News from the South - North Carolina News Feed
1,600 Buncombe voters swept up in GOP ballot challenge, as hand recount proceeds • Asheville Watchdog
Several dozen citizens and election officials gathered Wednesday at the Buncombe County Board of Elections headquarters in downtown Asheville to begin a laborious hand recount of thousands of 2024 election ballots, looking for any discrepancies that might call into question the outcome of a tight race for a North Carolina Supreme Court seat.
Meanwhile, the state Board of Elections is preparing to rule on a related challenge that, if successful, could toss out some 60,000 ballots statewide, including 1,600 cast in Buncombe County.
The North Carolina Republican Party and Jefferson Griffin, the Republican candidate for Seat 6 on the North Carolina Supreme Court, contend that the election boards of all 100 counties improperly counted ballots of ineligible or unverified voters — a claim that will be resolved by the North Carolina Board of Elections — and demanded a “hand-to-eye” count of ballots in all 100 counties. Griffin has the right to do so under law, because of the closeness of the voting.
A statewide machine recount last week confirmed initial election results that Griffin is trailing his Democratic opponent, the incumbent Allison Riggs, by 734 votes out of 5.5 million cast. Republicans currently hold a 5-2 advantage on the state’s highest court, and a victory by Griffin for an eight-year term would make it 6-1 and ensure GOP control of the bench for the next decade.
Riggs claimed victory this week and called for Griffin to concede. Griffin and the state Republican Party refused, saying they would pursue every avenue to reverse the outcome. While the hand-to-eye recount must be completed in five days, the challenge of voter legitimacy could delay the election results indefinitely.
“Our priority remains ensuring that every legal vote is counted and that the public can trust the integrity of this election,” state Republican Party spokesperson Matt Mercer said in a news release. Embry Owen, Riggs’s campaign manager, said Griffin’s protests were a “last-ditch effort to deny the will of voters across the state.”
Final rulings by the state board can be appealed to state court.
The parents of Allison Riggs are among the 60,000 voters whose ballots, the state Republican Party contends, should have been thrown out for a variety of reasons, which include attempting to vote as a felon; casting an absentee or early voting ballot but dying before the election; having official residence outside North Carolina, or lacking validation via the last four digits of a Social Security number or a North Carolina driver’s license.
The bulk of the challenges involve the Help America Vote Act of 2002, which in North Carolina requires voters to provide the last four digits of their Social Security number or their NC driver’s license number. Anyone attempting to vote in 2024 whose voter registration records did not already include the ID numbers should have been required at the polls to provide those numbers.
Under state law, all voters in 2024 were required to show proper identification before being allowed to vote. But there is no uniform method among the counties for capturing that information on voter forms. Even if a poll worker requested and verified a voter’s ID, precinct computers are not linked to any database for security reasons, so no corrections or additions to the registration could be made.
News that their ballots are being challenged came as a surprise to several Asheville voters on the list of 1,600 potentially “fraudulent” voters, they told Asheville Watchdog.
“I’m flattered to be included, but I have no idea what that’s about,” said John R. Nicolay of Asheville, who voted on Election Day with his wife, Ada. “Nobody tried to stop me from voting. We voted at the correct place. We voted in person. We showed proper identification.”
“This is amusing in a very frustrating way,” said Nicolay, whose Buncombe County voter registration records indicate he registered as unaffiliated in 2022 and has voted in three previous elections. Nicolay said he and Ada registered at the same time. Her ballot was not challenged.
Suzanne Escovitz is also on the GOP’s challenge list. She and her husband, Alan, went in person to register at the Buncombe County Board of Elections soon after moving to Asheville in 2008. Her Buncombe voter registration shows that she has voted in 26 previous elections without issue, as a registered Democrat.
“For sixteen and a half years I’ve voted with no problem,” Escovitz said. When she appeared at the North Asheville early voting site last month, “I showed them my driver’s license, which everybody had to do, to prove I am who I am,” she said. “I didn’t do anything wrong.”
“If the Board of Elections didn’t do what they were supposed to do, that’s on them,” Escovitz said, expressing anger that the state Republican Party seeks to invalidate all her votes since 2008. Her husband’s ballot was not challenged.
Given the heavy Democrat advantage in Buncombe, a substantial number of disqualified ballots here presumably would help the Republican candidate.
The recount: ‘hand to eye’
In a process that is repeating in all 99 other counties this week, election workers, administrators, and observers gathered Wednesday at Buncombe County’s Board of Elections building on Coxe Avenue to begin “hand-to-eye” counting of paper ballots.
In a cavernous room filled with rows of voting machines and stacks of ballot containers, four teams of partisan election workers — two Republicans and two Democrats for each — began a four-hour shift examining and tallying ballots. A second shift, also consisting of 16 workers split evenly by party affiliation, was scheduled to relieve them for the afternoon.
Corinne M. Duncan, Buncombe County’s director of elections, said the cost of the hand recount would be borne by Buncombe County taxpayers. Each counter is paid $17 an hour.
Paid election workers, Buncombe Board of Elections staff, and the county’s five board members also worked through last weekend on the machine recount demanded by Griffin. After feeding tens of thousands of ballots into high-speed scanners, the results were verified: The recount did not narrow the margin of Riggs’s lead by even one vote; there was no evidence of any discrepancies that would call the original results into question.
This week, rather than count all the ballots cast in Buncombe last month — more than 161,000 — the hand-to-eye recount that started Wednesday will examine a smaller, supposedly representative sample of 3 percent of all voting locations, chosen at random by the state board. In Buncombe, three sites were selected: the early voting site in west Asheville and two smaller precincts. Election officials estimated that 13,000 votes would be examined in all. Absentee ballots are not included.
By law, if enough discrepancies are found in the selected samples to suggest that the outcome could be overturned if extrapolated to all the state’s voting places, a full hand-to-eye recount of 5.5 million ballots would be ordered.
But no such discrepancies are expected, said Duncan. “This [recount] is sort of a rote following of the law,” Duncan said. “The thing that is tough is that the law doesn’t keep up with technology. With machines that are so accurate, the percentages should be smaller. So we’re being asked to do a lot of work that won’t materially change the results. The machines are all tested before the election. And after the election we do a sample audit. So we’ve already proven that the machines are going at it the right way.”
The hand-to-eye count is made easier this year by the county’s adoption of touchscreen voting machines for early voting. An estimated 12,000 of the ballots to be read this week were produced using ExpressVote XL touchscreens machines.
Unlike hand-marked paper ballots — which require voters to completely ink the inside of a bubble next to the name of the preferred candidate, often leading to incomplete markings, cross-outs, smudges, extraneous scribbles, voting for both candidates, and other mistakes that befuddle a machine reader — the touchscreen printout ballots are relatively clean, and prevent a voter from, say, inadvertently voting for both candidates.
The reviewers sit four to a table, one Republican and one Democrat on one side, verifying the name of the voter and the voter’s intent, calling out either “Jefferson” (for Griffin) or “Allison” (for Riggs). The paper ballots are then pushed to the other side of the table, where, again, one Republican and one Democrat tally the vote on paper in an old-fashioned way: four vertical lines and a diagonal line for five votes.
Each ballot gets touched by eight hands and scrutinized by eight eyeballs, divided equally along party lines. The process continues until all the ballots are counted and verified.
Sometimes, however, even human readers may be uncertain of the voter’s intent. In such cases, the ballot is flagged for further review. Did the voter place their mark near, but outside, the bubble? Did they change their mind, X-out the first vote, and draw an arrow indicating support for the opposing candidate?
The flagged ballots are then reviewed by the five members of the Buncombe County Board of Elections, all of whom were appointed by the North Carolina state Board of Elections: Chairman Jake Quinn, a Democrat, who was appointed by Gov. Roy Cooper; and Steven Aceto (Republican), Mary Ann Braine (Republican), Glen C. Shults Jr. (Democrat), and Sally Stein (Democrat).
Although deliberately assigned partisan roles, the 16 citizens counting the ballots Wednesday morning appeared to an observer to be united in the belief of civic duty, rather than divided by political beliefs.
Quinn, the board chair, called the election process a “sacred rite” of democracy, noting that whatever their political differences might be, all of the board members and vote-counters were focused on election integrity.
“I am proud of the way we do our work at the Buncombe County Board of elections and Buncombe County Election Services,” Quinn said, noting that every aspect of the recount is transparent and open to the community. The recount is even streamed online.
While the hand-to-eye recount is “a rote following of the law,” the Republican attempt to entirely disqualify tens of thousands of cast ballots is an effort to challenge the law itself.
The argument to reject ballots for lacking Social Security and driver’s license numbers has already been rejected by federal and state overseers. In October, federal district court Judge Richard Myers II, the chief district court judge for the Eastern District of North Carolina and a Republican who was appointed to the bench by then-President Donald Trump, rejected the GOP’s arguments for purging 225,000 people from the voter rolls over concerns about missing voter information.
Myers’s ruling said that allowing political party leaders or private citizens to remove people from the list of registered voters would move North Carolina “away from a democratic form of government.”
State law explicitly gives control over voter rolls to elections officials. North Carolina’s State Board of Elections (NCSBE), consisting of three Democrats and two Republicans, voted unanimously to dismiss similar GOP complaints.
The Republican-dominated N.C. state Senate voted this week to override Gov. Cooper’s veto of Senate Bill 382, which made Hurricane Helene relief for western North Carolina conditional on changes that strip powers from the governor and several statewide offices that Democrats won in November.
The legislation shifts control over Board of Elections appointments from Governor-elect Josh Stein, a Democrat, to the office of the state auditor, which will be occupied in 2025 by a Republican, Dave Boliek.The fate of the legislation now depends on the North Carolina House. Three Republicans from western North Carolina — Reps. Mike Clampitt (representing Jackson, Swain and Transylvania counties), Karl Gillespie (Cherokee, Clay, Graham, and Macon), and Mark Pless (Haywood, Madison, and Yancey) — opposed the bill when it passed in the lower chamber last month. Republicans need to flip all three votes to override Cooper’s veto.
Asheville Watchdog is a nonprofit news team producing stories that matter to Asheville and Buncombe County. Peter H. Lewis is The Watchdog’s executive editor and a former editor at The New York Times. Contact him at plewis@avlwatchdog.org. The Watchdog’s reporting is made possible by donations from the community.To show your support for this vital public service go to avlwatchdog.org/donate.
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The post 1,600 Buncombe voters swept up in GOP ballot challenge, as hand recount proceeds • Asheville Watchdog appeared first on avlwatchdog.org
News from the South - North Carolina News Feed
Congress debates clear-car fee
SUMMARY: Congress is debating a new federal fee on hybrid and electric vehicles, potentially charging drivers up to $500 annually. North Carolina’s electric vehicle registrations have surged from 10,000 in 2018 to over 110,000 today, with 70% in Wake County. The House budget bill proposes $100 yearly for hybrids and $250 for EVs, though some Republicans seek to double these amounts to offset declining gas tax revenue. Critics argue such fees could deter EV adoption and hinder emission reductions. North Carolina already charges state fees, and the same bill aims to phase out the $7,500 federal EV tax credit after next year.
Congress may add a yearly federal fee, $100 for hybrids and $250 for electric vehicles, with some senators pushing to double it. The charge would stack on state fees and could erase the fuel savings that attract many buyers.
News from the South - North Carolina News Feed
Flooded homes, cars frustrate people living in Wilson neighborhood: ‘I’m so tired’
SUMMARY: Residents in a Wilson, North Carolina neighborhood are expressing frustration after yet another round of flooding damaged homes and vehicles following heavy overnight rains. Water rose to knee level on Starship Lane, flooding driveways, cars, and apartments. One resident reported losing music equipment, furniture, and clothes for the third time due to recurring floods. The rising water even brought worms and snakes from a nearby pond into homes. Debris and trash were scattered as floodwaters receded, leaving many questioning why no long-term solution has been implemented. Residents are exhausted, facing repeated loss and cleanup efforts after each heavy rainfall.
“We have to throw everything out. This is my third time doing this.”
More: https://abc11.com/post/overnight-storms-central-north-carolina-cause-flooding-wilson/16764793/
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News from the South - North Carolina News Feed
McDowell DSS shakeup after child abuse not reported to NC DHHS
More than three months after McDowell County placed its Department of Social Services director on leave, officials have kept quiet about upheaval inside the office responsible for child welfare and a range of other public services. A letter obtained by Carolina Public Press revealed that McDowell DSS failed to alert law enforcement to evidence of child abuse — and violated other state policies, too.
County commissioners placed former McDowell DSS director Bobbie Sigmon and child protective services program manager Lakeisha Feaster on paid administrative leave during a special session meeting on Feb. 3. Another child protective services supervisor resigned the following week.
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County Commissioner Tony Brown told local news media at the time that the county initiated an investigation into its DSS office and the state was involved, but did not provide any details about the cause for the investigation. County commissioners haven’t spoken publicly about the matter since.
That Feb. 21 letter, sent by the N.C. Department of Health and Human Services to Brown and county manager Ashley Wooten, offered previously undisclosed details about issues at the DSS office.
State letter details DSS missteps
According to the letter, McDowell County reached out to the state with concerns that its DSS office hadn’t been notifying law enforcement when evidence of abuse and neglect was discovered in child welfare cases.
The letter didn’t say how or when the county first became aware of the problem, but District Attorney Ted Bell told CPP that he had “raised issues” with the county about DSS prior to Sigmon and Feaster being put on leave. Bell’s office was not involved with the investigation into McDowell DSS.
The state sent members of its Child Welfare Regional Specialists Team to look into the claim. Their findings confirmed that McDowell DSS had failed in multiple instances to alert law enforcement to cases of abuse.
Additionally, the state identified several recent child welfare cases in which social workers failed to consistently meet face to face with children or adequately provide safety and risk assessments in accordance with state policy.
“Next steps will include determining how to work with (McDowell DSS) to remediate the service gaps identified in the case reviews,” the letter concluded.
However, that nearly four-month-old correspondence is the state’s “most recent engagement” with McDowell DSS, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services told CPP last week.
Sometimes the state will initiate a “corrective action plan” when it finds a county DSS office in violation of state policy. If a county fails to follow through on its corrective action plan, the state may strip the DSS director of authority and assume control of the office.
Just last month, the state took over Vance County DSS when it failed to show improvement after starting a corrective action plan.
The state hasn’t taken similar measures in McDowell.
McDowell considers DSS overhaul
Wooten has served as the interim DSS director in Sigmon’s absence. He told CPP that Sigmon and Feaster resigned “to seek employment elsewhere” on May 31, after nearly four months of paid leave.
That Sigmon and Feaster resigned, rather than being fired, leaves open the possibility that they may continue to work in DSS agencies elsewhere in North Carolina. CPP reported in 2022 on counties’ struggles to hire and retain qualified social workers and social services administrators.
Wooten would oversee the hiring of a new DSS director if the commissioners choose to replace Sigmon, but the county is considering an overhaul to its social services structure that may eliminate the director position entirely.
The restructure would consolidate social services and other related departments into one human services agency, Wooten said. The county may not hire a new DSS director in that case, but instead seek someone to lead an umbrella agency that would absorb the duties of a traditional social services department.
A 2012 state law changed statute to allow smaller counties to form consolidated human services agencies, which are typically a combination of public health and social services departments.
County DSS directors across the state opposed such a change to state statute at the time, but county managers and commissioners mostly supported it, according to a report commissioned by the General Assembly.
At least 25 counties moved to a consolidated human services model in the decade since the law was passed.
McDowell shares a regional public health department with Rutherford County, so it’s unclear what a consolidated human services agency there might look like. Statute does not define “human services” so it’s up to the county what to include in a consolidated agency.
Wooten told CPP that no decisions about such a transition have been made.
This article first appeared on Carolina Public Press and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
The post McDowell DSS shakeup after child abuse not reported to NC DHHS appeared first on carolinapublicpress.org
Note: The following A.I. based commentary is not part of the original article, reproduced above, but is offered in the hopes that it will promote greater media literacy and critical thinking, by making any potential bias more visible to the reader –Staff Editor.
Political Bias Rating: Centrist
This article from Carolina Public Press focuses on administrative failures within McDowell County’s Department of Social Services, relying on official documents, quotes from public officials, and a chronological recounting of events. It avoids emotionally charged language and refrains from assigning blame beyond documented actions or policies. The piece does not advocate for a specific political solution or frame the story through an ideological lens, instead presenting the issue as a matter of public accountability and governance. Its tone is investigative and factual, reflecting a commitment to journalistic neutrality and transparency without promoting a partisan viewpoint.
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