Appalachian Power and Dominion Energy are seeking to end Virginia’s net metering program, which credits customers for excess electricity from rooftop solar at the retail rate. Both utilities propose compensating solar customers at a significantly lower rate, based on the “avoided cost” (the price they pay for purchased electricity). This has sparked fierce opposition from solar advocates, who argue it would make residential solar installations economically unfeasible. The debate centers around whether these changes are necessary to prevent cost shifts to non-solar customers or whether they undermine Virginia’s growing solar market. The State Corporation Commission will review the proposals.
Virginia’s investor-owned utilities thought 2025 would be the year they put an end to net metering – and with it, rooftop solar installers’ modest competition with their monopoly.. The 2020 Virginia Clean Economy Act (VCEA) removed many barriers that residents and businesses installing solar panels under the state’s net metering law had faced, but it also called for the State Corporation Commission to reevaluate the program, beginning right about now.
Not surprisingly, Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power are seizing this opportunity to push for changes that would undermine the economic calculus supporting customer-owned solar.
Since at least 2007, Virginia law has required that customers of Dominion and APCo who have solar panels on their property be credited for surplus electricity they supply to the grid at the same retail rate they pay for electricity. The credit is applied against the cost of the electricity the customer draws from the grid at times when the panels aren’t generating, reducing what they owe on their electric bill.
But now that they have the chance, both utilities have filed proposals to end net metering. Both essentially propose to charge new solar customers the full retail rate for the electricity they draw from the grid (with Dominion using a more complicated half-hour “netting”), but compensate them for electricity fed to the grid only at the utility’s “avoided cost,” or what it pays to buy electricity from other generators. By law, existing customers and new low-income customers with solar would be unaffected.
APCo calculates avoided cost as the wholesale cost of energy and capacity, plus transmission and ancillary services, for a total of less than 5 cents per kilowatt-hour. Thus, a homeowner with solar panels would now pay the full retail rate of about 17 cents/kWh for electricity drawn from the grid, while being credited at less than one-third that amount for electricity put back on the grid.
Dominion’s approach instead pegs avoided cost to what it pays for solar generation and associated renewable energy certificates (RECs) bought from certain small producers under power purchase agreements, an average of about 9.5 cents/kWh. Dominion’s residential rate currently averages about 14 cents/kWh, but would go up to more than 16 cents if its latest rate increase request is granted.
The VCEA gave APCo the first swing at the piñata. APCo filed its proposal in September, and the SCC will hold an evidentiary hearing on May 20. Dominion only filed its petition last week, and no hearing date has been set yet.
Not surprisingly, APCo’s proposal generated fierce opposition from advocates and solar installers. They point out that it’s hard enough to make the economics of home solar work with net metering at the retail rate; slashing the compensation for electricity returned to the grid by more than one-third, as Dominion proposes, or two-thirds, as APCo wants, would make solar a losing proposition for most homeowners. Maybe economies of scale and other factors would allow the market for commercial solar to survive under Dominion’s program, though Dominion’s insistence on confiscating customers’ RECs won’t make anyone happy.
If solar owners definitely lose under APCo’s plan, advocates say other ratepayers don’t necessarily win. A homeowner’s surplus generation travels only the short distance to the nearest neighbor, lessening the need for the utility to generate and transmit power to meet the neighbor’s demand. Since the utility charges that neighbor the regular retail rate for the electricity, without having to bring it from somewhere else, the utility saves on transmission costs. On top of that, the surplus solar comes in during the day, when demand is typically higher than at night and electricity is more costly, making solar more valuable to the utility. Plus, it is clean and renewable, and the customer bears all the cost and risk of the investment.
Utilities do not share this rosy view. By their way of thinking, solar customers use the grid as free energy storage and backup power, without paying their fair share of grid costs. Not only does this deprive the utility of revenue, but those grid costs now have to be spread out among the remaining customers. This, they say, creates a cost shift from solar owners to everyone else.
More than a decade ago, Virginia took tentative steps towards resolving the dispute, with the Department of Environmental Quality setting up a stakeholder group to work towards a “value of solar” analysis. The process was never completed — the utilities walked away from the table when it appeared the results weren’t going to be what they wanted, and the group’s work product did not include numeric values or policy recommendations.
Virginia is hardly alone in navigating these clashing narratives.
Other states and regulators have arrived at very different conclusions as to the “correct” value of distributed solar to utilities, ratepayers, and society as a whole. States like Maryland kept net metering after a value of solar analysis concluded the benefits outweighed the costs. On the other hand, California famously ended its net metering program in 2022 when solar comprised almost 20% of electricity generated in the state and created a mid-day surplus without enough storage to absorb it; at the time, 45% of that solar was distributed. That same year, however, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis vetoed an unpopular bill that would have phased out net metering in the state.
The experience of other states, combined with an abundance of research and analysis conducted over the years, gives the SCC a lot to work with as it considers the fate of net metering for APCo’s customers this year, and later for Dominion’s.
Countering the arguments of the utility’s hired witnesses, solar industry and environmental organizations have weighed in on the APCo docket with testimony from experts with nationwide experience. The experts pointed out a range of errors and omissions in the utility’s work product. They also presented their own benefit-cost analyses demonstrating a value for distributed solar in excess of the retail price of electricity, using tests often applied to energy efficiency and demand-response programs.
Perhaps even more significantly, SCC staff also filed an analysis that found many of the same problems with APCo’s proposal, including failures to comply with statutory requirements. The staff report did not include a quantitative analysis, but it urged the importance of considering benefits that APCo had ignored. Like the intervenors, staff recommended the commission reject APCo’s plan and retain its net metering program as it is, at least for now.
Although the staff report would seem likely to carry weight with the commissioners, it’s never easy to predict what the SCC will do in any case before it. But in Virginia, unlike California, distributed solar makes up vanishingly little of total electric generation. Even taking the utilities’ arguments at face value, it seems foolish to upend this small but important market to remedy a perceived harm that is, at least for now, more theoretical than real.
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Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Left
The article reports on Virginia’s ongoing debate over net metering for solar energy, with a focus on the utility companies’ push to end the practice. The tone leans toward supporting the solar industry and its economic benefits for consumers, highlighting opposition from environmental groups and solar installers. The emphasis on the potential harm to homeowners, the financial impact on solar owners, and the favorability of net metering for consumers suggests an inclination toward advocating for renewable energy. The article maintains factual reporting, but the language and framing subtly align with a pro-solar, environmentally conscious stance, positioning it as Center-Left.
Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears signed Virginia’s in-progress reproductive rights constitutional amendment but expressed personal opposition in a handwritten note, citing moral reasons and opposition to protection for the child. As president of the Senate, she is required to sign bills, though her signature includes objections. This marks the second time she has written objections on bills, with the first being a note against a bill protecting marriage rights for same-sex and interracial couples. Earle-Sears has long been vocal in opposition to abortion, labeling it “genocide” during her 2021 campaign, and her stance remains a key issue in her gubernatorial race against Abigail Spanberger.
Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears signed Virginia’s in-progress reproductive rights constitutional amendment, but noted her personal objection to it in a handwritten note on the bill.
As president of the Senate, she is legally required to sign bills that the legislature passes but she doesn’t have to add any comment to her signatures. Documents obtained by The Mercury show her explanation for why she is against Virginia’s effort to protect reproductive rights like abortion, in vitro fertilization and contraception access in Virginia’s Constitution.
“I am morally opposed to this bill; no protection for the child,” she wrote above her signature.
It is the second known message Earle-Sears has penned on a bill she signed but disagreed with — the first being her note of objection scrawled on a bill last year that would prohibit officials from denying marriage licenses to same-sex or interracial couples, as The Virginia Scope first reported. It is also one of the clearest signals Earle-Sears has sent concerning her views on abortion and reproductive health care since beginning her campaign for governor.
A Sears campaign representative the Mercury reached Thursday afternoon said Earle-Sears had no comment on the matter.
While Earle-Sears’ appearance as a keynote speaker at the Virginia March For Life has already solidified her stance in opposition to proposals that would protect abortion access in Virginia, she’s yet to speak in depth about where she may hold nuanced views on reproductive matters.
Abortion access is one of the most politically divisive issues in the state, as Democrats work to shore up protections while Republicans largely support anti-abortion measures, with some GOP members of the legislature having carried life-at-conception bills. In the 2023 elections, many Republicans supported a proposal backed by Gov. Glenn Youngkin to ban most abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy, with exceptions for rape, incest or life-threatening situations for the parent. It lacked fetal anomaly exceptions — several of which aren’t diagnosed until at or after 15 weeks.
Early in her 2021 campaign for liuetenant governor, Earle-Sears had called abortion “genocide” and objected to the procedure in all instances, except for ones that could save the life of the pregnant person. Just over a month before the 2021 elections, she’d scrubbed anti-abortion messaging from her campaign website where she’d vowed to “do everything in my power” to stop abortions in Virginia.
Because Earle-Sears’ 2021 campaign occurred before federal abortion protections were overturned, stating an opinion against abortion was more a signal to like-minded voters than a legislative promise to eradicate it. Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned federal protections in 2022, the matter has become more salient in campaigns. Some states have fortified protections while others have enacted bans or restrictions. Virginia is currently the least-restrictive state in the south.
As Virginia’s constitutional amendment has already passed the legislature once, it must do so again next year before appearing on ballots statewide for voters to finally approve or reject. That progress, however, hinges on Democrats retaining their majority in the House of Delegates this year, because the amendment has only advanced on partisan lines.
Governors don’t formally advance or block constitutional amendments, but should Virginia’s fail to advance, the next governor will be able to sign potential attempts to restrict or ban abortions within state code.
With Earle-Sears gubernatorial opponent Abigail Spanberger in support of reproductive healthcare access — to include abortions, contraception and fertility treatments — their divergences on the issue may be a deciding factor for some voters later this year.
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Virginia Mercury is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Center-Right
The content presents Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears’ opposition to reproductive rights legislation, highlighting her moral objections and ties to anti-abortion activism. It discusses the politically divisive nature of abortion rights in Virginia, noting the Republican support for restrictions versus Democratic efforts to protect access. While it reports on Earle-Sears’ views and actions factually, the focus on her opposition to abortion and the framing within a contentious political landscape positions the content with a center-right bias, reflecting conservative perspectives on reproductive issues without overt editorializing.
www.youtube.com – 12 On Your Side – 2025-05-08 05:55:11
SUMMARY: Thursday (May 8) will be partly sunny and warm with a high of 83°F. Rain chances today are low at about 10%, mostly dry with a possible sprinkle or shower. Overnight, Richmond and areas north might experience some showers and thunder. Friday will be cooler with a high of 70°F, mostly cloudy, and rain with thunder likely from midday into the afternoon, bringing up to half an inch in some areas. Evening activities should dry out by 6 PM. The weekend looks dry and pleasant with mid-70s temperatures. Next week, rain chances return Tuesday and Wednesday with about an inch or two expected across the region.
www.thecentersquare.com – By Shirleen Guerra | The Center Square – (The Center Square – ) 2025-05-07 13:31:00
(The Center Square) – Tariffs aren’t usually the kind of thing that makes Virginia business owners nervous, but more than half of Northern Virginia executives say trade policy is creeping into their worry list.
AQ2 2025 surveyof nearly 300 Northern Virginia executives found that 53% expect tariffs to hurt business growth in the next six months, more than those concerned about taxes or regulation.
It puts trade policy in the same stress category as inflation and federal job cuts, which also ranked on the list.
That concern isn’t coming out of nowhere as Virginia exported more than$21.8 billion in goods last year,according to figures from the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative.
Nearly 90% of those exports came from small and mid-sized businesses, which often don’t have much cushion when costs spike or foreign buyers pull back.
Unlike states that mostly ship raw materials or heavy goods, Virginia leans heavily on service exports such as tech, consulting and logistics. Those exports aren’t small potatoes, and in 2022, those services supported more than222,000 jobs and pumped $2.2 billion into commonwealth and local tax coffers.
Survey responses suggest the impact isn’t just theoretical, as some Virginia businesses say they already feel it. Roughly 40% of executives said that the current U.S. trade policy is already causing their companies to decline, while another 36% expect trouble.
So far, tariffs haven’t played a major role in Virginia’s governor’s race. Meanwhile, Republican nominee Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears hasn’t released a formal position on trade policy or tariffs. However, in a leaked March recording, she expressed support for the president’s trade approach, calling tariffs good and to our benefit.
Democratic governor candidate Abigail Spanberger has sharply criticized Trump-era tariffs, calling them a“tax on Virginians”that will hit families, farmers and small businesses hardest.
Dominion Energy is also watching tariffs closely.
In a May 1earnings call,executives estimated the company could face up to $500 million in cumulative tariff-related costs if the current policy holds through 2026.
During the call, the leading provider disclosed they had already absorbed $4 million in tariff costs during the first quarter of 2025 and expects that number to jump to $130 million by the end of June.
If nothing changes, executives say tariffs could tack on half a billion dollars to the cost of building Virginia’s offshore wind project.
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
The article primarily reports on the concerns of Northern Virginia business executives regarding tariffs and their potential economic impact without advocating for a particular ideological stance. It presents information from both Republican and Democratic perspectives, including statements from candidates and factual data about trade and tariffs. The tone and language remain neutral, focusing on the economic implications rather than promoting a specific political agenda. This balanced reporting aligns with neutral, factual journalism rather than exhibiting a discernible political bias.