“Texas House signals expanding state’s medical marijuana program” was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

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The Texas House advanced a bill Monday that would expand the conditions eligible for the state’s medical marijuana program, including chronic pain and Crohn’s disease, and allow for prescribed smokable products to be sold by prescription.

House Bill 46 by Rep. Ken King, R-Canadian, would allow patients in the state’s medical marijuana program to use products like cannabis patches, lotions, and prescribed inhalers and vaping devices. The House preliminarily approved the bill 118 to 16 on Monday and will need a final round of approval before it heads to the Senate.

If it becomes law, the list of qualifying conditions would also expand to include chronic pain, traumatic brain injury, Crohn’s disease, and degenerative disc disease. The bill would also let licensed dispensers open more satellite locations, which supporters say is necessary to prevent the industry from crumbling.

“There are too many Texans who are still struggling to get access to the medicine they legally have a right to receive,” King said, pointing out his bill would allow for additional dispensing locations outside of Central Texas, where all dispensaries are currently concentrated.

Rep. Penny Morales Shaw, D-Houston, said rural Texans would have more access.

“Too many of our fellow Texans are forced to either suffer or self medicate because they don’t have sufficient access, and this is an amazing alternative to addictive, harmful opioids, which we know is a huge problem,” she said.

In Texas, licensed medical cannabis providers must house all operations, including cannabis cultivation, processing, extracting, manufacturing, testing, and dispensing, under one roof.

State regulations also prohibit inventory storage of medical cannabis products in multiple locations, so products must be distributed from the central dispensary. Any prescriptions scheduled for pickup outside the central dispensary must be driven daily to and from the pickup location—sometimes thousands of miles round-trip.

“This method puts wear and tear on our vehicles. Limits the amount of time we can spend with patients and can compromise product integrity,” said Terrence Baugh, marketing manager for goodblend, Austin-based medical marijuana producer. “We might drive 200 miles, and the person we are delivering to might not even be there at the moment.”

This has made their products more expensive and limited where the medical marijuana program can reach, hampering the small medical cannabis market in Texas.

“We also don’t have enough doctors in the program, and not enough people prescribing for it, and most patients find us through a doctor. We are dealing with several different challenges, but we are hopeful these bills might help,” said Baugh.

House Bill 46 is meant to correct some of this problem by allowing medical marijuana distributors to store their products in various satellite locations instead of having to drive across the state to return the product every day.

However, the most significant potential change would be allowing smokable marijuana products, such as vapes, to be introduced into the program, helping to match the popularity of products found in the hemp industry. The Texas medical program can currently only sell gummies, lozenges, topicals, beverages, and tinctures, as smoking or vaping products have not been approved.

Many hemp products, which are unregulated and sold more freely in smoke shops, also give the same high as medical marijuana, but are cheaper for consumers, and don’t require a visit to a medical professional for pre-approval to purchase. This ease of access has pretty much made the medical marijuana program irrelevant, according to the medical marijuana industry.

Dillan Dabelsutt, senior manager of cultivation at goodblend, said the only difference between hemp and medical marijuana is that hemp is harvested earlier.

“Hemp is just a little more flexible while marijuana is produced for high THC alone,” he said.

By allowing smokeables and expanding the conditions, the medical marijuana producers are hoping this will open the market up to more patients and increase the demand for products.

Texas lawmakers are also determining the future of hemp this session, as a House panel approved last month a bill, also authored by King, to tighten regulations on Texas’ consumable hemp industry, setting up a potential clash with Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and the Senate, who are pursuing a total ban on THC products.

“I think we can co-exist with hemp. We just want an even playing field,” said Baugh. “I believe additional regulations are needed on hemp, and we need to loosen some on medical marijuana.”

King noted on Monday that HB 46 would have no effect on hemp and that the future of that industry will be decided another day.

“The other bill will be coming to a House floor near you,” he told lawmakers.

Texans seeking help for substance use can call the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration’s free help line at 800-662-4357. They can also access services in their region through the Texas Health and Human Services website.

First round of TribFest speakers announced! Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Maureen Dowd; U.S. Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-San Antonio; Fort Worth Mayor Mattie Parker; U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California; and U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas are taking the stage Nov. 13–15 in Austin. Get your tickets today!

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2025/05/12/texas-marijunia-medical-chronic-pain-crohns-cancer-glaucoma-ptsd/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.

The post Chronic pain could qualify Texans for medical marijuana under bill appeared first on feeds.texastribune.org

Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Centrist

The article appears to focus on reporting the progress of House Bill 46 in Texas, which aims to expand the state’s medical marijuana program. It provides factual details on the bill, its intended effects, and reactions from various stakeholders, including lawmakers from different political backgrounds. The tone remains largely neutral, presenting the views of both proponents, such as Rep. Ken King, and supporters from the medical marijuana industry, while also briefly touching on opposing perspectives without strong ideological persuasion. This suggests the content leans toward a centrist stance, focusing on policy discussion without promoting a specific political viewpoint.

SUMMARY: Fire departments nationwide, including Austin’s, are facing challenges due to soaring fire truck prices and extended wait times for new vehicles. The Austin Fire Department (AFD) has seen delays of up to two years, with prices increasing from \$1.2 million in 2019 to nearly \$2 million for trucks ordered in 2023. This delay affects public safety as older engines remain in service longer, leading to less reliable vehicles. Additionally, AFD has had to diversify its truck vendors. Austin’s city council has allocated funds for new ladder truck staffing, with further funds proposed for FY 2026 and 2027.

NewsNation’s Nick Smith contributed to this report.

Read the full article

The post As lawmakers probe on fire engine costs, Austin Fire says its seeing operational impacts appeared first on www.kxan.com

It’s the sort of day where you can tell that the state Capitol is bustling with civic activity well before you pass through the security checkpoints. Even by 10 o’clock this sunny March morning, the main parking garage is full. Charter buses, which carried Texans to their capital city from destinations hundreds of miles away, are parked all along the streets. 

On almost every one of the 140 days that the Texas Legislature meets for its biennial session, citizens make the pilgrimage to the pink granite-domed Capitol to engage in activism, persuasion, and admonition. Sometimes they are there of their own individual democratic volition; more often they mobilize on behalf of an organized advocacy group. 

The marquee event is the Texas House Public Education Committee’s hearing on House Bill 3, the lower chamber’s proposed school voucher program. It’s a historic day as a school voucher bill is on track to pass through the House for the first time ever. For the hundreds of pro-“school choice” Texans who’ve traveled there to provide a show of mass popular support, it’s a joyous occasion. For the hundreds of opponents—public school teachers, parents, and other activists who’ve shown up to voice their urgent rebukes—it’s an ominous one. 

The Capitol Extension, an underground complex that sits below the north grounds, first opened back in 1993, nearly doubling the building’s square footage. Here there are 16 committee hearing rooms, conference rooms, an auditorium, a gift shop, and, of course, the popular Capitol Grill cafeteria, which this day is serving frito pies, loaded baked potatoes, and other standard fare.

This is the hive. The cavernous hallways, with terrazzo floors that mirror those in the Capitol proper, and the four-story inverted rotunda are filled with a constant stream of people wandering in large groups, or beelining for a destination—like a shopping mall of democracy. 

The professionals are easy to pick out from the unwashed masses, who are often all wearing the same colored t-shirts with matching slogans. The lawmakers, dressed in sharp suits or fitted dresses, are often walking briskly with a small entourage of staffers. The lobbyists, typically wearing far more expensive attire, are often the ones sitting on the benches that line the hallways—glued to their phones. On this day, Governor Greg Abbott’s former top aide, now one of the most sought-after lobbyists in Austin, is in an alcove wearing earbuds. 

In the auditorium, about 100 home-schooling families are listening to the Texas Home School Coalition go through a legislative primer on their top priority this session: House Joint Resolution 155, a constitutional amendment to enshrine the right to homeschool in the Texas Constitution. “Freedom is fragile,” Jeremy Newman, the coalition’s vice president of policy, tells the crowd. “We know this because home schooling was illegal in the ’70s and ’80s. We know people now who were in jail because of this.” 

The group has to wrap up its briefing early, apparently so as not to interfere with the governor’s own pro-voucher press event, which is being held at the swanky downtown office of the Texas Public Policy Foundation. With that, the crowd takes their packet of information flyers, streams out of the auditorium, and into the maze of hallways that contain legislators’ offices. 

Around this time, the Texas Freedom Network is leading an anti-voucher rally on the south steps of the Capitol—the designated area for sanctioned rallies, protests, and press conferences. The granite stairs include a natural “riser” that makes for a perfect stage. For an hourly electricity fee of $35, organizers can plug in their microphones and speakers. For a $50 fee, the State Preservation Board—which is responsible for maintaining all activities on the grounds—can provide a lectern or chairs. 

Shortly after the anti-voucher rally, the gun nuts gather around the south side for a rally to push back against the tyranny of so-called red flag laws in Texas and across the nation. A few dozen members of the Gun Owners of America are in attendance, many donning little red flags attached to their caps. Among the VIP attendees there to help rally the troops are tea party firebrand and Dallas County GOP Chair Allen West, plus Kyle Rittenhouse, who moved to Texas a few years ago after becoming a celebrity in the gun rights movement. The event is sponsored by Patriot Mobile, the premier cell-phone carrier for conservatives and an ardent booster of Christian nationalist politics in Texas. 

Alas, much of what may appear to be grassroots advocacy is in reality heavily engineered. But there is plenty of more organic citizen engagement too. When encountered, it can serve as a much needed salve for the cynicism that comes from closely following the Texas Legislature. 

Consider Nicholas Gresham, the operator of a small hemp business in East Texas. It’s also a lobby day for the Texas Cannabis Collective. He’s here today to push lawmakers to vote against one of the Senate’s top priorities—Senate Bill 3—that would outright ban any THC products in the state. 

When he heard that the Senate was holding a public hearing on the bill a couple weeks earlier, he felt compelled to leave his wife and newborn in the NICU at a Dallas hospital to drive to Austin to testify. Before the committee, he chastised lawmakers for trying to pull the rug out from under a burgeoning legal hemp industry. 

He came back again on Tuesday to drop off pro-hemp leaflets at legislators’ offices. For him, it’s a matter of protecting his livelihood. (The baby, by the way, is home and healthy now.)

Gresham may not be a high-powered lobbyist who can easily text with or wine-and-dine legislators. And much of his literature may likely end up in the recycling bin at the end of the day. But everyday Texans like him, who have something personal on the line, are essential to each and every legislative session. And you can count on them to keep showing up. 

The post  A Day in a Democracy appeared first on www.texasobserver.org

Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.

Political Bias Rating: Center-Right

The content primarily presents a descriptive and detailed account of the civic activities and legislative processes occurring at the Texas Capitol, with a focus on conservative-leaning issues such as school vouchers, homeschooling rights, gun rights, and advocacy by conservative groups. The narrative is neutral in tone but leans slightly right due to the emphasis on conservative political events and figures, such as Governor Greg Abbott’s policies, pro-voucher supporters, and conservative rallies. It also includes diverse perspectives, mentioning opposition and grassroots activism, which moderates the overall tone but does not shift it away from center-right alignment.