth platforms and for those required to go to an alternative education program to participate virtually. The measure has passed the Senate and was referred to the House Education Committee.
School safety
Lawmakers are also considering increasing funding for school safety.
In 2023, a year after the Uvalde elementary school shooting, the state passed House Bill 3, mandating armed officers at every school. The law also increased schools’ annual safety allotment to $10 per student, gave districts $15,000 per school for safety upgrades, and created a $1.1 billion grant program to help school districts pay for additional school safety requirements, like silent panic alerts.
Many school leaders said the measure wasn’t enough to pay for those new jobs or otherwise implement the law effectively. Law enforcement shortages have also made it hard for schools to hire new officers.
One key proposal this session is Senate Bill 260, authored by Sen. Joan Huffman, R-Houston, which would give schools an additional $28 per student and $30,000 per campus each year to pay for safety upgrades. The bill has been passed in both chambers. Lawmakers will now meet behind closed doors to resolve the differences between their two versions.
Another bill, Senate Bill 598, introduced by Sen. Royce West, D-Dallas, offers a more generous funding model, proposing to give schools $100 per student and $60,000 per campus each year for school safety. The bill is currently under review by the Senate K-16 Education Committee.
Literacy and numeracy
Earlier this month, the Texas House approved House Bill 123, which aims to provide struggling students extra learning support as early as kindergarten, before learning gaps compound. Last month, the Senate passed a similar bill, Senate Bill 2252. Members from both chambers are now expected to reconcile differences in their proposals in a closed-door conference committee.
More than half of third graders in the state are not at grade level in reading or math, meaning they lack the key foundational skills they need to thrive as learners. Students who are behind in third grade rarely catch up, which can lead to serious consequences later in life. Research shows students who struggle to read by third grade are more likely to drop out of high school. Math proficiency is tied to economic mobility as an adult.
The legislation would require districts to use literacy and numeracy screeners to identify students who are struggling early on. The screeners would assess students three times a year between pre-K and 3rd grade on skills like phonics, vocabulary and spelling. Those who are furthest behind would get extra tutoring in small group settings.
The legislation would also expand educators’ access to math and reading instructional materials. Teachers often work unpaid hours to complete training known as math and reading academies, which give them the tools to help build students’ skills in those subjects. HB 123 would give districts funding to pay teachers who take those courses after their regular workday.
Cellphone ban
After several states across the country introduced strict limits on cellphone use in public schools, Texas lawmakers are considering a similar approach.
House Bill 1481, introduced by Rep. Caroline Fairly of Amarillo, the only Gen Z member of the Texas House, aims to significantly restrict the use of “personal communication devices” in public schools. This includes cellphones, tablets, smartwatches and similar electronics. Fairly said she hopes the measure will improve students’ mental health and academic performance. Supporters of the bill say it could help reduce cyberbullying.
The bill would give school districts some flexibility in how to implement the restrictions. They would be able to ban the devices entirely, provide designated storage areas, or extend the ban to extracurricular activities.
However, not all lawmakers support the proposal. During a hearing earlier this year, Rep. Alma Allen, D-Houston, expressed concerns that the policy might prevent students from reaching emergency services or contacting their parents when needed.
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This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/13/texas-legislature-public-education/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The post Beyond vouchers: Other Texas public education bills to track appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The content reflects a series of legislative proposals and debates that align with conservative positions on education policy in Texas, with particular emphasis on limiting diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs, promoting religious expressions in schools, and increasing discipline measures. The bills discussed are largely supported by Republican lawmakers and are presented in a manner that highlights their potential benefits, such as reducing taxpayer waste and improving classroom environments. The article also includes critiques from opponents, particularly Democrats, warning about potential negative impacts, but the overall tone and focus suggest a Center-Right lean due to the prominence of conservative policy actions and values presented.
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Racism Wrapped in Rural Warmth
Rural Texas wears a friendly facade. You know everyone, and everyone treats each other so kindly, but, if you’re Black, you just ignore the stares when you walk into the local steakhouse for fish fry night.
I was 7 or 8 when I realized I would always be treated differently than my white friends. It was picture day and I was waiting in line near our classroom and watching as my teacher fixed every girl’s hair. I eagerly waited for her to fix mine, but she never did. I assumed it was because my hair was already twisted into three cute ponytails, a classic hairstyle for little Black girls.
But when I got home and asked my mom, she told me my teacher didn’t know what to do since my hair had a different texture than my friends’.
When I was in the seventh grade, I was called the n-word. I didn’t need to ask my mom what the word meant; I already knew. You’re taught at a young age if you’re Black. You’re taught never to say that word. It’s a slur. It’s a dirty word. The kid who called me that slur was a bully and I was a straight-A/B student. I never did anything wrong. (I can’t even tell you what detention was like!) My mom expected the best, so I became the best I could be. I remember telling her and crying. I was hurt.
A day later, he apologized after my mom told the school. I was surprised the school took action even in the early 2000s. I don’t recall being called that slur again. This was part of the good side of growing up in a place I’ll call “Smallstown” (since I still live here), a southeast Texas town where about one in five residents is Black. Many people try to do the right thing.
But throughout my academic and personal life, I experienced subtler forms of small-town racism—warm and welcoming with flashes of ugliness.
In 2005, my brother, mom, and I went to a local clothing store to buy a suit for his high school prom. As soon as we opened the door, we were immediately greeted. You would think that would be amazing customer service, but it wasn’t friendly. Family friends, who are also Black, told us they’d gotten the same greeting—it was pure racism.
Being stopped at the door was embarrassing. My family doesn’t steal. If I can’t afford it then I don’t need it. No one in my family has shopped there since. But to this day, I still get followed at a local big box store, especially when I’m eyeing the latest gaming systems.
My mom raised me to be intelligent and to think creatively. I grew up around books and learned about the world around me. I was raised on academics and hoped my smarts and studies would take me far.
Sometimes I was made fun of for talking “white.” (To this day, I have no idea what that meant.) I didn’t speak like the other Black kids did so I suppose that gave others something to laugh about—a kind of reverse racism.
In high school, I discovered a love for rock music. I was the only Black girl at Smallstown High who listened to rock. I loved Slipknot and other popular bands. I still do. I remember a particularly odd moment in history class my senior year. Our teacher was a coach and, for him, the stereotype was true: Coaches that teach often don’t care about the subject. One day my musical preferences came up in class and the teacher said, “You’re a Black girl who likes rock music? I would have dated you in high school.” Everyone thought that was weird.
In 2007, I escaped Smallstown to attend Sam Houston State University (SHSU) in Huntsville, where fortunately, I had fewer experiences with racism. But I recall that when Barack Obama was reelected I and other Black students got a text warning us to stay indoors. Otherwise, nothing stood out. I felt my race didn’t matter in Huntsville. The “townies” (we loved calling Huntsville people that as if they were the visitors and we weren’t) treated me differently only because I was a college student—a younger, less-rooted resident. On campus, we treated each other like longtime friends. I joined the Black Student Alliance, the NAACP, and the Program Council. I befriended many people who didn’t treat me differently because of my race.
For years, I wondered why, and I think it’s because so many SHSU students grew up in bigger cities. When I mentioned how insular Smallstown was, they seemed confused. By the time I graduated, I had learned a lot about myself. The lessons I learned and the people I met stay with me.
But then I moved back to Smallstown. Some strangers stopped me to ask if I was aware of what shirt I was wearing. (Yes, it featured my favorite heavy metal band.) And others still spoke to me as if I were a child. I was shocked to realize that my experiences as a Black woman in rural Texas wouldn’t change just because I had gained a bachelor’s degree.
I started working at a grocery store after college. The managers there never treated me differently due to my race—they treated me well because I was a hard worker. But some customers dealt with me differently because I was Black. The store had a small gas station, and I worked inside a little kiosk surrounded by fuel pumps. Every now and then, some white customers treated me as if I knew much less than the white co-workers I’d trained.
Compared to Huntsville, Smallstown has a big socioeconomic divide. Generations of white families in our town were able to buy homes and grow businesses while Black families were redlined and segregated and forced to attempt to break generational curses. But rich White people generally were less racist while poorer ones tended to belittle Black people. I found the nicest visitors to the grocery store were often ranchers and farmhands who drove in from the country.
I often wonder what would spark a change in the attitudes people have about Black people in small-town Texas. I hope that people like me, and the younger generations, will be able to inspire a much-needed change. Change comes from within and through open discussions. Frankly, I would have expected that racism would have faded already by 2025, but it hasn’t. People seem stuck in denial and defense mode whenever a Black person speaks about racism. You hear: “Oh, I can’t be racist because I have a Black friend,” or, my personal favorite, “There’s not a racist bone in my body.”
For real change to happen, people need to be ready to recognize things within themselves. I am hoping to open some eyes by sharing some of my experiences about being a Black woman in rural Texas.
The post Racism Wrapped in Rural Warmth appeared first on www.texasobserver.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
This content focuses on the personal experience of a Black woman facing racial discrimination in rural Texas, highlighting systemic and interpersonal racism. The narrative advocates for recognition of racial issues and social change, which aligns with values typically associated with center-left perspectives emphasizing social justice and equity. While it critiques aspects of society and calls for progress, it does so through personal storytelling rather than overt political rhetoric, avoiding extreme or highly partisan language.
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